The present study focusses on the description and analysis of the religious beliefs and practices of a central Taiwanese spirit-writing cult or "phoenix hall" (luantang). A phoenix hall is a voluntary religious association of congregational character centring upon communication with the gods by means of the divinatory technique of "spirit-writing" (fuluan). While spirit-writing can be and is used as an oracle for the solving of believers' personal problems, its more high-profile application is for the writing of so-called "morality books" (shanshu), i.e., books of religious instruction and moral exhortation. Spirit-writing cults are nowadays the most important sources of such works. Much attention has been given to morality books as mirrors of the social concerns of their times, but comparatively little work has been done on the groups that produce them and the meaning these works have for them. An adequate understanding of the meanings and functions of morality books, however, is impossible without some knowledge of the religious groups that produce them and the role played by morality books in their beliefs and practices. It is the objective of this thesis to provide a detailed description and analysis of one such group, the "Temple of the Martial Sage, Hall of Enlightened Orthodoxy" (Wumiao Mingzheng Tang), a phoenix hall in the city of Taizhong that was founded in 1976 and has played a significant role in the modern development of the shanshu genre through the active and varied publications programme of its publishing arm, the Phoenix Friend Magazine Society. The study utilizes data extracted from the Hall's published writings as well as interview, observation, and questionnaire data collected during an eight month period of field research in Taizhong. Part I provides a macrohistorical overview of the development of spirit-writing cults on the Chinese mainland (chapter 1) and on Taiwan (chapter 2) since the nineteenth century, leading up to the case-example's microhistory (chapter 3). Part II is devoted to an account of the beliefs and practices of the Wumiao Mingzheng Tang, including descriptions and analyses of its organization, deities, ritual activities, concepts of moral cultivation, and of the body of morality book literature it has produced over the years. The appendix contains samples of the cult's morality book and scriptural literature, as well as of various liturgical texts. / Arts, Faculty of / Asian Studies, Department of / Graduate

abstract: ABSTRACT As a composer, Chou Wen-Chung (1923-2019) was a learner and inheritor of Chinese traditional music culture and was committed to carrying it forward. As a native of China who had his primary musical training in the West, Chou Wen-Chung was one of the first Chinese composers to make his mark on Western music. He successfully combined Western elements and Chinese tradition in his music. Chou Wen-Chung was one of the few prominent East Asian composers known in the Western musical world, and his music therefore has had a strong influence on other Chinese composers. In order to understand more clearly his music, I analyzed his chamber work: Yü Ko. This piece was composed in 1965 for 9 instruments: Violin, Alto Flute, English Horn, Bass Clarinet, 2 Trombones, 2 Percussion and Piano. Inspired by the ancient Chinese musical instrument the Qin (also called guqin, or “ancient qin”), which is a plucked seven-string instrument, Chou Wen-Chung composed Yü Ko. Literally meaning “fisherman’s song,” this work was composed originally for the Qin, based on a melody composed by Mao Min-Zhong who was a very noted scholar and Qin player of the late Southern Song dynasty (C.E.1127-1276). This paper provides Chou Wen-Chung’s biography, compositional styles and developments. It lists and explains the most common Chinese traditional cultural elements which he used in his compositions. In particular, it introduces the Qin in detail from the external structure, performance techniques, sound characteristics, the tablature notation, and compositional methods. This document also includes a detailed analysis of Yü Ko in terms of the orchestration, pitch, tonal material, structure and tempo, dynamic and musical materials, and explains Chou Wen-Chung’s imitation of the Qin as well as the influence of Western music shown in this piece. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Music 2020

