Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / A changed security environment after the end of the Cold War forced Switzerland, Austria, and Sweden to reassess their security policy. New threats and challenges such as international terrorism, WMD, organized crime, the greater disparity of wealth and increased migration have replaced traditional military threats. Larger non-military concerns like peacekeeping operations, hu-manitarian support, and support to civil authorities have replaced territorial defense. All of which require international cooperation. Following a comprehensive security strategy, Switzerland, Austria, and Sweden aim to defend their territory, protect their population, and fostering international peace and security. Austria and Sweden focus on the integration and solidarity with the Euro-pean Union (EU) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Switzerland retains its perpetual neutrality, but has shown increased international cooperation. Austria and Sweden model their Armed Forces after the EU Petersberg Tasks and have small peacetime organizations with a professional cadre and annual conscripts. The Swiss Armed Forces XXI focus on territorial defense and are organized in accordance with universal conscription and wartime organization policies. Traditional political, social, and economic aspects hinder Switzerland from following a straightforward strategy toward solidarity and fundamental change in its Armed Forces. Switzerland's new security policy and its Armed Forces XXI do not fully meet the requirements to fight new threats and challenges together with the international community. / Lieutenant Colonel, Swiss Air Force

This dissertation investigates how personal military service, which during the immensely popular Crimean War of 1854-6 was regarded as the business only of an abstract and lowly soldier-class, had by the eve of the Great War taken on the aspect of a clear and universal citizenly duty in London press discourse. It utilises text-searchable digitised newspaper archives to exhaustively review the whole body of relevant press debate in thirteen key London periodicals, identifying key shifts and trends in press conceptions of civilian military obligation over the six decades between the outbreak of the Crimean War in 1854 and the eve of the Great War in 1914. The analytical narrative that emerges highlights the importance of key events, including the Crimean War, Indian Mutiny, wars of Prussian expansionism, and Boer War, in promoting and shaping the coherent conception of citizenly duty towards military service that would go on to underpin not only the mass enlistments of 1914 but also the acceptance of conscription in 1916. It suggests also the important role of broader cultural and political trends – in particular, the advent of militarist Imperialism, the growing legitimacy of the state, the shift towards a more collectivist ‘social democratic’ liberalism, and the emergence of ‘contractual’ theories of citizenship – in facilitating a reconciliation between the military imperative towards mass civilian military participation and existing liberal values and ideologies. This dissertation reveals that the societal consensus on the duty to enlist in 1914 was by no means a foregone cultural conclusion, nor indeed the relic of an earlier heroic age, but rather the dynamic product of evolution and contestation over six decades. The present study not only provides vital context to our understanding of the ‘rush to the colours’ of 1914, but also represents the first historical investigation of an important and much-neglected aspect of the relationship between war and society.

Le milieu du XVIIIe siècle marque une césure dans l'histoire du Canada. Après deux siècles de présence française, le pays passe sous domination anglaise à l’issue de la guerre de Sept Ans qui entraîne la fin de la Nouvelle-France. Ce changement de domination génère des bouleversements structurels dans le paysage social du pays, touchant particulièrement les élites, dont la plupart étaient officiers militaires chargés du maintien de l'ordre et de la domination sur le territoire et représentants du pouvoir royal gérant les structures et l'encadrement politique. Souvent nobles, elles offraient un code de conduite et un modèle culturel indéniable. La perte de la position centrale qu’elles occupaient dans la société canadienne pose la question de leur adaptation sous le régime anglais, étudiée au travers de l’exemple de la famille Salaberry. Cette famille, affiliée à la noblesse, proche du prince anglais Édouard duc de Kent, compte dans ses rangs un héros d’une bataille durant la guerre de 1812-1815 et présente un profil atypique. Cette étude, menée à partir des documents personnels dont une importante correspondance et de nombreux documents notariés, permet d'entrer dans l'intimité d'une famille de la noblesse canadienne-française du tournant du XIXe siècle, d'en dégager les comportements familiaux et sociaux ainsi que leurs