Cette thèse se situe entre l ’ histoire, la politique et les mouvements de population et se place ainsi dans le champ général de la géopolitique. Elle s ’ efforce de proposer une solution au problème de la disparition d ’ une très grande partie des Chrétiens du Liban, notamment les Maronites suite au massacre des Chrétiens du Liban et de Syrie en 1860 et à la guerre civile Libanaise [1975-1990]. La recherche d’ une solution est cruciale pour la survie des Chrétiens et de la Chrétienté au Liban ainsi que pour la survie du système consensuel Libanais basé sur l’ équilibre entre les Chrétiens et les Musulmans, un objectif central dans la Constitution Libanaise de 1926 et dans l’ accord de Taëf en 1989. Il faudrait donc consolider les efforts des Maronites au Liban et dans le monde, notamment au Brésil, et unifier leur message pour diffuser la richesse du patrimoine libanais à travers toutes les Églises, l ’ Ambassade et les Consulats ; renforcer les fondements de l’appartenance au Liban ; préserver et défendre les droits et les intérêts de la communauté Maronite, et la place sociale, culturelle et politique dont elle jouit au Liban et dans le monde ; naturaliser tous les descendants des émigrés Libanais dans le monde, notamment au Brésil, ou se trouve la majorité des descendants des Libanais n’ ayant pas la nationalité libanaise, dont la plupart sont Maronites; œuvrer pour que les Maronites puissent jouir de leur vitalité et occuper la place qui leur revient dans tous les domaines, et ce au sein d’un État de droit qui œuvre pour la sauvegarde de la coexistence, défend l’entente nationale et consacre la justice, la démocratie consensuelle, la liberté et l’égalité devant la loi de tous les citoyens libanais; promouvoir le dialogue Chrétien-Musulman dans le cadre de la communication constructive établie entre les religions, les civilisations et les peuples du monde ; et poursuivre la promotion de la culture arabe dont la renaissance et les exploits ont été possibles grâce au rôle pionnier joué par les Maronites. / This thesis is situated between the fields of history, politics and the shifts of population and is thus placed in the general field of geopolitics. It endeavours to propose a solution to the problem of disappearance of a great part of the Christians of Lebanon, notably the Maronites, further to the massacre of the Christians of Lebanon and Syria in 1860 and the Lebanese civil war [1975-1990]. The search for a solution is crucial for the survival of Christians and Christianity in Lebanon as well as the survival of the Lebanese consensual system based on the balance between Muslims and Christians, a central objective in the Lebanese Constitution of 1926 and in the Taef agreement of 1989. Efforts of the Maronites in Lebanon and the world, particularly in Brazil, must therefore be consolidated and their message unified in order to spread the wealth of the Lebanese heritage throughout all Churches, the Embassy and Consulates, reinforce the foundations of belonging to Lebanon; preserve and defend the rights and the interests of the Maronite community, and the social, cultural and political influence it enjoys in Lebanon and the world ; naturalise all descendants of Lebanese emigrants in the world, in particular in Brazil, where the majority of the descendants of Lebanese persons not having Lebanese nationality are to be found, most of whom are Maronites; work so that the Maronites enjoy their vitality and occupy the place that belongs to them in all fields, in a State of law that works for the safeguard of the coexistence, defend the national understanding and devote justice, consensual democracy, freedom and equality before the law of all Lebanese citizens; promote Christian-Muslim dialogue in the framework of constructive communication established between religions, civilizations, and peoples of the world; and pursue the promotion of the Arab culture whose renaissance and exploits have been made possible thanks to the pioneer role played by the Maronites.