「詞史」為一理論術語，亦是作品的價值桂冠。此一觀念於明清之際興發，然而歷來大多是站在「詩史」的角度之下詮釋此一概念，而少對當時的「詞史」論述作一完整並細緻的討論。經過分析，筆者發現明清之際的「詞史」論述具有泛情化與個人化的傾向，故本文以現今「詞史」研究的學術反思為出發點，並進一步站在此特點之上，企圖建立一個考察「詞史」作品的「新詞史」視角。第一章是全文的基礎，包含兩個重點：一是分析明清之際的「詞史」概念特質，並闡述其產生背景與原因；二是將「詞史」與「詩史」、「曲史」一同比較，得出它們的細微差別。第二章至第四章從「詞史」論述中選取三個主要內涵，分別是「傳心」、「憶往」與「懷古詠史」，在這三章中，除了對這三類「詞史」論述有更仔細的分析外，並加入了與此三個主題相關的理論思考，形成新的考察視角，接著由這些主題衍伸而出，開展專題討論，作為「新詞史」之示例。「詞史」的泛情化與個人化，背離了過往重紀事的史觀，而與二十世紀初以來的新史學觀念相符，同樣指向心靈史與思想史之範疇。也因為「事」的剝離，其間文體跨越的標準，以及詞中「史」的性質都更為抽象、模糊，加上論述中賦予鑑賞者裁選的權力，故與新歷史主義亦有部分相似之處。本文採用新歷史主義的方法，注重文本與歷史的互動，選擇詞、史兩個方面皆有價值的作品：第一個專題以兩組骷髏詞為分析對象，從中可見兩種死亡觀的對話；接著以自壽詞與自題像詞為分析對象，觀察他們詞中的自傳意味；最後以〈虞美人〉詞牌為主的虞姬詞為分析對象，帶出英雄觀的討論。這三個專題之間又是彼此關聯，共同形成一個歷史場域，在詞中展現他們文學化的眾聲喧嘩。綜上所述，本文於理論與作品兩方面，希望能擺脫過往陳陳相因的定義與詮釋，而對於詞與史，有更多思考的可能。= As an academic term, Cishi can also be esteemed as a compliment of a piece of work. Cishi, developed into a concept in the duration of Ming and Qing Dynasty, has been long comprehended and interpreted under the gist of Shishi, without a thorough and detailed discussion over the contemporary discourse about Cishi. Through close reading and analysis, I found that the discourse about Cishi in the duration of Ming and Qing Dynasty has an inclination of pan-sentiment and personalisition. This dissertation is based on the reflection of present study on Cishi, and tries to make a step further to establish a "new Cishi" platform to inspect Cishi works. The first chapter is the fundament of this whole dissertation, which consists of two parts: one is to analyze the particularity of the concept of Cishi, and explain its background and reason, and the other is to compare the subtle differences among Cishi, Shishi and Qushi. I select three main connotations--expressing mind, retrospecting the past, and ode to history, to discuss among Chapter Two to Chapter Four. Besides the profoundly analyzing, I combine these three topics with respectively related theoretical thinking to form a new perspective. Subsequently, specific discussions expended from the topics are set examples of the "new Cishi". Pan-sentiment and personalisition of Cishi deviates from the traditional historiography view which concentrates on the event recording, whereas corresponds with the new historiography view blossoming in 20th century, which also points to the spiritual history and the history of ideas. For the reason of the separation from events, ambiguous standards of style, the abstract and vague quality of "history" in Ci, as well as the power of selecting entitled to the readers in discussion; Cishi also shares some similarities with new historicism. So in this dissertation, regarding the interaction between text and history, I adopt the method of new historicism to select those works which contribute both in Ci and in history. The first topic concentrates on two groups of skeleton Ci, which embodies two different views of death. The second topic sets the self-bithday-congratuation Ci and self-portrait-inscription Ci as objects of study to observe the connotation of autobiography within. In the very end, the third topic analyzes the character of Yuji(虞姬) which mainly appears in the Cipai(詞牌) of Yumeiren(虞美人), which also contains the discussion of the heroic outlook. Associated mutually, these three topics form a historical field, and burst into a literary chorus in Ci. As a conclusion, this dissertation explores in aspect of theory as well as works, tries to get rid of the past routinized definition and explanation in order to offer some new possible perspectives in both Ci and history.

English Abstract This M.A. thesis analyses the politics of indirect rule within the peripheral area of Liangshan in southern Sichuan, which the imperial court tried to implement thru appointment of hereditary offices of indigenous chieftains (ch. tusi or tuguan). It uses primary sources in classical Chinese from official histories, local gazetteers, ethnographic studies and other documents, as well as secondary literature in Czech, English, French, German and Chinese. This thesis is divided into three interrelated chapters. The first chapter outlines the origin, changes and development of systems of indirect rule in Southwest China. The final stage of the development this political mechanism was a so-called "native chieftain system" (ch. tusi zhidu), through which the central court managed peripheral regions of its empire during Yuan, Ming and Qing dynasties. This chapter focuses on the development of these systems of indirect rule from the Warring States era (5th century BC) to the beginning of 20th century. The second chapter explores ethnographic, historico-political and ethnohistorical descriptions of Liangshan region. This chapter will then define the Liangshan region through geographical, political (the imperial court), and indigenous (ethnic) perspectives and therefore finalizes a theoretical...