évolutions, mais aussi d'étudier l'adaptation politique et professionnelle par la participation au fonctionnement du nouveau régime et l'acculturation du point de vue linguistique mais aussi religieux des élites sous les premières décennies du régime anglais au Québec. / The mid-eighteenth century marked a break in Canada's history. After two centuries of French presence, the country came under British domination at the end of the Seven Years' War after New France’s defeat. This shift in dominance brought about structural upheavals in the country's social landscape, particularly affecting the elites, most of whom were military officers in charge of maintaining order and domination on the territory, and representatives of the royal power. Often of noble origin, they embodied a code of conduct and an undeniable cultural model. The loss of the central position they hold in Canadian society raised the question of their adaptation under the British regime, which is studied in this thesis through the example of the Salaberry family. This family presents an atypical profile: it was affiliated with the French nobility but was close to the English prince Edward Duke of Kent and it counted among its ranks a hero of a battle fought during the war of 1812-1815. This study, based on personal documents, including a large correspondence as well as many notarized documents, allows to critically examine the intimacy of a family of the Canadian nobility at the turn of the 19th century. In doing so it helps to identify and trace the development of family and social behaviors. This case study also allows for an analysis of the political and professional adaptation of French elites through the participation in the workings of the new regime and their linguistic and religious acculturation during the first decades of the British regime in the Quebec Province.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T18:22:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Roberta Rodrigues da Silva.pdf: 1986735 bytes, checksum: 84e0b3c8d48ec14e202b99ec627f70a6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-01-29 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The objective of this research is to examine the translated novel Memoirs of a Militia Sergeant by Manuel Antônio de Almeida from Portuguese intoEnglish, to verify the nature of the changes arising from the lexical-grammatical choices in itstranslation into the English language and what the consequences of those choicesare. As aresult of a logocentric stance,both linguistically lay peopleandexperts in translation tend to considerthetranslation as a kind of text that is the exact reproduction of a text originally written in another language. Inthe nineties, the figure of subservient to the original text translator was replaced by the figure of a visible translator that manipulates the text, the creative artist mediator of languages and cultures. What changes now is that the translator is understood as someone belonging to a certain ideological, political, psychological and culturalcontext, -factors that cannot be ignored or eliminated in a translation. Related to this issue, the hypothesis of linguistic determinism can help us to understand the reasons for thedifferences that surround the categories of the experiences incorporated into the various languages. Languages differ greatly in both categories of experiences that theyexpress andin the special linguistic means they employ to represent these categories. These differences go beyond the so well-known fact that most words do not have fully equivalent translation from one language to another. Whorf wasmore interested in relating the lexicon and grammar to the worldview of a culture (theWeltanschauung). The research should answer the following questions: (a) What is the nature of the changes arising from the lexical-grammatical choices in the translation of Memoirs of a Militia Sergeantinto the English language?(b)What are the consequences of those choices? The analysis of this novel initially relies on the methodology proposed by van Leuven -Zwart (1990) and Systemic Functional Grammar, Halliday (1994) and Halliday and Matthiessen (2004).The results show thatthe nature of lexical-grammatical choices ofthe translator are influenced by the ideological and cultural contextin whichthe translator is inserted. / O objetivo desta pesquisa de mestrado é examinar a tradução do romanceMemóriasde um Sargento de Milícias, de Manuel Antônio de Almeida -do português para o inglês, para verificar qual é anatureza das modificações decorrentes das escolhas léxico-gramaticais na tradução para a língua inglesa e quais são as consequências dessas escolhas. Como resultado de uma postura logocêntrica, tanto as pessoas linguisticamente leigas, quanto especialistas em tradução tendem a considerara traduçãocomo um tipo de texto que éa reprodução exata de um texto originalmente escrito em outra língua. Nos anos noventa, a figura do tradutor subserviente ao texto original foi