La copropriété des immeubles bâtis revêt une importance particulière, étant donné qu’elle est influencée par plusieurs facteurs. Le facteur socio-culturel de la composition de la société libanaise et celui du problème de déplacés de guerre, occupent une part considérable dans l’étude de la copropriété. On relève des problèmes, issus de la confusion entre le juridique et le réel. L’expansion économique et immobilière, depuis la fin de la guerre, a poussé un grand nombre de libanais à se concentrer dans les grandes villes et leurs banlieues dans l’objectif du travail ou d’éducation. Cette concentration a provoqué une activité dans le domaine des bâtiments. Divers problèmes sont rencontrés dans ce domaine, d’une part à cause de l’absence des réglementations opportunes et d’autre part, suite à des divergences dans la jurisprudence. En prenant en considération tous ces facteurs, nous tenterons de trouver des solutions à des gros problèmes en se référant, quand le cas se présente, aux lois et jurisprudences françaises. / The co-ownership of buildings has a particular importance, given the fact that it is influenced by many factors. The socio-cultural factor of the composition of the Lebanese society and that of the problem of the displaced persons (DP) during the Lebanese war, occupy a considerable part in the study of co-ownership. We note several problems that arise from the confusion between law and reality. The economic and real-estate expansion, since the end of the war, caused a large part of the Lebanese population to concentrate in large cities and their suburbs either for education or work. This concentration provoked an activity increase in the construction field. Diverse problems are encountered in this field, due to the absence of appropriate regulations on one hand, or due to divergences in the jurisprudence on the other hand. By taking into consideration all these factors, we attempt to find solutions to major problems, by referring, when the case arises, to the French laws and jurisprudence.

Bien que les femmes aient toujours fait partie des composantes de la main-d’oeuvre d’une entreprise et y jouent toujours un rôle prépondérant, il faut dire que, dans les postes décisionnels, elles ont été considérablement sous-représentées. La barrière entre cadres intermédiaires et cadres supérieurs, baptisée le « plafond de verre », est aujourd’hui, presque aussi infranchissable qu’il y a 20 ans, quand une multitude de femmes diplômées sont entrées dans le monde des affaires. L’objet de cette recherche vise à identifier pourquoi le taux des femmes présentes dans les instances de haute direction des banques libanaises reste-t-il si minime. La présente étude va consister à analyser la corrélation entre les aspirations professionnelles des femmes, leur ambition d’accéder aux plus hauts échelons de l’entreprise et le phénomène du plafond de verre. Par ailleurs, cette étude va approfondir l’examen des styles de leadership adoptés par les femmes et mesurer l’impact du style adopté sur la progression réalisée dans la carrière choisie. Nous prendrons l’exemple du Moyen-Orient et particulièrement du Liban où le secteur bancaire est soucieux de réduire les inégalités professionnelles. Cependant les différenciations entre hommes et femmes persistent. De multiples facteurs, certains explicites, telle la formation ou la mobilité, d’autres plus implicites, comme les horaires de travail ou la maternité, semblent se combiner et se renforcer mutuellement pour expliquer des évolutions de carrière moins favorables chez les femmes. Un questionnaire à choix fermé a été diffusé sur un site Web sécurisé à des femmes cadres dans 6 banques opérant au Liban afin de déterminer la relation entre les variables dépendantes et indépendantes relevées. Les hypothèses ont été validées déterminants ainsi divers facteurs qui affectent l’existence du plafond de verre. / Women have always been an inherent part of the workforce. They have been playing a fundamental role throughout history; however, they have been considerably underrepresented in top management positions. The existent barrier between middle and top management positions entitled “Glass Ceiling” remains almost as impassable as it has been 20 years ago, even though the number of educated women who have entered the labor market has substantially increased. The purpose of this research is to identify why the number of women in the top management positions of the Lebanese banks remains minim. As such, the primary object lies in analyzing the correlation between the aspiration and ambition of women to access the highest levels in the organization’s hierarchy and the glass ceiling phenomena. Moreover, this study focuses on the leadership styles adopted by these women; it aims at measuring the impact of the adopted style on the hierarchical advancement in the chosen career. In Lebanon, the banking sector is eager to reduce professional discrepancies; however, these gaps remain existent between men and women. Several factors, some of which are explicit – such as training & development and mobility, others implicit such as the working schedules and the maternity leaves, interact and interrelate to explain the less favorable career paths that women face. A close-ended questionnaire has been communicated throughout a secured website to middle management women in 6 banks operating in Lebanon in order to determine the relationship between the identified dependant and independent variables. The hypothesis statements were accepted as true; stipulating that several factors affect the perpetuity of the glass ceiling.