本論文主要探討十六至十七世紀的仙境繪畫及其所反映的仙境觀念，並以歸入仇英名下的仙境圖為中心，通過分析畫中的內容意涵，藉以展現十六至十七世紀明人對仙境圖處理的多樣性。 / 基於現時傳為出自仇英手筆的仙境圖最多，仇英可以說是當時十六至十七世紀對仙境題材創作情況的一個縮影。加上，仇英作為十六世紀具代表性的職業畫家，其仙境圖很有可能是針對具體的「使用對象」而生產，迎合不同人的不同想法和需要。在這種前提下，本文將仇英以及託名仇英的仙境圖理解為十六至十七世紀藝術市場需求下的產物，並從剖析它們的題材和構圖入手，以揭示受畫人對於仙境畫作的情感寄託。 / 所謂仙境圖，即是描繪神仙所居的圖像。仙境圖可歸入山水畫科，而且與山水畫的界定比較模糊。就畫中不同的圖像表現，可將仇英名下的仙境圖分成五類：第一種是以個別神仙入畫的仙境圖；第二種是畫中出現道士煉丹場景的仙境圖；第三種是畫有等候飛昇的歷史人物的仙境圖；第四種是描繪「桃花源」主題的仙境圖；最後一種是懷有文人情調的仙境圖。 / 本文以其中三類仙境圖為例，指出時人對仙境的運用各有差別：以個別神仙入畫的仙境圖較適用於壽慶場合，畫有道士煉丹場景的仙境圖則似是作為當時追求長生的慰藉，而以文人形象入畫的仙境圖即蘊含隱世思想；從而說明這些仙境圖在明代社會中發揮不同的作用，傳達不同的信息，滿足不同的需求，反映出繪畫與使用場合及使用對象之間的緊密關係。 / This thesis attempts to study the immortal landscape paintings from the sixteenth to seventeenth century as well as the ideas on the realm of immortals embodied in these paintings. Focusing on the immortal landscape paintings attributed to Qiu Ying, this thesis analyses their themes and allusive meanings, and thus presents the diversity in the diverse approaches adopted in the immortal landscape paintings in the late Ming period. / Since a majority of the immortal landscape paintings survived today is attributed to Qiu Ying, his works can be seen as the encapsulation of the artistic creations on the theme of the realm of immortals dated in the sixteenth and seventeenth century. A representative professional painter of the time, Qiu Ying probably produced his works for a certain group of intended audience in accordance with a variety of ideas and needs. With this presupposition this thesis regards Qiu Ying’s works and the imitations of such as the products responding the demands of the art market in the sixteenth and seventeenth century. Through an analysis of the subject matter and composition of the paintings, this thesis reveals the sentimental values held by the immortal landscape paintings for their possessors. / Depicting the dwellings of deities, immortal landscape paintings can be identified as a sub-genre of landscape paintings and are hardly distinct from other landscape paintings. The immortal landscape paintings by Qiu Ying can be classified into five types in terms of visual elements, including: I) particular deities; II) Taoist adepts practicing alchemy; III) historical figures awaiting respectfully for ascending to celestial realms; IV) Peach Blossom Spring, the Chinese equivalent of utopia; and V) scenes imbued with literati spirit. / Of these five types of immortal landscape paintings, examples from three are selected to demonstrate their different functionalities in Ming society; immortal landscape paintings portraying particular deities were created for festive occasions, while those depicting Taoist alchemy and literati figures offered reassurance on the quest for immortality and implied reclusive spirit respectively. Through a detailed investigation this thesis illustrates that immortal landscape paintings were produced to serve a variety of functions, to convey different messages, and to accommodate various needs in Ming society, thus testifying the close association between paintings, objects of utility and the occasions they are created for. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 楊晉宜. / "2012年8月". / "2012 nian 8 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 105-122). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Yang Jinyi. / 內容摘要 --- p.i / 誌謝辭 --- p.v / 前言 --- p.1 / Chapter 一、 --- 研究動機與目的 --- p.1 / Chapter 二、 --- 近人研究概況 --- p.3 / Chapter 三、 --- 研究意義 --- p.5 / Chapter 1. --- 仇英仙境圖作為道教藝術的一個面向 --- p.5 / Chapter 2. --- 仙境圖作為十六世紀藝術市場需求下的產物 --- p.7 / Chapter 第一章 --- 研究對象的釐清與選取 --- p.9 / Chapter 一、 --- 仇英與仙境圖的關係 --- p.9 / Chapter 二、 --- 仙境圖的定義 --- p.16 / Chapter 三、 --- 仇英仙境圖比例分析 --- p.24 / Chapter 1. --- 數字統計 --- p.24 / Chapter 2. --- 歸納分類 --- p.31 / 小結、仙境圖類型與研究路徑 --- p.38 / Chapter 第二章 --- 仙境圖中的神仙與蟠桃 --- p.40 / Chapter 一、 --- 兩件畫作的產生情況 --- p.41 / Chapter 二、 --- 內容意涵的差異 --- p.44 / Chapter 三、 --- 為祝某人之壽辰 --- p.54 / 小結、神仙形象與仙境圖 --- p.59 / Chapter 第三章 --- 仙境圖中的道士燒丹場景 --- p.60 / Chapter 一、 --- 明代有關煉丹的畫作 --- p.61 / Chapter 二、 --- 燒丹與神仙的關係 --- p.64 / Chapter 三、 --- 煉丹對明人的意義 --- p.68 / Chapter 四、 --- 仙真與山水相融的構圖 --- p.71 / 小結、道士燒丹與仙境圖 --- p.74 / Chapter 第四章 --- 仙境圖中的文人雅趣 --- p.76 / Chapter 一、 --- 仙境圖中文人形象的顯隱差異 --- p.77 / Chapter 二、 --- 文人形象在仙境圖的其中一種作用 --- p.84 / Chapter 1. --- 以玉洞桃花造境 --- p.86 / Chapter 2. --- 人迹於仙山 --- p.90 / Chapter 3. --- 畫中人的真實身份 --- p.94 / 小結、文人形象與仙境圖 --- p.99 / 結論 --- p.101 / 參考書目 --- p.105 / Chapter 附表一、 --- 文獻著錄的仙境圖統計 --- p.124 / Chapter 附表二、 --- 仇英仙境圖列表 --- p.126 / Chapter 附表三、 --- 〈蟠桃圖〉各版本場景列表 --- p.128 / 圖版 --- p.131

無論是東方或西方古代社會，宗教信仰與政治信仰二者的關係都是相輔相成的；尤以中國古代殷周時期，宗教與政治的信仰、權力、組織、制度更是合為一體。筆者的興趣與關注，正是周初宗教人文轉向的課題。周室承繼殷權的宗教文化傳統，從祭祀天神、地衹、鬼靈、祖宗等現象出發，透過一套象徵系統的詮釋方式，傳達出一種對宇宙、人事獨特的理解與信念。然而，夏、殷之例不遠，僅以祭祀、占卜等活動尚不足以「祈天永命」來確保國祚久安，故強調「敬德」的主體修養活動以彌補宗教活動的不足；周室遂以此信仰體系為背景，經由「敬」的自我省察工夫，把對超越界的崇敬與追尋，回返到主體對自我的覺知與省察，神秘的宗教性格遂轉化為「敬德」價值理性的生發，「敬德」與「服天命」或「受天命」之間自始產生了聯結，兩者形成了緊密的因果關係：前為因，後為果；這有效地說明天命屬意周室的正當性。此時，「天命有德→敬德保民→祈天永命」三者恰好結成牢固的繩索，「敬德」成了國祚久安的必要條件，開顯出全新的、倫理的、道德的人文面相。 　　周初宗教人文轉向的關鍵處就是，周公等人以人民根植在祭祀、占卜活動中對超越界的情感為基礎，把一貫的宗教情操巧妙地轉移至「德」價值本體上；在周公等人自覺意識的作用下，神人關係的宗教情操順利地轉化為道德情操，周初宗教精神自此一大躍進，展現了新的宗教精神，從而指點出它的道德與倫理向度；宗教理性與人文理性因而結合、消融，人文意義與價值自始受到重視與肯認。職是之故，筆者擬以周初「天命觀」與「敬德」價值理性二者互為辯證的關係為進路，從二者的形成、關連與作用面切入，分別描述周初宗教人文化的歷史進程，並就其統貫之理作一系統性的闡述。 / The relations between the religious and political beliefs are complementary either in the eastern or eastern society which beliefs, authorities, organization, systems were combined into a whole especially during the Ying-Chou period of the ancient China. The writer's interests and concerns are rightly focused on “the humanistic turn of the early Chou religion”. The Chou empire inherited the religious, cultural tradition from Ying