substituída pela do tradutor visivelmente manipulador, o artista criativo mediador de línguas e culturas. O que muda agoraé que o tradutor é entendido como um sujeito inserido num certo contexto cultural, ideológico, político e psicológico fatores que não podem ser ignorados ou eliminados na elaboração de uma tradução. Relacionada àessa questão, a hipótese do determinismolinguístico pode ajudar a entender o motivo das diferenças que cercam as categorias das experiências incorporadas nas várias línguas. As línguas diferem grandemente tanto nas categoriasdasexperiênciasque expressam, como nos meios linguísticos especiaisque empregam para a representação dessas categorias. Essas diferenças vão além do fato tão conhecido de que a maioria das palavras não tem tradução perfeitamente equivalente, de uma língua para outra. Whorf estava mais interessado em relacionar o léxico ea gramática à cosmovisão de uma cultura (a Weltanschauung). A pesquisa deve responder às seguintes perguntas:(a)Qual éa natureza das modificações decorrentes das escolhas léxico-gramaticais na tradução de Memórias de um Sargento de Milícias para a língua inglesa?(b)Quaissãoas consequências dessas escolhas? A análise desse romance apoia-se, inicialmente, na metodologia proposta por van Leuven-Zwart (1990) enaGramática Sistêmico-Funcional, de Halliday (1994) e Halliday e Matthiessen (2004). Os resultados mostram que a natureza das escolhas léxico-gramaticais do tradutoré influenciadapelocontexto cultural e ideológicono qual ele se insere

During the American Civil War, an approximate 200,000 Irish-born soldiers, and an even greater number of subsequent generation descended soldiers, fought for the Union and Confederate causes. Their experience, opinions, military actions and attitudes of their families were the subject of American Civil War songs, with songwriters penning numerous ballads about them. The conflict witnessed the mass production of wartime ballad culture, with over 11,000 pieces written and composed between 1861 and 1865 alone. An estimated 150 were by and about the Irish American wartime experience specifically. This thesis focuses on these Irish American Civil War songs and analyses the sentiments they expressed. Overall, the main topic written onto songsheet pages and in songbooks was the battlefield actions of Irish-born and descended soldiers. This study explores how military history was reported through song, following traditional oral practice patterns of using balladry to sing war reports. In particular, attention will be drawn to the proliferation of lyrical dedication and focus on specific Irish-dominated units such as the Union Army's Irish Brigade and 69th New York State Militia, and how their actions, along with other Irish soldiering units, came to dominate Irish American Civil War articulations and history. Within this lyrical attention the figures of Irish-born commanding officers, namely Generals Michael Corcoran and Thomas Francis Meagher, come to the fore. This study also analyses how their own wartime experiences and articulations corresponded with song lyrics. Beyond the battlefield focus, this thesis explores the way in which song lyrics sang about Irish loyalty and devotion to the American Union - and in a few examples Confederate nation - and particularly adopted symbols of the American nation, such as the Star Spangled Banner, as embodiments of the causes and ideals fought for by soldiers. Alongside this were lyrics that referred to symbols of Irish cultural heritage, language and a history of foreign military service. Irish identity can be seen on the surface of some songs, including references to Irish nationalism and the desire to gain Irish independence one day. Yet, as this thesis will argue, Irish American Civil War song lyrics reveal complicated support and sympathy for the Irish nationalist cause in the United States during the 1860s. Running through the songs of this study is a pervading sense and sentiment of American identity - that the Irish fighting and living through the war were stressing to society through song that they were committed to the United States as Americans first and foremost. In addition to assessing wartime views of Civil War politics and military actions, this thesis will also explore the way Irish song played a critical part in the formation of American musical culture, with traditional Irish music forming the foundation for American tunes, and blending Irish culture into the American wartime zeitgeist. This thesis will demonstrate the way in which Irish songs were written, published and disseminated through American society and crucially circulated beyond the confines of the Irish diaspora. Traditional and wartime Irish songs became a fundamental part of American culture because they were American cultural outputs. Thus this thesis will demonstrate the important evidential role Irish American Civil War songs play in singing an unexplored areas of mid-nineteenth century Irish American transnational history.

