Le présent travail vise, par une documentation renouvelée, à comprendre la relation entre une puissance moyenne mondiale, puissance agissante au Moyen-Orient, et une puissance moyenne arabe. L’arrivée au pouvoir de Jacques Chirac en 1995 correspond à la mise en oeuvre d’une nouvelle politique envers Damas. Hafez Al-Assad perçoit l’opportunité de cette ouverture. Les rapports entre les deux pays permettent de nombreuses réalisations : imposition d’une vision commune sur la scène régionale face à la volonté américaine, modération de la politique de nuisance syrienne, ou encore mise en place d’une coopération pour une réforme administrative en Syrie. Mais ils sont également confrontés à plusieurs défis : le changement de président en Syrie, les tensions libanaises ou encore la guerre en Irak. Ainsi, à partir de la fin de l’année 2003, les relations franco-syriennes glissent sur un terrain nouveau. Faisant le constat de résultats insuffisants, notamment sur le terrain libanais, et de l’incapacité syrienne à prendre en compte la nouvelle configuration née de l’intervention américaine en Irak, la France utilise le cadre multilatéral onusien pour faire pression sur Damas. Un bilatéral minimal et conflictuel se cristallise alors autour de l’intérêt qu’ont les deux pays pour le Liban. Après l’assassinat de Rafic Hariri en 2015, ce bilatéral se judiciarise. Ces fluctuations des relations franco-syriennes nous ont conduits à réinterroger la notion de bilatéral. Nous avons proposé le concept de « bilatéralisme de levier » : il s’agit de l’instrumentalisation de la relation entre deux pays pour des objectifs indirects. En nourrissant des relations bilatérales et en mettant en place une habitude de traiter avec l’autre, la France et la Syrie cherchent en réalité à obtenir des gains et une position sur la scène régionale ou internationale. Ce détournement de la relation bilatérale explique qu’elle n’ait pas pu s’inscrire dans le temps long. / The objective of the present thesis is, through the use of renewed documentation, to understand the relationship between a medium-sized, global power, active in the Middle-East, and a medium-sized Arab power. The beginning of Jacques Chirac’s presidency in 1995 corresponded to the implementation of a new policy towards Damascus. Hafez Al-Asad understood the opportunity which this opening-up afforded. Relations between the two countries thus allowed for many realizations : the imposition of a common vision on the regional scene in the face of American will, a moderation of Syrian trouble-making policies, or the implementation of cooperation in the area of Syrian administrative reform. France and Syria were however also confronted with several challenges, such as the changing of presidents in Syria, Lebanese tensions or war in Iraq. As a result, by the end of 2003, Franco-Syrian relations entered a new phase. Taking stock of insufficient results, in particular concerning Lebanon as well as Syria’s incapacity to take into account the new configuration born out of American intervention in Iraq, France used the multilateral framework of the United Nations to put pressure on Damascus. A minimal and fraught bilateral relationship crystallized around the interest which both countries had in Lebanon. In the wake of the assassination of Rafiq Hariri in 2015, this bilateral relationship acquired a judicial dimension. These fluctuations in Franco-Syrian relations have led me to reconsider the notion of bilateralism. I thus propose the concept of “leveraged bilateralism”, which refers to the using of the relationship between two countries for indirect objectives. By nourishing bilateral relations and by establishing a habit of interaction with one another, France and Syria sought in reality to obtain gains and a position on the regional or international scene. This hijacking of the bilateral relationship is the reason why the latter was not able to establish itself over the long run.

<p>The purpose of this project is to study the women involved in the SOS Children’s Villages; the influence of the association on their views on life, as seen from a human-rights and a religious perspective. Questions such as why they chose to work with the association and what it gives them to do so are treated in this study.</p><p>My goal has been to study and present different aspects of something so important, but yet so unfamiliar. The method used in this project is minor field studies, which means visiting the villages, living with the families and observing their daily lives. The means of acquiring the information necessary for this study is by qualitative interviews with the mothers.</p><p>A theoretical framework has been used as a complement to the study, and it is also used to bring greater understanding to the SOS mothers and how they have shaped their lives.</p><p>My ambition with this essay is to bring out their individual experiences on how they view their own lives at present and what meaning life has given them. I have used seven of the 14 interviews conducted.</p><p>The outcome shows that several factors play important roles as to why the mothers decided to work with the association. Such factors were socioeconomic and sociopsyhologic factors. Other conclusions that were drawn after this field trip were that the women are very vulnerable to the social situation in Lebanon. They need someone to support them since the men are the primary providers. If the women do not find someone to marry they need to find another source for provision and the SOS children’s Association is one way to go. The sense of Coherence that these women had was indeed strong, they felt meaningfulness in what they did, they had comprehended the situations at hand and could manage the situations as predictable, and they have the confidence to know that everything will work out in the best way possible.</p> / Uppsatsen har givits ut som bok 2009 med titeln: "Lebanese SOS Children's Villages: Stories of the village mothers" av VDM Verlag, Saarbrücken.