authority, starting out from the phenomena of worshiping the heaven deity, earth deity, ghosts, ancestral spirits and expressed an unique understanding, belief for the cosmos and the living world through the interpretative way of a set of symbolic system. Whereas, that the examples of Shia, Ying authorities went just ahead made Chou empire realized that only relying on the worshiping, divining activities was insufficient to “appealing to the heaven for the eternal life of nation”; hence, they proclaimed further the subjective deed― “respecting virtue” ―for supplementing the deficiency of religious activities; given that, the Chou turned its outwardly respecting and searching for the transcendent back to the inwardly subjective awareness and introspection on self, grounded on the inherited belief system, by way of the introspective work “respecting” of self that resulted in the transformation from the mystic, religious characters into the arising of the value-ration of “respecting value”. Thus, there was connection between “respecting virtue” and “obeying the heaven's destiny”, “accepting the heaven's destiny”; the former the cause, the later the effect. The close causation occurred within them that effectively explained the legitimacy of the bestowed destiny from heaven on Chou. At this time, “the heaven bestowing destiny on those who have virtue→respecting virtue for the purpose of protecting people→appealing to the heaven for the eternal nation” these three nodes were rightly strung into a firm rope so that “respecting virtue” became the necessary condition of the eternal nation that discovered the wholly new, moral, ethical and humanistic aspects. 　　The key point of the humanistic turn of the early Chou religion was Chou-Kong and others, based on people's emotions rooted in the worshiping, divining activities for the transcendent, ingeniously turned people's inherited religious sentiments to the “virtue” itself. Under the function of Chou-Kong's self-consciousness, the religious sentiment of relations between gods and men smoothly transformed into the moral sentiment that made the religious spirit in the early Chou pushed a giant leap and opened a fully new religious spirit that directed to its moral and ethical dimensions. The religion-ration and humanity-ration were thus combined and melted; from this on, the humanistic meanings and values were acknowledged and regarded with esteem. On the grounded of that, the writer tries to make a systematic explication for its reason of unity by describing separately the historical process of the humanization of the early Chou religion from the aspects of formations, correlations and functions of both the view of “heaven's destiny” and the value-ration of “respecting virtue” among which the inter-dialectical relations used as an approach in this text.