Cette thèse porte sur la presse clandestine au Liban, celle qui – non autorisée par l’État–fut publiée et véhiculée par les partis politiques belligérants durant la guerre au Libanentre 1975 et 1982.Elle étudie dans son ensemble la nature d’une sélection significative, non exhaustive,des publications les plus représentatives de cette époque, ses messages, pour aboutirà la compréhension du public et des moyens de distribution de ces écrits.Travail de première main, cette étude se base sur une recherche d’archives, qui seraplus tard approfondie par l’analyse de contenu, du langage, et de la sémiologiequand la publication le permet. Ainsi, nous repasserons en vue les périodiquesFalastine Assawra, Al Qaeda, Al Marouni, Loubnan et Sawt El Hakika pour mieuxsonder les points de vue sur les sujets traités ainsi que la façon de faire selon lavision de chacun.Ainsi, nous avons affaire à des instruments qui témoignent d’une étape cruciale etfondamentale dans l’évolution de la presse libanaise, notamment celle qui s’occupeessentiellement des zones de crise et des manifestations les plus humaines de laliberté de penser.On en conclura que la guerre est aussi bien médiatique qu’armée quand il s’agit d’unaffrontement d’idéologies, et que dans un pays multi confessionnel comme le Liban,l’histoire est non seulement un point de vue, mais une lutte de construction d'imagequi va plus loin que les faits. Michel Foucault le dit bien : "on a beau dire ce que l'onvoit, ce que l'on voit ne tient pas dans ce que l'on dit". / This thesis focuses on the underground press, or what is known as the clandestine press inLebanon, that was published and promoted by the belligerant political parties during thewar in Lebanon between 1975 and 1982. Noteworthy, these publications were notauthorized by the Lebanese authorities at that time.It analyses the nature of a significant selection of 5 of the most representative publicationsof that period, along with their messages, their readers and their different means ofdistribution.As a first study of its kind, this research is based on archival documents, which contect waslater handled with depth, thus analysing the language and the semiotics when thepublication permitted so. Accordingly, we chose to reflect the views of Falastine Assawra,Al Qaeda, Al Marouni, Loubnan and Sawt Al Hakika, examining the direction of thecommunication in each.Noteworthy, this reseatch deals with instruments that reflect a fundamental and crucialstep in the evolution of the Lebanese press. It is essentialy a means of communication usedduring times of crisis, serving political propaganda, sometimes agendas. Nevertheless,these publication a manifestation of the freedom of speech.We conclude that war is made with both arms and media, especially when it involves aclash of ideologies. It also teaches us tha in a multi- confessional country like Lebanon,history is not only a point of view, but also a clash for image-building that goes beyondfacts. Michel Foucault said it quite well: "we may say what you see, what we see does notalways stand out in what we say."

A substantial amount of prior research has focused on the relation between Central Bank Independence (CBI) and inflation control. However, this research is mainly theoretical or conducted using cross-country statistical regressions and correlations in the developed world. Little attention has been given to understanding this relation in emerging nations or the influence of interest groups on CBI and inflation in a specific context. This thesis addresses both gaps by conducting an in-depth observation and analysis of this relation in a single country (Lebanon) and the influence of the banking sector on both CBI and inflation during a period of high inflation. This empirical evidence in the case of Lebanon shows that Central Bank Independence from the government – even though abundant and complete – was not enough to control inflation. The influence of the banking sector on both CBI and inflation was more important. This work makes a contribution to knowledge through highlighting the importance of national contexts when evaluating the CBI-inflation relation. Furthermore, this research extends our understanding of the literature and its gaps, and presents a new way to conduct in-depth studies in the field. Finally, it provides practical insights that are of importance to central bankers, especially in emerging nations.

No description available.