Régulièrement décrite comme le fruit d'un conflit identitaire déclenché par des interventions extérieures, la guerre civile irakienne est d'abord le résultat d'une intense compétition partisane. À travers une enquête de terrain menée de 2010 à 2017 au sein du gouvernorat de Kirkouk, cette thèse montre la manière dont les partis irakiens pénètrent l'État et produisent la société. En particulier, notre travail interroge la manière dont les partis captent les ressources étatiques qui leur permettent la mise en place de politiques d'ingénieries démographiques, la violence étant par ailleurs une modalité d'action centrale du jeu politique. En conséquence, une nouvelle hiérarchie communautaire s'installe qui modifie les structures socio-économiques et la vie quotidienne de la population. À partir de 2011, les inégalités qui résultent de ces transformations encouragent des protestations unanimistes (et non communautaires), mais la violence interdit le développement de ce mouvement et la marginalisation des Arabes sunnites facilitera finalement l'émergence de l'État islamique. Entre 2014 et 2017, la guerre contre l'EI radicalise encore les projets politiques de l'ensemble des partis, mais aboutit paradoxalement à un renforcement de l'État qui revient par le biais d'une politique de décharge milicienne et parvient à reprendre Kirkouk aux partis kurdes irakiens en octobre 2017. / Regularly described as the result of an identity conflict triggered by external interventions, the Iraqi civil war is first and foremost the result of intense partisan competition. Through an investigation conducted from 2010 to 2017 in the Kirkuk governorate, this thesis demonstrates how Iraqi parties penetrate the state and produce society. In particular, my work questions how parties capture the state resources that enable them to implement demographic engineering policies, violence being also a central modality of action in the political game. As a result, a new identity hierarchy is emerging that is changing the socio-economic structures and daily lives of the population. From 2011, the inequalities resulting from these transformations will encourage unanimous (and not sectarian) protests, but violence ultimately prohibits the development of this movement and the marginalization of Sunni Arabs will ultimately facilitate the emergence of the Islamic State. Between 2014 and 2017, the war against lS further radicalizes the political projects of all political parties, but paradoxically leads to a strengthening of the State, which returns through a devolution of power in favor of militias and, in October 2017, manages to take Kirkuk back from the Iraqi Kurdish parties.

During the 19th century, defence was a major issue in Victoria as indeed it was in other British colonies and the United Kingdom. To help defend themselves, self governing colonies throughout the Empire enlisted local citizens to serve as part time soldiers on a voluntary basis. The Victorian government in 1859 - 60 took a calculated risk in adopting a Volunteer Force to underpin the whole colonial defence scheme, particularly as the military effectiveness of the citizen soldiers was questionable due to the lack of any real discipline within the Force and the part time nature of the military service. Whilst the savings which resulted (from using Volunteers rather than expensive Imperial troops) were spent on building forts and purchasing ordnance to protect Port Phillip Bay, there were other advantages to be gained from the government decision. It harnessed the considerable groundswell of public patriotism and pride in the Empire to ensure the development of a colonial society with strong links to Britain. The Government also linked Volunteering, stability and patriotism together as part of a less obvious agenda for the goldfields. In a period of lingering unrest only a few short years after Eureka, the Volunteers provided a clear indication of government power and yet another sign (along with the judicial system, education, language) of the importance and expanse of British society. Should there be any civil unrest on the goldfields, the local Corps were ideally suited to the role of civil control. On a number of occasions, the Volunteer Corps were called out to maintain law and order. The thesis studies a major group of over 5,100 men on the goldfields over two decades, particularly with regard to their motives for joining the Volunteers and their demographics such as ages, occupations, addresses, activities and the networks between members. By addressing the Corps demographics it is possible to understand the role played by the Volunteers in the development of goldfields society.