<p>I uppsatsen som följer har jag använt mig av David Galulas COIN teori. Jag har sedan använt den teorin och analyserat kriget mellan Israel och Libanon 2006. Kriget blev känt som ett misslyckande ur israelisk synpunkt, då de inte lyckades att besegra Hezbollah eller stoppa deras raketskjutningar in i Israel. Detta trots att de har den mest högteknologiska armen i mellanöstern och hade luftoperativkontroll. I denna uppsats så har jag fört ett resonemang för att svara på frågeställningen: Går Galulas teorier att använda mot en organiserad motståndare som Hezbollah? Efter att ha skrivit denna uppsats så har jag inte kommit fram till ett absolut svar, men är personligen övertygad om att det går. I fallet Hezbollah är det väldigt problematiskt i och med att de var så väl förberedda på att det skulle bli krig. Det faktum att Israel dessutom hade skurit ner på sitt försvar och inte hade utbildat sina soldater och chefer inför denna typ av krig gjorde att de inte kunde strida på ett effektivt sätt. För att Israel skulle ha lyckats vinna, tror jag att en större markoperation hade varit nödvändig då Hezbollah var så väl förberedda. Detta är i linje med det första steget i Galulas COIN teori där man med truppnärvaro strävar efter att separera befolkningen från insurgenterna i detta fall Hezbollah.</p> / <p>In the essay that follows I have used David Galulas COIN theory. I have then used Galulas theory and analyzed the war between Israel and Lebanon in 2006. The war from the Israeli point of view was a failure, as they failed to defeat Hezbollah and stop their rockets from firing into Israel. Despite the facts that the Israel had the most technologically advanced army in the Middle East and that they had air superiority in the area. In this essay I have discussed the following question: Are Galulas theories usable against an opponent like Hezbollah? After having written this essay, I have not beenable to conclude a definite answer, however I am convinced that it is possible. The reason for the Israeli failure was the fact that the Hezbollah were so well prepared for war. Whereas the Israeli forces were ill-prepared because of a substantial decrease in numbers compared to earlier years, and because the Israeli soldiers and officers were not trained for this type of war. In my opinion, the Israeli forces would have needed to focus much more on ground operations because the Hezbollah were so well prepared. This is exactly what stage one in Galulas COIN theory advises, where through military presence, separate the civilian population from the insurgents.</p>

This paper investigates the relationship between ethnic conflict, electoral systems, and power sharing in ethnically divided societies. The cases of Guyana, Fiji, Sri Lanka, Lebanon, Mauritius, and Trinidad and Tobago are considered. Electoral systems are denoted based on presidential versus parliamentary system, and on proportional representation versus majoritarian/plurality. The paper concludes that, while electoral systems are important, other factors like the power distribution between ethnic groups, and ensuring a non-zero-sum game may be as important.

The purpose of this project is to study the women involved in the SOS Children’s Villages; the influence of the association on their views on life, as seen from a human-rights and a religious perspective. Questions such as why they chose to work with the association and what it gives them to do so are treated in this study. My goal has been to study and present different aspects of something so important, but yet so unfamiliar. The method used in this project is minor field studies, which means visiting the villages, living with the families and observing their daily lives. The means of acquiring the information necessary for this study is by qualitative interviews with the mothers. A theoretical framework has been used as a complement to the study, and it is also used to bring greater understanding to the SOS mothers and how they have shaped their lives. My ambition with this essay is to bring out their individual experiences on how they view their own lives at present and what meaning life has given them. I have used seven of the 14 interviews conducted. The outcome shows that several factors play important roles as to why the mothers decided to work with the association. Such factors were socioeconomic and sociopsyhologic factors. Other conclusions that were drawn after this field trip were that the women are very vulnerable to the social situation in Lebanon. They need someone to support them since the men are the primary providers. If the women do not find someone to marry they need to find another source for provision and the SOS children’s Association is one way to go. The sense of Coherence that these women had was indeed strong, they felt meaningfulness in what they did, they had comprehended the situations at hand and could manage the situations as predictable, and they have the confidence to know that everything will work out in the best way possible. / Uppsatsen har givits ut som bok 2009 med titeln: "Lebanese SOS Children's Villages: Stories of the village mothers" av VDM Verlag, Saarbrücken.