L'enseignement du français comme une langue étrangère constitue une nécessité dans un pays plurilingue comme le Liban. La constitution libanaise a donné une place privilégié à la langue française dans le cadre de l'enseignement public en stipulant que : «l'enseignement des deux langues: l'arabe et le français sont obligatoires dans toutes les écoles nationales». Toutefois, à l'école publique, plus précisément au cycle primaire, les apprenants souffrent d'un niveau médiocre en français. Plusieurs facteurs entravent le processus d'enseignement/apprentissage du français ; nous avons délimité ces facteurs par les trois champs d'investigation suivants : l'apprenant, l'enseignant et le milieu scolaire. Notre recherche expérimentale tente d'établir une corrélation entre le niveau médiocre en français des apprenants de l'école publique et ces trois champs d'investigation. Elle vise à expliciter avec minutie les causes qui sous-tendent ce niveau médiocre en français notamment chez les apprenants de l'école publique. / Teaching French as a foreign language is a necessity in a multilingual country like Lebanon. The Lebanese Constitution gave a privileged place to the French language in the context of public education by stipulating that: "the teaching of two languages: Arabic and French are mandatory in all national schools." However, public schools, specifically in the primary grades, students suffer from a poor level in French. Several factors impede the process of teaching / learning French, we have defined these factors by the following three areas of investigation: the learner, the teacher and the school. Our experimental research attempts to establish a correlation between the level of poor learners in French public schools, and these three areas of investigation. It aims to explain carefully the reasons underlying this poor level in French particularly among public school students.

On s’intéresse dans cette thèse à la relation entre le degré de conscience qu’ont les locuteurs de la variation dans le cas de certaines variables sociolinguistiques à Beyrouth [et les appréciations rattachées à chacune de leurs réalisations lorsqu’elles sont saillantes], et la distribution sociale de chacune de leurs variantes. Dans un premier temps, sont présentées les représentations rattachées aux stéréotypes et traits saillants perçus par les locuteurs. Les deuxième et troisième parties du travail présentent l’emploi et la répartition sociolinguistique de dix de ces stéréotypes et traits saillants, ainsi que de quatre autres variables. L’étude de la variation et des représentations rattachées à certaines variantes se base sur un corpus de quarante-sept entretiens et conversations menés auprès de locuteurs aux profils variés. Il ressort de cette étude qu’une koïnisation est en cours à Beyrouth, en conséquence du contact dialectal entre les variétés parlées par les migrants et les variétés originellement parlées dans la ville. Cette koïnisation se fait par la perte de leurs traits saillants à la fois par les migrants, et par les résidents originels de la ville. En contrepartie, la variation observée dans le cas d’autres variables sociolinguistiques, dont l’emploi est corrélé à des facteurs sociaux comme le sexe, l’âge, l’appartenance communautaire (ou religieuse) et le niveau d’éducation, montre que les tendances différenciatrices entre les locuteurs sur la base de ces quatre critères sont, pour le moins, dynamiques, et que certaines d’entre elles vont croissant. / This thesis explores the relationship between the salience of, and social values attributed to, some sociolinguistic variables in Beirut, and the social distribution of each of their variants. It first presents the social values attributed by speakers to the stereotypes and to other salient features they perceive. In its second and third parts, it concentrates on the social distribution of two stereotypes, eight salient features, and four other variables. The study is mainly based on forty-seven interviews and conversations, and the speakers that were met had various profiles. One of the findings of the study is that the koineization process resulting from the contact between the dialects spoken by migrants and those spoken by ‘genuine’ Beirutis leads to the loss of distinctive features in both groups. On the other hand, it appears from the distribution and evolution of a set of ‘non local’ variables, that some of the linguistic differences related to such social factors as gender, age, religious and communal affiliation, and educational level seem to be, for the least, very dynamic, if not growing with time.

