Global ETD Search

11	Palestinian Memory and Identity Ruskin, McClatchy Jack 01 January 2015 (has links) The 1948 Arab-Israeli War effectively destroyed Palestinian society. Hundreds of thousands of Palestinians fled their homes and sought refuge in foreign lands, where they attempted to reestablish their lives and culture. This thesis examines the role of memory in shaping a Palestinian diaspora identity and uses Mahmoud Darwish’s book The Buttefly’s Burden to identify important aspects of the collective Palestinian experience. As the Palestinian national poet, Mahmoud Darwish provides authentic representations of the Palestinian struggle to reconcile the loss of their homeland. Examining Darwish’s work, this thesis explores four significant sources of Palestinian memory and identity: exile, absence, occupation, and the land. Through these sources, Darwish is able to recreate Palestinian society in his lyric and poetic genius. Palestine Diaspora Identity Mahmoud Darwish Exile Memory Islamic World and Near East History Modern Languages Modern Literature Near Eastern Languages and Societies Poetry
12	Vers une poétique du sacré dans la littérature tunisienne : de l'intertexte du Coran et du Hadith à la découverte de la dimension littéraire du "sacré" dans un corpus d'oeuvres d'expression arabe et française / Towards a poetics of the sacredness in the Tunisian literature : intertext of the Qur’ân and Hadith to the discovery of the literary dimension of "sacred" Ben Hassen, Nadia 17 December 2015 (has links) Cette thèse s’inscrit dans une optique comparatiste et interdisciplinaire qui étudie les traits spécifiques du « sacré » tel qu’il se manifeste dans un corpus bilingue, en ayant recours conjointement à des théories littéraires et exégétiques. À travers cette étude de l’intertexte du Coran et du hadith dans la littérature tunisienne d’expression française et arabe, nous avons pu souligner l’importance de trois dimensions intertextuelles majeures qui contribuent pleinement à l’élaboration d’une poétique du « sacré » à savoir : la mystique, la rythmique et le mythe. Notre thèse déconstruit les idées reçues qui font perdurer la séparation entre la littérature et le sacré en démontrant la pertinence de la relecture des textes « sacrés » par les auteurs. Ceux-ci semblent en effet, avoir intuitivement accédé à la déconstruction de plusieurs mythes inscrits dans l’ « impensable » islamique. Leur apport est plus que pertinent en ce moment, où l’Islam se propage plus par ces mythes que par l’essence de ses textes. / In this thesis we aim to study what defines the sacredness in a comparative and interdisciplinary perspective as it manifests itself by a bilingual corpus. We had resorted to both literary and exegetical theories. Through this study of intertext of Qur’ân and Hadith in the tunisian literature which uses french and arabic-language we had emphasized the importance of three major dimensions in interextuality that contribute fully to devise the poetry in the « sacredness » : mystic, rhythmics and myth. Our thesis deconstructs preconceived ideas that keep the separation between the literature and sacredness by showing the importance of reviewing the sacred texts beyond doubt. The Authors seem to have intuitively deconstruct many myths of the « unthinkable » islamic thought. What they brought has considerable merit while Islam is becoming known more by its myths than by the essence of its texts. Poétique du « sacré » Coran Hadith Mythe Rythme Vision mystique Abdelwahab Meddeb Chems Nadir Ibrahim Darghouthi Fredj Lahouar Mahmoud Al-Messaadi Intertextualité Diction of poetry of scardness Qur’ân Hadîth Myth Rhythmic Mystic vision Tunisian literature Abdelwahab Meddeb Chems Nadir Ibrahim Darghouthi Fredj Lahouar Mahmoud Al-Messaadi Intertextuality