Cette thèse a pour objet l’étude du secteur de l’hippodrome romain du site archéologique d’el-Bass à Tyr (Liban sud). Six monuments et structures archéologiques sont concernés : la route antique, l’arc monumental, l’aqueduc, l’hippodrome et les deux bains de factions qui lui sont associés. Une description détaillée du site et de son cadre archéologique, géographique et historique sera suivie d’une étude approfondie de chacun des monuments. Cette étude couvrira leurs divers aspects archéologiques, architecturaux, typologiques ainsi que les divers remaniements qu’ils subirent. L’ensemble sera accompagné de plusieurs approches comparatives avec des monuments contemporains similaires. Cette étude sera complétée par une analyse urbaine du site, qui traitera de la disposition des monuments les uns par rapport aux autres ainsi que par une étude chronologique qui présentera les diverses phases de son évolution, son développement et son abandon. / This thesis has for object the survey of the sector of the Roman hippodrome of the archaeological site of el-Bass in Tyre (South Lebanon). Six monuments and archaeological structures are concerned: the ancient road, the monumental arch, the aqueduct, the hippodrome and the two faction baths that are associated to it. A detailed description of the site and its archaeological, geographical and historic setting will be followed by a deepened survey of each of the monuments. This survey will cover their various archaeological, architectural, typological aspects as well as the various overhauls that they underwent. The whole will be accompanied by several comparative approaches with similar contemporary monuments. This survey will be completed by an urban analysis of the site, which will be about the disposition of the monuments as well as by a chronological survey that will present the various phases of its evolution, its development and its abandonment.

This study investigates Hizb'allah's successful but competing dual development as an extra-institutional Shi'a social movement and an institutional political party. Hizb'allah has traditionally been studied from the perspective of one of its many natures, such as a social movement, Islamic movement, resistance, or political party, each perspective bringing with it limitations and differing interpretations of its identity, motivations, and success. The motivation behind this research was to seek an interpretation of the movement's development and success that would encompass these multiple natures. Through an interpretation of social movement ‘life-cycles', a social movement ‘development model' is proposed that accounts for contradicting theories on the ‘success' of social movements, interpreting success instead as an ability to exhibit simultaneous institutional and extra-institutional natures. The hypothesis provided in this work is that it is an ability to simultaneously exhibit institutional and extra-institutional natures that can be a source of strength and success for a movement, drawing capital from both while avoiding accountability that typically accompanies institutional politics. This challenges traditional theoretical approaches in terms of linear life-cycles with few paths for the social movement to choose from. In turn, questions arise regarding notions of social movement life-cycles being uni-directional, continuously progressing towards ‘institutionalization' or demise. Ideas of an ‘end-date' or ‘inevitable outcome' of social movements are also confronted. This interdisciplinary study is conducted by means of media, archival, and empirical research (participant observation, interviews, and surveys), focusing on changing constituent perceptions of the movement between 1985 and 2013. It is also argued that Hizb'allah's strength is its ability to draw from both extra-institutional and institutional resources while simultaneously avoiding accountability. However, it was also found that, by forming the 2011 governing coalition, the movement upset this balance by subjecting itself to accountability inherent in governance, in turn leading to ‘schizophrenic behaviour' as Hizb'allah sought to serve conflicting constituent and state interests. The significance of this research is that it not only provides an explanation for Hizb'allah's success, but also provides an interpretation of social movement development that accounts for multi-natured movements.

The purpose of this study was to trace the historical development of the American University of Beirut and its educational contributions in Lebanon and the Middle East from 1920 to 1967. Through their activities in the Levant in the early nineteenth century, the American missionaries virtually laid the foundations of the Syrian Protestant College, later known as the American University of Beirut. Though religion was the cornerstone in the founding of the University, under the pressure of the local environment, its secular character was to be substituted for the religious one. The establishment of the University in 1866 marked the beginning of the system of higher education in the Arab world. As the first established institution of higher learning, the University played a significant role in raising the level of literacy throughout the region. Despite the difficult times that the University faced throughout its history, it survived and continued its dedicated mission to serve the people of Lebanon and the entire area. For the University, the first 50 years under Ottoman rule was a period of surviving and maintaining its existence. With the freedom it came to enjoy during the French Mandate and later during independence, the University moved into a period of advancing and expanding. By the 1960s the University had become a prestigious institution and captured the support of most people and governments in the area. The study's six chapters describe the historical setting of Lebanon and the origins of its religious groups, the historical background of the American University of Beirut, the educational activities of the University during the French Mandate, and its educational activities under independent Lebanon. The thesis showed that the University had a significant role in the education of the Lebanese and the peoples of the area, and that it has significantly contributed to the development of Lebanon and the Middle East.