Le traité des Catégories d’Aristote est l’une des premières œuvres de la philosophie occidentale traduite en chinois. Introduit par les jésuites en Chine au XVIIème siècle, sa traduction fut une confrontation entre la pensée gréco-chrétienne et la pensée chinoise. Elle nous renseigne sur le rapport entre la langue et la pensée. Le premier chapitre est un aperçu de l’environnement historico-culturel dans lequel cette traduction a été réalisée. Le deuxième chapitre présente notre méthode et nos outils de travail. Nous expliquons, dans le troisième chapitre, le titre de l’ouvrage en chinois : il est censé être la traduction du mot « logique », mais il est composé de mots qui renvoient à des doctrines philosophiques chinoises traitant de problèmes fondamentalement différents de ceux dont s’occupe la logique aristotélicienne. Les quatrième et cinquième chapitres constituent un commentaire de la traduction chinoise du premier chapitre du traité aristotélicien. Les différences linguistiques entre le chinois et les langues indo-européennes se révèlent tant sur le plan lexical que sur le plan grammatical. Nous terminons notre travail par une discussion sur la traduction du verbe « être ». Notre objet est de montrer que ce qui est perdu dans la traduction est moins le sens du mot « être » que sa syntaxe et le mode de pensée qui lui est lié. Étudier les intraduisibles en philosophie, c’est découvrir les différentes façons de thématiser et de problématiser, qui caractérisent chaque système de pensée. Cette étude de philosophie comparée gréco-chinoise espère contribuer à la réflexion sur la pluralité linguistique et culturelle. / Aristotle’s Categories is one of the first Western philosophical texts translated into Chinese. Since Jesuit missionaries introduced scientific thoughts into China in the 17th century, Chinese literati have shown a strong interest in the demonstration method that was originated in Aristotelian logic. This dissertation presents a detailed study of the Chinese translation Ming li tan, with the aim of addressing several issues on the relationship between language and thought. Chapter 1 is an overview of the historical and cultural environment in which the translation took place. Chapter 2 presents our approach to comparative philosophy. Chapter 3 discusses the translation of the title “Ming li tan”. The term “ming li” is used as a translation of the word “logic”, but is actually composed of terms referring to Chinese philosophical doctrines which deal with problems fundamentally different from those of the Aristotelian logic. Chapters 4 and 5 provide a detailed commentary of the Chinese translation of the first chapter of Categories, focusing in particular on three notions: homonym, synonym and paronym. We conclude our work with a discussion on the translation of the verb “to be” and its derivatives (e.g., being, substance), and explain the reasoning behind its various Chinese renditions. Our central claim is that what is lost in translation is less the literal meaning of word “to be” than its syntax and the way of thinking underlying the use of this word. The focus on translation provides a unique approach to studying linguistic relativism and linguistic and cultural pluralism. A good understanding of these issues is crucial for improving the intercultural dialogue.

published_or_final_version / Chinese / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

本論文重點在研究徐霞客遊記之文學。全一冊，除前言外，凡七章，約十萬言各章大 要如下： 第一章：徐霞客其人。簡介徐霞客之家世、生平、性情、交遊等，以認識其人。 第二章：徐霞客遊記概述。首敘遊記之成書、整理及刊刻，次敘霞客之旅遊概況與遊 跡，三敘遊記之內容、形式等，期能對遊記本身有一大體之瞭解。 第三章：徐霞客所處時代之文學背景與所受影響。此章擬自晚明文風、晚明文人之寫 作態度、小品文之興起三方面，見霞客寫作之背景。 第四章：徐霞客之寫作技巧分析。本章從構語造句，修辭用字，譬喻三方面，探論其 寫作技巧。 第五章：徐霞客遊記文學所常見之主題試探。由山之屬、岩溶洞穴、天象氣候、人物 、植物等，見其文學風貌。 第六章：往霞客遊記與我國山水名家比較。茲舉酈道元、柳宗元、袁宏道三家之山水 文學與霞客之遊記比較，以見各家於山水文學寫作之異同。 第七章：結論。論霞客遊記文學之評價及其成就。

一、字數：約六萬字。 二、章節：計分五章十六節。 三、綱要： 第一章：緒論。概言寫作意旨及方向。 第二章：背景說明。 第一節：船山性格描述。由後人記載及船山著作山看船山的性格。 第二節：政治風氣。概述明代政風。 第三節：學術風氣。概述明代學風。 第四節：社經狀況。概述明代社會與經濟性情形。 第五節：哲學背景：人心論。介紹船山的人性觀。 第三章：船山論君子與小人。 第一節：君子勢長。討論三種君子對待小人的方式。 第二節：小人勢長。討論三種君子處時的方式。 第三節：兩種君子與小人互動方式的研究。討論陰陽的對待關係及意義。 第四節：船山的終極關懷。討論船山對政治秩序的觀點。 第五節：名詞析義。探討船山的君子小人觀的始義。 第六節：結語。 第四章：船山論君臣民。 第一節：船山論君。探討船山對君權源始、轉移及運做的觀點。 第二節：船山論臣。探討船山的仕與隱的觀點。 第三節：船山論民。探討船山對人民的政治能力的觀點。 第五章：結論。 第一節：船山之人物品評的檢討。對船山的人物觀給予適當定位並據以解釋船山之隱 遁及其價值觀。 第二節：孔子之人物觀的檢討。從外王社會的期盼與個性發展的觀點進行討論。