13	From 'exporting the revolution' to 'postmodern Pan-Islamism' : a discourse analysis of the Islamic Republic of Iran's ideology, 1979-2009 Berry, Adam Jan January 2012 (has links) Since the early days of 1979, the Islamic Revolution of Iran has been seen as a phenomenon unique in history, one which must be viewed as somehow separate from other political Islamic movements in the 20th century. In chapter 1, this thesis problematizes this interpretation of the Revolution by analyzing it through the lens of an earlier ideological movement, pan-Islamism, and applying methods from the study of conceptual history to draw linkages between this movement and the Islamic Revolution, rooting it more deeply in the region’s political and intellectual history, and casting light on the poorly-understood pan-Islamic aspects of Iran’s Revolutionary ideology. In chapter 2, it applies methodological innovations from the digital humanities, more specifically corpus linguistics, in carrying out a series of five case studies to examine the transformation of Iranian ideology over time, by analyzing a set of five text corpora comprised of individual leaders’ writings and speeches. It further illustrates how theoretical advances in discourse analysis and history seem to be moving towards the same point, and how the application of corpus linguistic methods advances these bodies of theory. Chapters 3 through 7 comprise the case studies, which are, in order: Ruhollah Khomeini and Ali Khamenei, the two Supreme Leaders; Ali Akbar Hashemi Rasfanjani, Mohammad Khatami, and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, the three Presidents since 1989. These chapters illustrate through analysis of the textual data how each political leader has adapted the received political discourse to the exigencies of their times, and how pan-Islamism itself has remained a consistent, albeit dynamic, linking thread running through the period 1979-2009. By studying pan-Islamism in the Iranian context, we can explain several features of Iranian political discourse which otherwise seem incomprehensible, and better situate the Islamic Republic within the political and discursive transformations taking place at the regional level of the Middle East, and the global level of the Muslim umma. 320.955
14	Contextualização e análise da obra A Segunda Mensagem do Islã de Mahmoud Muhammad Taha Aguiar, Ana Flávia Souza 06 February 2018 (has links) Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-02-16T19:31:18Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Ana Flávia Souza Aguiar.pdf: 3073503 bytes, checksum: 6846ee949c24ff4a8993950766dfb8e5 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-02-16T19:31:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ana Flávia Souza Aguiar.pdf: 3073503 bytes, checksum: 6846ee949c24ff4a8993950766dfb8e5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-06 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / Fundação São Paulo - FUNDASP / This dissertation seeks to analyse and contextualize Mahmoud Muhammad Taha’s book The Second Message of Islam, published in Sudan, in 1967. In 1985, Taha was found guilty on apostasy charges and sentenced to death. The present work goes over how Taha’s interpretation differs from the Qur’an’s traditional reading whilst also discussing its insertion on the concept of liberal Islam and its impact. This work seeks to contribute with the body of researches related to liberal Islam in Brazil / Essa dissertação tem como objetivo analisar e contextualizar a obra A Segunda Mensagem do Islã de Mahmoud Muhammad Taha, publicada em 1967, no Sudão. Em 1985, Taha foi considerado culpado de apostasia, por suas ideias, e foi condenado a pena de morte. Analisaremos como sua interpretação do Corão discorda da leitura tradicional do Corão e também verificaremos sua inserção no conceito de Islã liberal e seu impacto. Pretendemos com esse trabalho contribuir com as pesquisas relativas ao Islã liberal no Brasil Islamismo - Século 21 Renovação islâmica - Século 21 Fundamentalismo islâmico Islamic renewal - 21st century Islamic fundamentalism
15	Living Under Security Certificates: Experiences of Securitization of Detainees and their Families Wadhawan, Subhah 06 December 2018 (has links) Security and race have historically been entangled in the politics of nation-building, whereby national security discourses have constructed the ‘public’ whom it should protect as ‘white’ while demonizing persons of colour as a threat to that public. In the current war against terrorism, these racialized discourses, underwritten by a colonial logic, have materialized through the symbolic and literal displacement of Muslim persons. Under this imperative of national security, both existing and novel legislations have either been suspended, contorted, or implemented to be used against Muslims, or anyone who visibly appears Muslim. Security certificates are one of such judicial tools. This thesis