L’Empire ottoman, au XIXe siècle, s’affaiblit sans cesse et paraît destiné à s'effondrer. Il est l’objet de convoitises et de rivalités entre les puissances européennes. Sous sa suzeraineté, la Syrie et, avec elle, la région du Mont-Liban, est une zone clé sur le plan stratégique puisqu'elle domine l’accès aux voies menant à l’Inde et à l’Asie méridionale et orientale. La France et l'Angleterre tentent toutes deux de s'y imposer par communautés locales interposées : la première à travers les Maronites, la seconde à l'aide des Druzes. Au printemps 1860, des troubles éclatent entre les deux communautés, entraînant le massacre de milliers de chrétiens. Les puissances européennes, poussées par le gouvernement de Napoléon III, s'entendent pour intervenir au moyen d'une commission d'enquête et l'envoi de troupes. Cette expédition a pour mission officielle d’aider l’Empire ottoman à rétablir l’ordre et à protéger les chrétiens. Le présent mémoire démontre que la France impériale entretenait des visées politiques et économiques à l'égard de la Syrie et du Liban. L'historiographie n'avait jusqu'à présent pas analysé en profondeur les véritables mobiles français dans cette expédition. Les ambitions politiques et économiques ont été beaucoup plus déterminantes dans la décision française de mettre en branle l'expédition que le devoir « humanitaire » de protection des chrétiens ou la satisfaction de son opinion publique. Loin de se laisser abattre par la catastrophe que représentent les massacres qui menace la survie de sa clientèle et donc de son influence en Syrie, Paris, et particulièrement son ministre des Affaires étrangères E. Thouvenel, a réussi à tourner la situation à son avantage. Se servant habilement du désir d'ingérence des autres puissances et de son rôle de protectrice des chrétiens, la France est parvenue à acculer au pied du mur l'Angleterre, qui s'opposait à l'intervention, et à justifier celle-ci sur des principes éloignés de ses objectifs réels. Les troubles ont finalement constitué pour elle une occasion d'augmenter l'autonomie de la Montagne par rapport au pouvoir central et la puissance économique et politique de sa clientèle à travers la révision du statut administratif de la région. Ce faisant, elle a renforcé son influence dans l'Est méditerranéen et fait un pas de plus vers une domination française en Syrie. / Throughout the nineteenth century, the Ottoman Empire grew weaker and seemed headed for collapse. It became the object of the ambitions and rivalries of the European powers. Under its suzerainty, Syria, including the Mount Lebanon region, was a key area strategically since it dominated the access routes to India and southern and eastern Asia. France and England both tried to impose their influence by way of local communities. France acted through the Christian Maronites, while Britain used the Druzes. In the spring of 1860, trouble broke out between the two communities, resulting in the massacre of thousands of Christians. The European powers, at the behest of the government of Napoleon III, agreed to intervene by sending a commission of inquiry and troops. The expedition’s official mission was to help the Ottoman Empire to restore order and to protect Christians. This thesis shows that imperial France pursued political and economic goals with regard to Syria and Lebanon. The historiography had not previously analyzed in depth the real French mobile in this expedition. The political and economic ambitions were far more important in its decision to set in motion an expedition than the "humanitarian" Christian duty of providing protection or the satisfaction of the public opinion. Far from being deterred by the catastrophe of the massacre that threatened the survival of its protégés and therefore its influence in Syria, Paris, and especially its foreign minister E. Thouvenel, managed to turn the situation to his advantage. Skilfully using the desire of interference of other powers and its role as protector of Christians, France managed to corner England, which opposed the intervention, and justify it on principles far removed from its real objectives. The troubles finally represented for her an opportunity to widen the autonomy of the Mountain vis-à-vis the central authority of the Ottoman Empire and to increase the economic and political power of its clients through the revision of the administrative status of the region. In so doing, it has strengthened its influence in the eastern Mediterranean and moved a step closer to dominating Syria.