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Le conflit israélo-palestinien dure depuis plus de 60 ans. Non seulement perdure-t-il, il gagne aussi en complexité. Cette thèse s’intéresse à l’expérience d’exil des Palestiniens et plus particulièrement à celle de femmes palestiniennes vivant en camp de réfugiés au Liban. La mémoire palestinienne a longtemps été, dans son ensemble, occultée dans la littérature, et qui plus est l’expérience des femmes; la façon dont leurs récits sont construits nous le démontre bien. La présente étude s’inscrit donc dans la lignée de travaux qui font une place aux « voix silencieuses » que sont souvent celles des femmes réfugiées palestiniennes des camps. Cette thèse s’appuie sur une approche qualitative – récits de vie et observation participante – et fait suite à une recherche qui a été menée entre 2009 et 2011 dans le camp palestinien de Bourj El Barajneh au Liban. Les résultats dégagés confirment que, dans l’exil, une partie de l’expérience de la nakba palestinienne telle que vécue par les femmes s’est perdue. Ceci dit, si la quasi-absence des femmes caractérise l’exode, on voit ces dernières s’affirmer au fil de l’exil qui devient une réalité durable. Au cours des deux premières décennies, les femmes apparaissent comme des « résistantes du quotidien ». Puis, la montée du sentiment national palestinien et l’éclatement de la guerre civile libanaise amènent les femmes à investir de plus en plus l’espace public. En temps de guerre, toutes les femmes participent à la survie de la communauté, et cela, par l’extension de leurs tâches domestiques et sociales. Plus le conflit prend de l’ampleur, plus leurs activités se diversifient : elles intègrent d’autres tâches à celles qui leur sont traditionnellement assignées. À l’issue du conflit, une grande partie des femmes palestiniennes commencent à prendre leurs distances de la lutte nationale partisane. Pour plusieurs d’entre elles, la fin de la guerre est aussi la fin des illusions : elles ont le sentiment d’avoir été abandonnées par la classe politique. Ainsi, le mouvement nationaliste palestinien a certes bousculé les rôles de genre, mais il n’a pas permis d’induire des changements durables. Dans les récits des femmes, on voit qu’à travers l’exil s’est créé un lien avec ce milieu que l’on croyait temporaire, le camp de Bourj El Barajneh : un lien qui se situe au cœur d’une tension entre un pôle réel et un pôle symbolique. Le camp « réel » est décrit comme insalubre, instable et non sécuritaire, et la vie dans ce camp est à ce point précaire et difficile que les femmes s’accrochent à cet autre camp qui, lui, est porteur de mémoire, de souvenirs, de relations et de rêves. C’est d’ailleurs parce que ce second pôle existe que la vie dans le camp peut être tolérée. Si la lutte nationale a été pour une certaine génération de Palestiniennes la préoccupation première, la fin de la guerre signe la perte de vitesse de cette lutte qui s’est longtemps avérée structurante. Ceci dit, le modèle de résistance, lui, persiste. Les femmes continuent de lutter et apparaissent comme des « actrices de la transmission ». L’un de ces projets qu’elles font leur, la transmission de l’identité religieuse, prend rapidement de l’ampleur alors que la communauté palestinienne peine à se relever des affres de la guerre. Nombreuses sont les femmes qui cherchent un sens à la vie dans ce cumul de catastrophes, et la religion les soutient dans cette quête, mais en plus c’est à travers elle que le projet du retour en Palestine est porté. D’ailleurs, la mémoire de la Palestine est une autre valeur que les femmes cherchent à transmettre d’une génération à l’autre. Maintenir la mémoire de la Palestine est un rôle traditionnel de la femme palestinienne. Ceci dit, les femmes ne remplissent pas ce rôle « aveuglément » : elles transmettent une mémoire, un message qu’elles ont cherché, reconstruit, évalué et parfois critiqué. Enfin, un autre projet se manifeste rapidement dans l’exil : la transmission des connaissances, une valeur phare pour les Palestiniennes puisque à la fois stratégie de survie, de développement et d’ascension sociale. Mais pour quelques-unes, l’éducation est une lutte parce que confrontée à des contraintes contextuelles et au poids des traditions. Ainsi, c’est par des valeurs traditionnellement portées et transmises par les femmes – l’identité religieuse, la mémoire et l’éducation – que l’oppression et la colonisation des Palestiniens se combattent au quotidien. / The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has lasted more than 60 years and persists not only in time but also in complexity. This thesis focuses on the Palestinian exile and particularly, the experience of exile of Palestinian women living in refugee camps in Lebanon. Palestinian memory has for a long time been occulted in the literature and specifically, the experience of women and how their stories are constructed by gender. The present study is therefore in a line of work that gives a place to these “silent voices” that are often those of the Palestinian women of the camps. This research is based on a qualitative methodology – life stories and participant observation –, research that took place between 2009 and 2011 in the refugee camp of Bourj El Barajneh in Lebanon. The results show that, in exile, a part of the