I use porcelain clay because it allows me to focus on the subtle color shifts between white, beige, and gray. The forms I make in clay are associated with tangled roots, naked tree branches, hollow logs, and bones. I reveal this with a dense mass of curvilinear hollow forms that stack into a rhythmic linkage. They twist and turn, relying on gravity to dictate their structure within the installation. The ends of some are closed while others remain open to expose their interior. The tearing and perforations on the surface of each piece are employed to emphasize deterioration. In opposition to the tearing and perforations, I also add concave lines to the surface creating a flowing moving force. The surface is both visually active and smooth, allowing the eye to roam and focus on specific areas. I'm also working with the accumulation of pieces to communicate growth. The individual pieces rest on one another, growing into an interlocking structure. The pedestal is a formal presentation that is specific to the space. For this installation, I wanted to make the work monumental by elevating an accumulation of pieces. When walking around the artwork, there's an opening in the platform for one person to walk in and be surrounded by the two sides of the piece. The work is above eye level and surrounds the viewer at both sides. I want people to view the mass from the outside, but to also have an experience from the inside.

Cette thèse se donne pour but l'analyse de 159 inscriptions ottomanes relevées dans la ville de Tripoli de Libye (période 1555 - 1906). Cet ensemble épigraphique de grande valeur, quasiment inédit, permet d'éclairer l'histoire de la ville et de ses principaux représentants. Chaque inscription, monumentale ou funéraire, est étudiée d'un point de vue historique mais également matériel (décors, supports, écriture et paléographie). La langue (arabe ou parfois osmanli), le contenu et la forme font aussi l'objet d'une étude approfondie. Chaque inscription est analysée, traduite et commentée dans une fiche type (volume 1) ; les analyses des données sont regroupées dans le volume 2 ; les plans, cartes, photos et fac-similés occupent le volume 3. Ce travail met en lumière la richesse patrimoniale et épigraphique de Tripoli et de sa région et ouvre la voie à de nouvelles études et réflexions sur la Régence ottomane. / This dissertation aims at analysing 159 inscriptions from the city of western Tripoli dating from the Ottoman period (1555 - 1906). This epigraphic corpus, for the main part unpublished, stands out for his value, since it sheds more light on the history of the city and on its representatives. Each inscription, be it monumental or funeral, studied from an historical, as well as a material (decoration, media, writing and palaeography) context. The language (Arabic and sometimes Osmanli), the content and the form are thoroughly analysed. Volume 1 includes the corpus of the inscriptions, each of which is analysed, translated and annotated in a standard form. Volume 2 presents the analysis of the data. Finally, volume 3 contains the plans, maps, photos and facsimiles. This study highlights the heritage and epigraphic richness of Tripoli and its region ; it opens the way to new investigations on the Ottoman Regency.

L’objectif du travail de recherche est de présenter une analyse du système d’écriture hiéroglyphique anatolien entre la moitié du IIe millénaire av. J.-C. – quand des symboles graphiques déjà connus et employés en milieu anatolien commencent à s’organiser en système – et les premiers siècles du Ier millénaire av. J.-C. Le corpus pris en considération est constitué essentiellement par les inscriptions monumentales de la période hittite. Les caractéristiques principales de ces inscriptions ont été par la suite comparées avec un certain nombre de textes de la période post-hittite. Au cours du travail de recherche, à une analyse proprement philologique et linguistique des textes qui constituent le corpus examiné, on a préféré une approche différente, capable de prendre en considération tous les aspects et les propriétés des hiéroglyphes anatoliens. Les pratiques sociales liées aux phénomènes d’écriture, le choix des supports, les pratiques de mise en page des textes, le rôle des rédacteurs, la perception des textes de la part des lecteurs et le caractère « politique » du corpus ont constitué le véritable cœur de la recherche. Un intérêt particulier a été également porté au rapport entre « code scriptural » et « code visuel », et notamment au fait que, dans le cas de l’écriture hiéroglyphique anatolienne – comme dans le cas de toute écriture hiéroglyphique – l’opposition figuratif vs textuel doit forcement être mis de côté en raison des principes mêmes du fonctionnement du système d’écriture. / The main goal of the research work is to present a survey on the Anatolian hieroglyphic script between the middle of the 2nd millennium BC – when a series of symbols already known and used in Anatolia takes the form of a proper writing system – and the first centuries of the 1st millennium BC. The text corpus chosen as case study mainly consists of the monumental inscriptions dating to the Hittite Empire Period. These inscriptions and their main characteristics have been subsequently compared with some representative texts dating to the Neo-Hittite period. Concerning the methodological aspects of the research, instead of a philological and linguistic analysis of the corpus taken into consideration, it has been preferred an approach able to take into account the social practices connected with the use of the writing system. According to this methodological choice, special attention has been paid to the text carriers, the organization of the texts’ layout, the role played by the authors and the scribes, the ‘consumption’ of the texts by the target audience, and the political and ideological character of the inscriptions. In addition, in the light of the fundamental nature of the Anatolian hieroglyphic system, the signs of which are both images and signs of writing, particular attention has also been paid to the link existing between ‘writing’ and ‘visual’ codes, and especially to the ambiguous relationship existing between the iconographic and textual elements of the inscriptions.