seeks to explore the experiences of securitization, analyzing how this legislation strips the subjects of the security certificate program of their legal rights and social connectedness. To explore this, I interviewed three of the five men from the ‘Secret Trial Five’ cases and some of their family members. I investigate how securitization manifests in the lives of those who have been securitized, exploring the practices that are used to maintain and reinforce the othering and the displacement of Muslim populations. Security Certificates Families Secret Trial 5 Chinese Head Tax Japanese Internment Canadian National Identity Lived experiences National Belonging Colonial State Colonization Qualitative interviews Social Death Civil Death State of Exception Securitization Racialization War on terror Experiencs of Muslims within Canada Exclusion Othering Moral indifference Mohamed Harkat Adil Charkoui Hassan Almrei Mahmoud Jaballah Mohamed Zeki Mahjoub House surveillance Body Relationships
16	Conflit israélo-palestinien : impasse et intérêts politiques Beauséjour, Rose-Hélène 11 1900 (has links) Plus de 70 ans après la création de l'État d'Israël, un quart de siècle depuis la signature des accords d'Oslo, les espoirs de paix entre l'État d'Israël et les Palestiniens s’estompent. Le conflit israélo-palestinien ne s’en trouve pas forcément exacerbé, mais plutôt bien enlisé. Étonnamment, la sortie de cette impasse ne semble pas être une priorité pour les actuels leaders politiques des parties au conflit, le premier ministre israélien, Benyamin Netanyahou, et le président de l'Autorité palestinienne, Mahmoud Abbas. S’appuyant sur des travaux en analyse de politique étrangère argumentant que les conflits interétatiques peuvent s’avérer un moyen de diversion utilisé par les leaders politiques pour esquiver des problèmes de politique interne, ce mémoire se penche sur les raisons qui pourraient expliquer l’intérêt des leaders israéliens et palestiniens à maintenir le statu quo dans le conflit. La période observée s’étend de 2009 à 2019, soit une période à laquelle les deux hommes politiques se trouvent respectivement au pouvoir. Basé sur des travaux scientifiques, sur des analyses de think-tanks et sur de l’information collectée dans les médias israéliens et palestiniens, le mémoire s’appuie également sur une série d’entrevues menées entre décembre 2019 et mai 2020 en Israël et en Cisjordanie avec des universitaires, journalistes et décideurs tant israéliens que palestiniens. Question de recherche: « Si un règlement au conflit israélo-palestinien semble souhaitable, pourquoi les leaders israéliens et palestiniens ne font-ils pas davantage d’efforts pour résoudre le conflit? » / More than 70 years after the creation of the State of Israel and a quarter of a century since the signing of the Oslo Accords, hope for peace between the State of Israel and the Palestinians is fading. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is not necessarily exacerbated, but rather immobilized. Surprisingly, ending this stalemate does not seem to be a priority for the current political leaders of the warring parties, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and the President of the Palestinian Authority Mahmoud Abbas. Building on foreign policy analyses which argue that inter-state conflicts may be a diversion used by political leaders to evade domestic issues, this research looks at the reasons that might explain the interest of both the Israeli and Palestinian leaders in maintaining the status quo of the conflict. The researched period extends from 2009 to 2019 – a period in which the two politicians are respectively in power. Based on scientific work, think-tanks analyses, and information collected in Israeli and Palestinian media, the work also draws on a series of interviews conducted between December 2019 and May 2020 in Israel and in the West Bank with Israeli and Palestinian scholars, journalists, and policy-makers. Research question: "If a settlement to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict seems desirable, why are Israeli and Palestinian leaders Benjamin Netanyahu and Mahmoud Abbas not making more efforts to resolve the conflict?" Conflit israélo-palestinien Impasse politique Leaders politiques Intérêts personnels Intérêts nationaux Théorie de la diversion Benyamin Netanyahou Mahmoud Abbas Israël Palestiniens Israeli-Palestinian conflict Political stalemate Political leaders Personal interests National interests Diversionary theory of war