La France bénéficie d'une place de choix au Liban, en grande partie due à l'histoire pluriséculaire qui lie les deux pays. La culture et la langue, d'une part, mais aussi l'administration, le système éducatif et juridique, d'autre part, portent l'empreinte française. Par ailleurs, le Liban est un pays francophone qui a été l'un des premiers à participer à la construction d'une Francophonie institutionnelle, avant d'y adhérer de plein droit. Afin de comprendre le contexte dans lequel la France a mené son action au Liban, nous allons dans une première partie retracer l'histoire des relations franco-libanaises. Nous nous focaliserons, toutefois, sur les crises de 2005 et de 2006. Dans une deuxième partie, nous nous intéresserons à la place de la francophonie au Liban, avant de lier ou de délier les notions de « francophonie » et de « francophilie ». Nous ferons ensuite une étude sur les stéréotypes associés à la France par les Libanais, que nous compléterons avec celle des stéréotypes des Libanais sur les autres acteurs étatiques. Nous verrons ainsi dans quelle mesure l'image de la France a pu bénéficier ou, au contraire, souffrir de l'action de l'État français au Liban pendant les crises de 2005 et de 2006. Notre travail repose sur la base d'un corpus principal constitué d'une série d'entretiens semi-directifs menés au Liban, ainsi que d'un corpus d'articles de presse, auquel a été greffé un corpus secondaire de vérification. / France enjoys a privileged status in Lebanon, mainly due to the centuries-long history that both countries share. The culture and the language, on one side, but also the administration, the educational and legal systems, on the other side, were greatly influenced by France. Besides, Lebanon is a Francophone country which was among the first that helped build the institutionnal Francophonie, before joigning the organization as a full member. In order to have an understanding of the Lebanese background in which France was evolving, we will trace the history of French-Lebanese relations in a first part. However, our focus will be on the 2005 and 2006 Lebanese crises. In a second part, we will concentrate on the importance of francophonie in Lebanon, before working on tying or untying the notions of "francophonie" and "francophilia". We will then study the French stereotypes in Lebanon, as well as those associated with the other major state actors. We will therefore see to which extent the image of France has benefited, or rather suffered, from the French State's action in the 2005 and 2006 Lebanese crises. Our work is based on a main corpus consisting of a series of semi-directive interviews conducted in Lebanon, as well as of a corpus of press articles, to which we added a secondary corpus.

O presente estudo tem por finalidade descrever a interação conflituosa entre o nacionalismo árabe e o Líbano entre 1952 e 1967. Nesses anos ocorreu a ascensão do nacionalismo árabe, que teve na figura do presidente egípcio Gamal Abdel Nasser a sua principal liderança. Seu objetivo era promover a luta dos povos de língua árabe contra a dependência tecnológica e dominação econômica e/ou política dos países capitalistas centrais, situados na Europa Ocidental e América do Norte. Bem como desenvolver suas sociedades e combater os setores conservadores internos, aliados dos poderes capitalistas ocidentais e pouco interessados em uma modernização mais profunda ou uma grande melhoria nos padrões de vida das classes populares. O objetivo último dos nacionalistas árabes era a unidade de todos os povos árabes em algum tipo de estrutura estatal. No Líbano a ideia da unidade árabe era mais difícil de realizar, pois uma parcela importante da sua população, os cristãos maronitas, não se viam como árabes e buscaram criar um estado separado para eles no começo do século XX, com apoio de uma potência colonial europeia com quem se identificavam e tinha laços históricos: a França. No entanto, para que o Líbano pudesse existir como estado independente viável economicamente, após a II Guerra Mundial, tiveram os cristão maronitas de entrar em acordo com a população muçulmana, particularmente os sunitas, e aceitar que o Líbano tinha uma face árabe. Esse acordo, conhecido como o Pacto Nacional, garantiu a existência do Líbano e permitiu que este se tornasse um entreposto comercial e financeiro no Oriente Médio, algo desejado tanto por suas elites cristãs (maronita e outras), como pelas muçulmanas. Mas, enquanto o Líbano experimentava um grande crescimento econômico na década de 1950, as suas regiões muçulmanas eram mantida em grande parte alheias a esse crescimento. O resultado foi o seguinte: as populações muçulmanas passaram a questionar a preponderância cristã e viram em Nasser e no nacionalismo árabe um meio para isso. Suas lideranças tiverem que segui-las, enquanto a população cristã, particularmente os maronitas, sentia-se ameaçada. Estas tensões, mescladas às ambições do presidente Camille Chamoun e ao