Submitted by Sara Ribeiro (sara.ribeiro@ucb.br) on 2018-08-08T14:31:07Z No. of bitstreams: 1 JoaoBatistaLopesdaSilvaTese2018.pdf: 3975410 bytes, checksum: 77c2b670479da483d0f5179644bab27a (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Sara Ribeiro (sara.ribeiro@ucb.br) on 2018-08-08T14:31:37Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 JoaoBatistaLopesdaSilvaTese2018.pdf: 3975410 bytes, checksum: 77c2b670479da483d0f5179644bab27a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-08T14:31:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 JoaoBatistaLopesdaSilvaTese2018.pdf: 3975410 bytes, checksum: 77c2b670479da483d0f5179644bab27a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-06-26 / This research constitutes a rescue of the sense of memory of the Monumental Olympic Stadium, located in Porto Alegre, Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil, which was the official stadium of the Foot-Ball Porto Alegre Alegrense from 1954 to 2013. In that last year, has begun a demolition process that is under way. As it is a sport plaza with a great cultural repercussion, as well as a football heritage and has an identity bond of Grêmio supporters, this research is justified. The general aim was to understand, analyze and seek for the meaning of the Monumental Olympic Stadium as a "place of memory" - a concept developed by the French historian Piere Nora - from the voices of social actors who have a bond of belonging to the Grêmio Foot-Ball Porto Alegrense and the stadium itself. For the specific aims we seek to contribute to the registration of collective memory by analyzing the impacts that the demolition of the Monumental Olympic Stadium can cause, already causes / caused in the people who make or were part of the history of the stadium, especially to those who are, in some way, involved in the design and dismemberment of major football events. The theoretical contribution, beyond Pierre Nora, are based on research authors that corroborate the studies of memory and identity such as Maurice Halbwachs, Joël Candau, Michel Pollak, Ecléa Bosi, Zygmunt Bauman; and authors who discuss the memories of the Monumental Olympic Stadium from characters who made history in that place, such as Léo Gerchmann and Eduardo Bueno. The research has a qualitative ethnographic basis, using oral history techniques, since it is characterized by the search for the understanding of the meanings narrated by the twenty-two interviewees about a cultural heritage conceived in a particular and emotional way in the imaginary of these social actors and it uses the description and interpretation of data in a natural context in which the place of memory is characterized as being a cultural component presented in the life and social experiences of the group involved. In addition to the in-depth interviews, that stimulated the narratives of the social actors and, therefore, is the main instrument of data collection, we use as empirical sources a field journal of the researcher, journalistic materials and official documents of the club. For the process of analysis, we list seven categories of analysis, chosen a posteriori. They are: "The Olympic Stadium as patrimony"; "Memory and identity: the notion of belonging"; "The monumental games at the Olympic Stadium"; "The personification of the place"; "The stadium as a place of memory"; "Diversity and gender in the field and in the stands" and "From collective catharsis to the drama of demolition". At the end of the study, we can consider that people who have a relation of belonging to the Olympic Stadium, at the same time, they suffer from the loss of a physical structure that refers to a place of memory with great significance for the construction of their identity and also affective bonds, they elevate the Monumental Olympic Stadium to a dimension that transcends matter, personifies the place and strengthens the characterization of a place of memory that has aura. / Este trabalho constitui-se em um resgate do sentido da memória do Estádio Olímpico Monumental, localizado em Porto Alegre, Rio Grande do Sul, Brasil, que foi o estádio oficial do Grêmio Foot-Ball Porto Alegrense de 1954 a 2013. Nesse último ano, iniciou um processo de demolição que se encontra em andamento. Por ser uma praça esportiva de grande repercussão cultural, assim como um patrimônio do futebol e possuir vínculo identitário de torcedores do Grêmio, justifica-se a presente pesquisa. O objetivo geral foi interpretar, analisar e buscar o sentido do Estádio Olímpico Monumental enquanto um “lugar de memória” - conceito desenvolvido pelo historiador francês Piere Nora - a partir das vozes de atores sociais que possuem um vínculo de pertencimento ao Grêmio Foot-Ball Porto Alegrense e ao próprio estádio. Para os objetivos específicos buscamos contribuir no registro da memória coletiva por meio da análise dos impactos que a demolição do Estádio Olímpico Monumental pode causar, já causam/causaram nas pessoas que fazem ou fizeram parte da história do estádio, especialmente