This study explores and critically examines the role of indigenous mechanisms (the Inter-Tribal Reconciliation Conferences-ITRCs) in resolving tribal conflicts in South Darfur State of Western Sudan. The fundamental question raised by this study is: have these reconciliation conferences- 1989-2009- been able to address the root causes of the tribal conflicts and are they capable of serving the same role that they once did? Tribal leadership structures, such as Native Administration (NA) and their mechanisms of conflict resolution/management in Darfur, have been subjected to highly significant changes over time. The question is to what extent these changes further fuelled tribal conflicts and/or have negatively affected the capability of the NA and the ITRCs to deal with these conflicts? This thesis relies on archive records and reports of the ITRCs and data generated through interviews conducted with key informants. Through a detailed analysis the study: 1) presents a detailed account of the major conflicts and their causes in South Darfur; 2) identifies the changing identities of the protagonists and of the perceived causes; 3) assesses the effectiveness of the agreements reached by these conferences when considered alongside the causes identified. Analysis of the ITRCs shows that tribal conflicts in Darfur (from1980s), and South Darfur in particular, were connected to the wider political conflict in the Sudan and the region respectively. The analysis suggests that the history of neglect/marginalisation of the region by successive governments, and the political manipulation of the NA and local government, have negatively affected the performance of these institutions. The experience of the ITRCs indicates that they were unable to address the underlying causes of the tribal conflicts, such as land disputes, the manipulation of the NA and local government, rape and mass killings.

La recopilación de testimonios que se llevó a cabo en el ámbito de la Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación (2001-2003) suscitó dinámicas socioculturales inéditas en cuanto a la producción de historias locales sobre el conflicto interno. En este artículo nos centraremos primero en la actuación carnavalesca realizada en el distrito de Ocros, donde se escenificaron las masacres perpetradas por el PCP-Sendero Luminoso, así como en la consiguiente organización en rondas campesinas de los sobrevivientes. Más allá de la conmemoración de este episodio, ¿cómo entender la realización de esta performance y los objetivos que conlleva? ¿Qué muestran o qué silencian los actores con esta ‘escritura’ del pasado de violencia, necesariamente fragmentaria? Enfocándonos en las creaciones coreográficas y narrativas de la violencia, procuraremos entender los usos estratégicos a los que dan lugar. Finalmente, veremos de qué manera las distintas memorias se enfrentan y articulan entre sí para mostrar los mecanismos de legitimación y las lógicas diferentesde esas proyecciones públicas de la historia reciente. / The gathering of testimonials by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in the aftermath of the armed conflict opposing the Sendero Luminoso guerrilla and the Peruvian state has led to original socio-cultural dynamics around the local histories of the war. This article will focus on a carnival performance carried out in the Andean district of Ocros (Prov. of Huamanga), staging the massacres committed by the Sendero Luminoso and the struggle of the peasant militias. Beyond the commemoration of this episode, what are the issues and the objectives that underlie the performance? What view is given and what is left in silence, unsaid, by the actors in this type of unavoidably fragmentary ‘writing’ of the history of violence? Analyzing both the choreographic and the narrative production concerning the war, we will address the strategic uses they give rise to. Finally, we will focus on the way in which different memories compete and articulate to one another, so as to determine the mechanisms of legitimation and the competitive logics at playin these public projections of recent history.

Approved for public release / The atrocities committed by Americans at Abu Ghraib shocked the collective American moral conscience. Guilty of inhumane treatment of its prisoners there, Abu Ghraib did immeasurable damage to U.S. credibility and made clear that American detainee policy is off-track and needs to comply with objective standards of law, morality, and operational effectiveness. The emotional aftermath of 9/11 created a politically permissive environment within which the military organizational structures was unsuited for the critical tasks assigned to them relative to the context of the Bush Administration’s “new paradigm.” Two issues sit at the forefront of the political context of U.S. detainee policy: war powers and human rights. This thesis will utilize a synthesized decision-making model to analyze the President’s decisions leading to the current detainee policy. Policy alternatives require smaller corrections to bureaucratic process, not a major reorganization of bureaucratic structure. This thesis will provide policy-makers with a moral and legal framework for a corrected detainee policy. Adoption of the full framework of the 1949 Geneva Conventions, including U.S. ratification of Additional Protocols I and II (1977), provides the best framework to combat transnational insurgency, while retaining the moral and legal high ground required of the world’s superpower. / Major, United States Air Force