cenário da Guerra Fria, conduziram a guerra civil de 1958. Posteriormente, entre 1959 e 1964, em um governo de unidade nacional, o Presidente Fuad Chehab tentou promover a unidade nacional, fazer investimentos do estado nas regiões muçulmanas, criar um esboço de segurança social e regular o liberalismo desenfreado do país. Seu fracasso parcial e o mau tratamento da população de refugiados palestinos por suas forças de segurança abriu caminho para a grande guerra civil de 1975-1990 / The present study aims at describing the conflicting interaction between Arab nationalism and Lebanon between 1952 and 1967. Those years was the rise of Arab nationalism, which had the figure of Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser your primary leadership. His goal was to promote the struggle of the Arabic speaking people against technological dependence and economic domination and / or policy of the central capitalist countries located in Western Europe and North America. As well as developing their societies and combat domestic conservative sectors, allies of Western capitalist powers and little interested in a deeper upgrade or a major improvement in living standards of the working classes. The ultimate aim of Arab nationalists was the unity of all Arab peoples in some kind of state structure. In Lebanon the idea of Arab unity was more difficult to accomplish, because a significant portion of its population, the Maronite Christians, do not see themselves as Arabs and sought to create a separate state for them in the early twentieth century, with the support of a colonial power European with whom identified themselves and had historical ties: France. However, that Lebanon could exist as economically viable independent state after World War II, Christian Maronites had to come to terms with the Muslim population, particularly the Sunnis, and accept that Lebanon was an Arab face. This agreement, known as the National Pact, ensured the existence of Lebanon and allowed it to become a commercial and financial entrepot in the Middle East, something desired by both her Christian elites (Maronite and other), and by Muslims. But while Lebanon was experiencing great economic growth in the 1950s, its Muslim regions were maintained in large part unrelated to this growth. The result was as follows: Muslim populations began to question the Christian dominance and saw in Nasser and Arab nationalism means for this. Their leaders have to follow them, while the Christian population, particularly the Maronites, felt threatened. These tensions, merged the ambitions of President Camille Chamoun and the scenario of the Cold War, led to civil war in 1958. Later, between 1959 and 1964 in a government of national unity, President Fuad Chehab tried to promote national unity, make investments state in Muslim regions, create an outline of social security and regular liberalism rampant in the country. Its partial failure and poor treatment of the population of Palestinian refugees by its security forces paved the way for the great Civil War 1975-1990

Libéré de l'occupation Ottomane en fin de première Guerre Mondiale et placé sous mandat français jusqu'à son indépendance en 1943, le Liban va réussir à trouver une stabilité sécuritaire et économique jusqu'en 1975. En effet le 13 avril 1975, le Liban entre dans une longue période de guerre civile durant laquelle la capitale Beyrouth est divisée en deux parties : Beyrouth Est pour les Chrétiens et Beyrouth Ouest pour les Musulmans. L'Accord du Taëf signé en 1990 va mettre fin à cette guerre civile et place le pays sous une tutelle syrienne qui va durer jusqu'à l'assassinat de l'ancien premier ministre Rafic Hariri en 2005. Au moment où l'emplacement géographique du Liban, qui le place au centre du conflit arabo-israélien, vient s'ajouter aux différences inter/intra-communautaires, nous nous demandons dans quelle mesure le développement et l'extension du football, modeste élément de cette grande histoire, en subissent les effets. Nous nous interrogeons plus précisément, comment ce sport s'est-il développé au Liban, quelles institutions ont été impliquées et la spécificité de la situation libanaise autorise-t-elle d'éventuelles comparaisons avec le développement du football ailleurs dans le monde ? Cette thèse, appuyée sur les archives locales, la presse spécialisée et divers entretiens avec des dirigeants et des joueurs libanais, tente de répondre à ces questions en montrant comment, en premier temps, le football va passer d'un sport universitaire à un sport populaire, puis en traçant l'histoire de l'institutionnalisation du football en 1933 et des années de gloire jusqu'à l'éclatement de la guerre civile en 1975. Et en montrant en dernier lieu comment la période de la guerre civile s'inscrit en réalité dans un temps long qui voit le confessionnalisme, c'est-à-dire le partage des pouvoirs en fonction de la communauté confessionnelle, s'imposer au Liban dans tous les secteurs de la