àqueles que estão, de alguma forma, envolvidos com os desígnios e desmembramentos dos grandes acontecimentos ligados ao futebol. Aliados a Pierre Nora, constituem o aporte teórico desta investigação autores que corroboram os estudos da memória e identidade: Maurice Halbwachs, Joël Candau, Michel Pollak, Ecléa Bosi, Zygmunt Bauman; e autores que enquadram memórias do Estádio Olímpico Monumental a partir personagens que fizeram história naquele lugar, como Léo Gerchmann e Eduardo Bueno. A pesquisa tem caráter qualitativo de base etnográfica, utilizando-se das técnicas da história oral, uma vez que se caracteriza pela busca da compreensão dos sentidos narrados pelos vinte e dois entrevistados acerca de um patrimônio cultural concebido de forma particular e emotiva no imaginário desses atores sociais e recorre à descrição e interpretação dos dados em contexto natural em que o local de memória é caracterizado por ser um componente cultural presente na vida e experiências sociais do grupo envolvido. Além das entrevistas em profundidade que estimularam as narrativas dos atores sociais e, portanto, é o principal instrumento de coleta de dados, utilizamos como fontes empíricas um diário de campo do pesquisador, matérias jornalísticas e documentos oficiais do clube. Para o processo de análise, elencamos sete categorias de análise, escolhidas a posteriori. São elas: “O Estádio Olímpico como patrimônio”; “Memória e identidade: a noção de pertencimento”; “Os jogos monumentais no Estádio Olímpico”; “A personificação do lugar”; “O estádio como lugar de memória”; “Diversidade e gênero no campo e nas arquibancada” e “Da catarse coletiva ao drama da demolição”. Ao final do estudo, podemos considerar que as pessoas que têm relação de pertencimento com o Estádio Olímpico, ao mesmo tempo em que sofrem com a perda de uma estrutura física que remete a um lugar de memória com grande significado para construção de sua identidade e vínculos afetivos, alçam o Estádio Olímpico Monumental a uma dimensão que transcende a matéria, personifica o lugar e fortalece a caracterização de um lugar de memória que tem aura.

This thesis provides the beginnings of further research on the correlation between Nabataean mortuary practices and specific biological age ranges. It seeks to answer the question of whether Nabataean infants were absent from, or under-represented, in Nabataean cemeteries. Several quantitative analyses and descriptive statistics were performed, comparing Nabataean adult and subadult burials from fourteen sites. Nabataean cemetery populations were also compared with Walter Scheidel's model life table. These analyses demonstrate that Nabataean burials typically consisted of either a single adult or multiple individuals of various age ranges. Subadults, individuals under the age of 20 years, were rarely found buried by themselves, and seldom with other subadults. The comparison of Nabataean cemetery populations with Scheidel's model life table reported lower than expected percentages of individuals between the age ranges of zero to 12 years. However, this discrepancy is likely due to decay, the destruction of skeletal remains, and poor excavation techniques.

El Barrio Gótico de Barcelona fue construido en las décadas centrales del siglo XX. De hecho, su nombre también es una creación moderna, ya que tradicionalmente el espacio era conocido como barrio de la Catedral. Aunque en teoría los monumentos históricos nos remiten a épocas pasadas, en muchos casos han sido fabricados recientemente, tanto en su forma como en su función social. La medievalización del centro histórico de Barcelona transformó físicamente el barrio institucional de la ciudad, dotándolo de nuevos significados simbólicos y de una apariencia antigua que hasta entonces no poseía. Si desde mediados del siglo XIX Barcelona comenzó a adaptarse a las necesidades del nuevo sistema productivo, su transformación no sólo afectó a la nueva ciudad extramuros que proyectaría Cerdà, sino que al mismo tiempo iniciaría la modificación del viejo núcleo que hasta 1854 había estado amurallado, y que pocos años más tarde comenzaría a ser llamado «ciutat vella». La burguesía industrial, ante la necesidad de circulación, control e higiene destruiría el trazado urbano medieval y todos los edificios históricos que allí se encontraban, pero ante la necesidad de signos de identificación colectiva comenzaría a planificar la exhibición de su propia historia. Este proceso se inició con la construcción de la fachada de la Catedral entre 1887 y 1912, y concluiría con la monumentalización historicista de todo el barrio que la rodea, aproximadamente entre 1927 y 1970. Pero si en un principio la monumentalización de la ciudad histórica fue un proyecto de la burguesía local con el fin de exhibir la arquitectura nacional catalana, en la práctica las obras sólo pudieron justificarse por los ingresos que generaría el nuevo turismo urbano, el cual gusta de contemplar edificios de apariencia antiguos, sean o no originales. Por lo tanto, la tesis analiza el