17	Sovereignty, Peacekeeping, and the United Nations Emergency Force (UNEF), Suez 1956-1967: Insiders’ Perspectives Hilmy, Hanny 13 February 2015 (has links) This research is concerned with the complex and contested relationship between the sovereign prerogatives of states and the international imperative of defusing world conflicts. Due to its historical setting following World War Two, the national vs. international staking of claims was framed within the escalating imperial-nationalist confrontation and the impending “end of empire”, both of which were significantly influenced by the role Israel played in this saga. The research looks at the issue of “decolonization” and the anti-colonial struggle waged under the leadership of Egypt’s President Nasser. The Suez War is analyzed as the historical event that signaled the beginning of the final chapter in the domination of the European empires in the Middle East (sub-Saharan decolonization followed beginning in the early 1960s), and the emergence of the United States as the new major Western power in the Middle East. The Suez experience highlighted a stubborn contest between the defenders of the concept of “sovereign consent” and the advocates of “International intervention”. Both the deployment of the United Nations Emergency Force (UNEF) and its termination were surrounded by controversy and legal-political wrangling. The role of UNEF and UN peacekeeping operations in general framed the development of a new concept for an emerging international human rights law and crisis management. The UNEF experience, moreover, brought into sharp relief the need for a conflict resolution component for any peace operation. International conflict management, and human rights protection are both subject to an increasing interventionist international legal regime. Consequently, the traditional concept of “sovereignty” is facing increasing challenge. By its very nature, the subject matter of this multi-dimensional research involves historical, political and international legal aspects shaping the research’s content and conclusions. The research utilizes the experience and contributions of several key participants in this pioneering peacekeeping experience. In the last chapter, recommendations are made –based on all the elements covered in the research- to suggest contributions to the evolving UN ground rules for international crisis intervention and management. / Graduate / hilmyh@uvic.ca National Sovereignty Peacekeeping Peacemaking UNEF Decolonization End of Empire Israel Zionism Sevres Agreement Dag Hammarskjold U Thant General E L M Burns General Amin Hilmy II General Charles Keightley General Andre Beaufre General Indar J. Rikhye 1956 Suez War Good Faith Agreement 1967 Arab-Israeli War President Gamal Abdel Nasser Sovereign Consent International Human Rights Law Johan Galtung Lester Pearson President Dwight Eisenhower Secretary John F. Dulles Prime Minister Anthony Eden Prime Minister Guy Mollet Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion General Moshe Dayan General Abdel Hakim Amer Status of Forces Agreement Port Said Arab-Israeli Armistice Agreements UNTSO National Liberation Anti-Colonial Struggle Sovereign Equality Westphalia Kadesh Musketeer Uniting for Peace Resolution International Court of Justice UN Security Council UN General Assembly UN Charter Chapter VII Enforcement Measures Chapter VI Voluntary Compliance Palestinian Refugees Negev Desert Sharm El-Sheikh Sinai Peninsula Gaza Strip Gulf of Aqaba Cold War United States Soviet Union (USSR) Lavon Affair MEDO Operation ALPHA OMEGA Plan Baghdad Pact Bandung Conference Mohamed Heikal Aide Memoire Mohamed Mosaddegh Aswan High Dam 1888 Constantinople Convention USS Liberty Straits of Tiran International Law Mahmoud Fawzi Prime Minister Levi Eshkol President Lyndon Johnson Abbba Eban 1992 Agenda for Peace Boutros Boutros-Ghali 2000 Brahimi Report Lakhdar Brahimi 2001 Responsibility to Protect Kofi Annan General Romeo Dallaire Permanent UN Army 2000 SHIRBRIG International Human Rights Law International Humanitarian Law UNEF II status quo ante bellum locus standi pacta sunt servanda erga omnes Lord Caradon Security Council 242

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