société et en montrant comment le Liban va continuer à subir les conséquences de cette guerre / After being liberated from the Ottoman occupation in the end of the First World War and placed under the French mandate until its independence in 1943, Lebanon succeeded to maintain a certain stability on both economic and security levels until the outbreak of the civil war in 1975, and more specifically on April 13 of this year, when Beirut was divided into two clans: the Eastern clan inhabited by Christians and the Western clan inhabited by Muslims. The Taif Agreement (officially, the Document of National Accord) was the document that provided the basis for the ending of the civil war and agreed on the Syrian trusteeship that will last until the assassination of the Prime Minister Rafic Hariri in 2005. Since Lebanon’s geographical location inserts him in the heart of the Israeli Arab conflict and comes along with the inter and intra community differences, we wonder to what extent the development and the expansion of the football, a humble element in this large History, would undergo the effects. We wonder how has this sport developed in Lebanon, which institutions were involved? Does the situation in Lebanon allow such comparisons with the development of football elsewhere in the world? This paper tries to answer these questions thanks to local archives, specialized press and various interviews with Lebanese sport leaders and players. It shows in first place how the football has moved from being a university sport to a popular one, it traces in the second place the history of the football institutionalization in 1993 and during the years of glory until the outbreak of the civil war in 1975. It also shows that the civil war was rooted in reality in a long-term period during which confessionalism, i.e. the share of power based on the belonging to a religion, became the rule in most sectors of the Lebanese society

French rule over Syria and Lebanon was premised on a vision of a special French protectorate established by centuries of cultural activity; archaeological, educational and charitable. This vision translated into a meaning of the mandate as colonial protectorate, integrated into the French Empire. Initial French methods of organising and supervising cultural activity sought to embrace this vision and to implement it in the exploitation of antiquities, the management and promotion of cultural heritage, the organisation of education and control of the public opinion among literate classes. However, in-depth examination of the first five years of the League of Nations-assigned mandate reveals that French expectations of a protectorate were quickly dashed by consistent and widespread contestation of their mandatary methods within cultural institutions, not simply among Arabists but so too among minority groups initially expected to be loyal clients. The violence of imposing the mandate de facto, starting with a landing of French troops in the Lebanese and Syrian Mediterranean coast in 1919 and followed by extension to Syria “proper” in 1920 was followed by consistent violent revolt and rejection of the very idea of a mandate over local peoples. Examining the cultural institutions’ role reveals less violent yet similarly consistent contestation of French meanings ascribed to the mandate by challenging their methods of executing it. Tracing the mandate administrators’ and surveillance and diplomatic apparatus’ point of view, this analysis shows the significant pressure put on French expectations through contestation of such policies as the exportation of antiquities, the expansion of French instruction over Arabic learning, the censorship of the press. This did not quite unite the infamously tapestry-like stakeholders within and without Syria on a nationalist or even anti-imperialist framework. Yet there was a unity in contesting mandatary methods precieved to be transforming the meaning of a League of Nations mandate. The political and de jure discourses emerging after the tragedy of World War I fostered expectations of European tutelages that prepared local peoples for autonomy and independence. Yet, even among the most Francophile of stakeholders, the unfolding of the first years of mandate rule brought forth de facto, entirely different events and methods. In conjunction with the ongoing violent refusal to accept even the premise of a French mandate, this contestation, partly occurring through cultural institutions, contributed to a fundamental reduction of French expectations in the formative five years. An in-depth horizontal and synchronic analysis of the shifts in discourses, attitudes and activities unfolding in French and locally-organised cultural institutions such as schools, museums and newspapers thus signals the need for mandate studies to give greater consideration to shifts in international and local meanings, methods and capacities rather than treating it as a single unit of analysis.