Palestinian nakba experienced by women, has been lost. That said, if a virtual absence of women characterizes the exodus, over exile, women become more assertive. During the first two decades in exile in Lebanon, women appear as “everyday resistant”. Then, the rise of a national sentiment which was rapidly followed by the outbreak of the Lebanese civil war, made women more and more present in the public space. Indeed, in wartime, all the women were involved in the community’s survival, and that, by an extension of their domestic and social roles. The longer the conflict lasts, the more diverse are their activities: it includes other tasks than those traditionally assigned to them. At the end of the conflict, a large part of Palestinian women are beginning to distance themselves from the national struggle. For many, the end of the war also means the end of illusions: they feel they have been abandoned by the political class. Thus, if the Palestinian nationalist movement has certainly brought changes in gender roles, it has failed to bring about lasting changes. Also, in the women's narratives, we see that in time, a bond is created with the space “Bourj El Barajneh camp”, a, bond that is located in a tension between two poles. First, there is a “real pole” where the camp appears as unsafe and unstable. Second, life in the camp is so precarious and difficult that women cling to another pole, a “symbolic pole” which represents the camp as a bearer of memories, relationships and dreams. And it’s because this last pole exists that life in the camp can be tolerated. If the Palestinian national struggle – for a certain generation of Palestinian women – was the main struggle, the end of the war signed “the end of illusions” and the slowing of the national struggle which has long proven structuring. That said, the pattern of resistance persists while women continue to resist and appear as “actresses of transmission”. The transmission of religious identity quickly gained in importance as the Palestinian community struggled to recover from the horrors of war. Through religion, many women found meaning in a life and it is also through religion that the return to Palestine is now carried. Moreover, the memory of Palestine is another value that women seek to pass on from a generation to another. Even though, passing on the memory of Palestine is a role traditionally carried by women, they do not fulfill it “blindly” but they convey a message that has been sought, rebuilt and sometimes criticized. Finally, another project arrives rapidly in exile: the transmission of knowledge, a core value for Palestinian women as it is a strategy for survival, development and social mobility. But for some, because faced with contextual constraints and the weight of tradition, education is still a struggle. Thus, it is because women carry and transmit traditional values – religious identity, memory and education – that the oppression and colonization of Palestinians can be fought everyday.

中東伊斯蘭世界從十八世紀遭到西方殖民與帝國主義的侵襲之後，穆斯林在政治和宗教上都遭受到了巨大的衝擊，特別是伊斯蘭傳統中政教合一的體制。在西方的民主主義與民族國家成為中東地區主要的政治型態後，穆斯林本身並未享受到民主政府所帶來的優點，反而深受其害。因此，穆斯林便希望回到傳統的體制當中，恢復穆斯林社群光榮的歷史，也促使了伊斯蘭原教旨主義的產生。在穆斯林社群中，大致上可分為順尼與什葉，兩者雖然在政治與宗教的思想上有相同之處，但是也有許多不同的特點。因此本論文主先以什葉伊斯蘭原教旨主義為研究的對象，討論什葉伊斯蘭原教旨主義發展的歷史與影響。 其次，黎巴嫩真主黨是受到什葉伊斯蘭原教旨主義而出現的政教組織，亦成為今日黎巴嫩境內一合法的政黨。雖然將黎巴嫩轉變成伊斯蘭國家一直是真主黨所追求的目標，但是真主黨也明白地表示將不會以武力來強迫黎巴嫩的所有人民接受。因此真主黨如何以務實的策略面對黎巴嫩國內與國外政治力量的挑戰，以及如何影響了什葉伊斯蘭原教旨主義的發展，將是本論文探討的重點所在。 / Middle East and the Islamic world from the eighteenth century were the invasion of Western Colonialism and Imperialism, Muslims have suffered a huge impact in the sphere of political and religious, particularly in the Islamic tradition of theocratic system. Western democracy and the nation-state to become a major political patterns in the Middle East, the Muslims themselves did not enjoy the advantages of democratic government, but suffer. Therefore, the Muslims would like to return to the traditional system, which, to restore a glorious history of Muslim communities, also contributed to the emergence of Salafism(Islamic fundamentalism). Traditionally, Muslim community generally can be divided into Sunni and Shia. Although both political and religious ideology have in common, but there are many different characteristics. This essay first aims the Shi’i Salafism as the object of study, discusses the history of development and impact of Shi’I Salafism. Second, Hezbollah is a politico-religious organization, its emergence which influenced by Shi’i Salafism, but Hezbollah has become a legitimate political party in Lebanon now. Although making Lebanon into a Islamic state is the object pursued by Hezbollah, but Hezbollah has clearly said it would not use force to compel the people of Lebanon to accept it. Therefore, how to use a pragmatic strategy to face the challenge of political forces which inside and outside of Lebanon by Hezbollah and how it affects the Shiite Salafism will be the focus of this paper.

Thesis (Master of Military Art and Science)-Army Command and General Staff College, 2007. / Title from title page of PDF document (viewed on: Jan 12, 2010). Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Georgetown University, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references.