La diversité des espèces cultivées résulte d’une série d’évènements de domestication, de flux de gènes entre compartiments sauvages et cultivés, d’effets de la sélection adaptative naturelle et aussi de la sélection humaine et des dynamiques de diffusion à de larges échelles, souvent sur de longues périodes. L’impact de ces processus sur la diversité dépend non seulement de la biologie de l’espèce, mais elle est aussi fortement liée au contexte social et aux pratiques humaines. Cette thèse contribue à la compréhension de l’influence de l’Homme sur la dynamique de la diversité de l’amandier in situ. La démarche suivie fait appel à la génétique des populations et à l’anthropologie pour étudier la structuration de la diversité génétique de cette espèce fruitière pérenne allogame, cultivée au Liban. Cette étude comprend trois parties:Dans la première partie, nous avons cherché à comprendre les processus de diversification continue de l’amandier cultivée en se basant sur des évidences tirées de l'archéologie, de l'histoire et de la biologie évolutive de l’amandier dans le Bassin Méditerranéen. Nous avons utilisé une approche de génétique des populations avec de nombreux individus représentant chaque cultivar collecté auLiban. L'échantillonnage intensif de cultivars libanais a été comparé à un grand nombre d’arbres cultivés in situ provenant de différentes régions méditerranéennes. Les résultats nous ont permis de distinguer l’impact des différents périodes de diffusion sur la structure de la diversité génétique.La deuxième partie, a permis d’évaluer l’importance culturelle de l’amandier cultivé au Liban, et d’identifier sa diversité intra-spécifique telle qu’elle est perçue par les informateurs. Nos résultats montrent une hétérogénéité des connaissances des informateurs qui a mené à une taxonomie locale flexible. La flexibilité de la taxonomie locale est révélée par la présence de catégories englobantes et par la complexité du système de nomenclature.Dans la troisième partie, nous avons évalué l’effet du changement de pratiques de propagation sur la structuration et dynamique de la diversité génétique entre les variétés et à l’intérieur de chacune des deux variétés étudiées. Nos résultats montrent que le cultivar traditionnel, multiplié par semis, est structuré géographiquement. L’introduction du mode de propagation clonal par greffage a été adoptée graduellement. Au début, les agriculteurs ont maintenu une certaine diversité génétique par la multiplication sexuée occasionnelle du cultivar introduit. Par contre, l’introduction après l’adoption du greffage a réduit la diversité génétique intra-variétale dans les vergers récents.Cette thèse montre comment les connaissances et les décisions de l’Homme à différents échelles spatiales et temporelles influencent la structure et la dynamique de la diversité de cette espèce. / The diversity of cultivated species results from a series of domestication events, gene flow between wild and cultivated compartments, effects of natural adaptive selection and also on human selection and diffusion dynamics at large scales, often over long periods. The impact of these processes on diversity depends not only on the biology of the species but is also strongly related to social context and human practices. This thesis contributes to the understanding of the influence of human on the dynamics of almond diversity in situ. The approach followed uses population genetics and anthropology to study the structuring of the genetic diversity of this allogamous perennial fruit species, grown in Lebanon. This study consists of three parts:In the first part, we sought to understand the processes of continuous diversification of cultivated almond trees based on evidence from archeology, history and evolutionary biology of almond trees in the Mediterranean Basin. We used a population genetics approach with many individuals representing each cultivar collected in Lebanon. Intensive sampling of Lebanese cultivars was compared to a large number of in situ grown trees from different Mediterranean regions. The results allowed us to distinguish the impact of different diffusion periods on the structure of genetic diversity.The second part assessed the cultural importance of the almond tree grown in Lebanon and identified its intraspecific diversity as perceived by the informants. Our results show heterogeneity of informants' knowledge that led to a flexible local taxonomy. The flexibility of local taxonomy is revealed by the presence of inclusive categories and the complexity of the nomenclature system.In the third part, we assessed the effect of the change in propagation practices on the structuration and dynamics of genetic diversity between two varieties and within each of the varieties studied.Our results show that the traditional cultivar, sexually propagated, is geographically structured. The introduction of clonal propagation mode by grafting was gradually adopted. At first, farmers maintained some genetic diversity through occasional sexual multiplication of the introduced cultivar. In contrast, introduction after grafting has reduced intra-varietal genetic diversity in recent orchards.This thesis shows how human knowledge and decisions at different spatial and temporal scales influence the structure and dynamics of the diversity of this species.

Notre thèse s'appuie sur des travaux en sciences de l'éducation et en sociologie (Huberman, 1995 ; Fullan, 1998 ; Fullan et Hargreaves, 2012) qui défendent l'idée selon laquelle le travail en réseau des enseignants serait le levier de leur développement professionnel. Notre étude analyse les modalités du travail en réseau des enseignants du secondaire dans le réseau des établissements de l'Agence pour l'Enseignement Français à l'Étranger (AEFE) au Liban. En effet, nous défendons l'idée que les spécificités et la complexité inhérentes à ce réseau, et engendrées par la diversité des statuts et des styles de direction de ses établissements, questionnent avec beaucoup d'acuité la problématique de l’articulation entre la formation continue des enseignants, leur développement professionnel et le travail en réseau. Notre objectif principal est de mieux comprendre le fonctionnement de chacun des établissements du réseau de l'AEFE au Liban, les modalités de la mise en place de la formation continue au sein de ce réseau et la perception de son efficacité par les enseignants qui en bénéficient, afin de vérifier si ces dispositifs de formation, tels qu'ils existent actuellement, amènent effectivement les enseignants à travailler en réseau et contribuent à leur développement professionnel. Compte tenu de la complexité des paramètres à prendre en considération, la méthodologie appliquée s'appuie sur une double approche qualitative et quantitative. La combinaison de ces méthodes nous a permis de dresser une cartographie de l'ensemble des interactions au sein du réseau ainsi que des dynamiques de travail en réseau réellement observables sur le terrain. Les résultats de notre étude montrent que, malgré les directives des textes officiels, la formation continue dans le réseau de l'AEFE au Liban favorise peu le développement professionnel de ses enseignants. La coopération en réseau entre les enseignants ou les établissements est partielle. Ces phénomènes empêchent les enseignants de changer leur posture à l'égard de leur métier et d'embrasser un nouveau modèle de développement professionnel. De plus, les dispositifs de formation continue proposés par l'AEFE au Liban ne remplissent pas complètement leurs missions et ne fonctionnent pas en synergie comme ils le devraient. Cela entrave la mise en place d'une véritable « culture de réseau ». Le paradigme de « la culture de cités », emprunté au champ de la philosophie politique, permet de mieux comprendre plusieurs enjeux et causalités complexes. Les modèles de cités qui fonctionnent en systèmes selon des principes définis et variés constituent une véritable « grammaire » des liens politiques et sociaux. Ils fournissent le cadre nécessaire aux interactions entre ses acteurs et assoient leur conception du bien commun. Nous montrons comment ces modèles de gouvernance de cités, qui peuvent varier ou s'entrecroiser en fonction de facteurs conjoncturels, sont pertinents pour étudier les styles de direction des établissements, la manière dont ils s'inscrivent dans le réseau de l'AEFE et y inscrivent ou pas le travail en réseau de leurs enseignants. Nous proposons un nouveau paradigme qui permettrait au réseau des établissements de l'AEFE au Liban de passer d'une « culture de cité » à « une culture de réseau ». Il s'agirait d'élaborer un modèle de formation qui remette en dialectique le travail en réseau intra- et inter-établissements avec une dynamique de travail en synergie de l'ensemble des dispositifs de formation continue. Les parcours de l'élève et de l'enseignant seraient placés au cœur de la réflexion et des modalités de mise en œuvre du travail en réseau des enseignants comme vecteur de développement professionnel pourraient être redéfinies.... / Study of networking among teachers within the schools of The Agency for French Education Abroad in LebanonRésumé : This dissertation draws on a number of research studies in education and sociology (Huberman, 1995 ; Fullan and Hargreaves, 2012). It is based on the fact that teachers’ networking can be a lever for their professional development. Our research study examines the modalities of secondary school teachers’ interactive dynamics in the AEFE (Agency for French Education Abroad) school network in Lebanon. This specific network which comprises 43 schools across the country is known for being one of the biggest AEFE networks in the world. Its particular geopolitical and multicultural structure helps reflect the excellence and the visibility of French education abroad. Indeed, the inherent specificity and complexity of this network, characterised by its various leadership styles, questions the articulation between teacher training, professional development and networking. Our aim is to better understand how each school operates. Our goal is also to understand teacher training modalities within the school network and the teachers’ perceptions of their efficacy. More precisely, we need to know whether the current three teacher training programmes foster teachers’ networking and enhance their professional development. We have selected a stratified sample of 10 schools. Our representative sample consists of secondary school teachers, school principals, assistant head teachers and academic advisors. Our work is based on the findings of an exploratory survey on head teachers conducted in three AEFE schools in 2010-2011. We have designed many questionnaires : 423 were completed by teachers and coordinators, 380 others were completed by 380 students. We have conducted 51 interviews with schools principals, assistant head teachers, academic advisors as well as AEFE representatives. Given the complexity of the parameters to be taken into consideration, our methodology is both qualitative and quantitative. Statistical analysis tools were designed, sociogrammes and thematic analysis methods were applied as well. The frequency of occurrences in the interviewees’ utterances were analysed. The combination of analysis methods helped us draw a map representing teachers’ interactive dynamics of the school network.Our research findings show that, despite the directives and official texts, the AEFE teacher training programmes offer little support that fosters teachers’ professional development. There is little cooperation between teachers. These phenomena prevent teachers from embracing a professional development model. Furthermore, the three teacher training programmes do not really fulfill their mission since they are not synergistically connected, which hampers the emergence of networking culture. The paradigm of « imaginary cities » belonging to political philosophy helps better understand complex causalities and challenges. We show evidence that governance models can vary or overlap depending on several cyclical factors. These governance models correspond to the various leadership styles in the AEFE network and affect teachers’ networking practices. We suggest a new paradigm which enables the AEFE school network to shift from a culture of « city governance » to a « networking culture ». Our paradigm consists of a teacher training programme which establishes a dialectic unity between intra- and inter-establishment networking and synergy between the teacher training programmes. The student’s academic path as well as the teacher’s professional path will be at the heart of this paradigm. This will launch the essential foundations of a networking culture which fosters teachers’ professional development. Moreover, this new model can be implemented worldwide in other school networks which might be confronting similar issues.

Le sommeil est un état dans lequel nous passons environ le tiers de notre vie. Il fait partie des fonctions vitales de l'organisme. Une enquête a été lancée au Liban ayant pour objectifs de connaitre les habitudes du sommeil, les styles de vie des adolescents et de découvrir les troubles de sommeil les plus fréquents et leurs facteurs associés afin de combler les lacunes dans ce domaine. 41.2% des adolescents avaient un temps de sommeil total de moins de 7 heures par nuit durant la semaine, et 34.4% surfaient sur internet avant de se coucher. 13.1% semblaient souffrir d’insomnie et 26.3% semblaient être atteints de syndrome de retard de phase (SRDP). La dépression était le facteur commun associé à ces deux troubles. En conclusion, la réalisation des études longitudinales permettant de découvrir les facteurs de risque de l’insomnie et du SRDP chez les adolescents libanais ainsi que la suggestion / We spend almost the third of our lifetime sleeping. Sleep is part of the body’s vital functions. A nationwide survey was launched in Lebanon in order to examine and evaluate the Lebanese adolescents’ sleep patterns and lifestyles and to assess the most prevalent sleep disorders and their associated factors, with the purpose of filling in the gaps in this area. 41.2% of the teenagers slept less than 7 hours per night during the week, and 34.4% once in bed always surf the internet. Insomnia and delayed sleep phase disorder (DSPD) were the most common sleep disorders among Lebanese adolescents; they had a prevalence of 13.1% and 26.3% respectively. Depression was the common factor associated with these two disorders. In conclusion, conducting longitudinal studies, in order to identify the most common risk factors of insomnia and DSPD in Lebanese adolescents and suggesting solutions to facilitate the prevention of these disorders and their risk factors are currently a must.

This paper is characterized as a critical case study aimed to scrutinize the continuous situation regarding Syrian refugees in Lebanon from an ethical theoretical approach. Mainly, two specific theoretical models regarding ethics in migration and a theoretical standpoint regarding ethics in migration are presented as the theoretical and scientific framework. Arash Abizadeh’s two models, known as the state sovereignty model and the liberal model are implemented in order to understand and to pinpoint the course of the Lebanese situation. Additional, Joseph Carens’ theory concerning ethics in migration is implemented parallel with the two models, to enhance the analytical tools and to introduce a normative perspective. Regarding the empirical result, three distinct perspectives are utilized in order to cope with the situation on a fair and nuanced ground. The Syrian refugees themselves, international involvement and the Lebanese government are presented as the empirical pathways throughout this paper. Concluding results of this paper tends to pinpoint uncertainty and unawareness to be the key factors in explaining the actions of the Lebanese government. Based on the theoretical framework presented in this paper, there is an established tendency to conclude that Syrian refugees has not been treated accordingly to ethical concepts. Because of the distinct ideal differences between the two theoretical models, the results tend to be more evident. The Lebanese government has initially tended to affiliate itself with the liberal model. However, as time has progressed the government has acted accordingly to the state sovereignty model, with not acknowledging ethical limitations in its decision making. While remaining in the grasp of the state sovereignty model, the government and the civil society has begun lighting sparks in actions that have been taken. These actions tend to recognize ethical limitations, thus moving Lebanon towards the liberal model, but far from being completely implemented. In summary, Lebanon’s situation has brought it to a tendency to conduct temporary policies in an increasingly permanent situation.