uso político del pasado y su posterior conversión en una mercancía cualquiera, enmarcando el análisis dentro del llamado «marketing urbano», cuyo objetivo es crear marcas con las ciudades para posicionarse en el mercado internacional que compite por la atracción de inversiones y turistas. En este sentido, para atraer visitantes se requiere un espacio seguro y cautivador, en donde los conflictos sociales, si existen, deben estar escondidos. Tanto la apertura de la vía Layetana como la construcción del Barrio Gótico supusieron operaciones de higiene urbana y social, encaminadas a revalorizar una zona degradada. Por un lado, la sustitución de viviendas populares por entidades financieras, oficinas, hoteles y restaurantes junto a un barrio de apariencia medieval, provocó el desplazamiento de los habitantes tradicionales que no pudieron pagar el nuevo valor del suelo, siendo sustituidos por una incipiente clase media. Pero por otro lado, en una ciudad industrial y con un importante movimiento obrero como lo era Barcelona, el monumento o la creación de espacios monumentales fueron pensados como una manera de potenciar el orgullo cívico. Si en el «lugar de memoria» se comparten significados, es decir, es la creación de un punto de encuentro para una comunidad cualquiera y que toma como referencia un pasado supuestamente común, al mismo tiempo el lugar suele fomentar un vínculo puramente emocional, de manera que el ciudadano lo perciba como propio y presuma de ello. Es un sistema de gobernabilidad basado en valores compartidos, utilizado por el poder con el fin de impulsar la creencia de que el desarrollo de la ciudad beneficia a todos sus habitantes. En términos de gestión urbana contemporánea se conoce como «patriotismo cívico», de manera que si el ciudadano estima a su ciudad tanto como a su patria aceptará más fácilmente trabajar por ella. / The Barcelona Gothic Quarter was built in the twentieth century. Although theoretically, the historic monuments reference past epochs, in many cases they were constructed recently, both in their form and their social purpose. The industrial bourgeoisie destroyed many buildings in the medieval quarter in order to facilitate improved circulation, social control and sanitation, however, the redevelopment of the quarter was used as an opportunity to exhibit and emphasise their own history. This process started with the construction of the cathedral facade between 1887 and 1912, and ended with the historic monumentalisation of the whole quarter, which occurred approximately between 1927 and 1970.The beginning of the monumentalisation of the historic city was a local bourgeoisie project to promote national Catalan architecture, but the redevelopment was self-financing from increased income generated from urban tourism with its appreciation of buildings with an ancient appearance, irrespective of whether they are original. This thesis analyses the political use of the past and its subsequent commoditisation alongside city marketing, whose aim is to create a distinctive brand for the city in the international tourism market so that it successfully competes for tourism and inward investment. In this sense, to attract tourism and inward investment, the city has to be safe and captivating and successfully conceal any socials conflicts. The redevelopment of the city was also a social engineering operation which helped to regenerate a dilapidated area. The change of building use from dwellings to financial institutions, offices and hotels caused the displacement of existing residents, who could not pay the new land value. Monuments were also justified as one way of promoting civic pride, so other citizens would raise their own appreciation of the city and help to promote it. In urban design, this is called «civic patriotism», if the citizen appreciates and feels proud of their city alongside their national patriotism, they would be more willing to accept working for it.

Elaboré dans les premières décennies du XIIe siècle, le tympan central du portail de la nef de Vézelay est l’un des témoins privilégiés du renouveau iconographique que connaît l’art roman entre la fin du XIe et le début du XIIe siècle. Maintes fois étudiée, son iconographie demeure pourtant énigmatique par la rareté de son thème – la Pentecôte – et plus encore ses scènes périphériques, portant l’image des peuples de la terre. C’est à ce motif, dans sa relation au contexte qui l’environne, que cette étude est dédiée. Le premier chapitre envisage les circonstances historiques, intellectuelles et monumentales qui ont vues l’élaboration d’un tel programme, lequel se révèle fortement ancré dans le renouveau que connaît la communauté au XIe siècle. Le second chapitre, consacré à l’iconographie tympanale, en livre l’étude matérielle et descriptive avant de la replacer au sein de la tradition iconographique de la Pentecôte. Une analyse qui démontre combien le tympan, nonobstant sa rareté, se conforme aux principes de cette tradition. Le dernier chapitre, enfin, aborde le motif des peuples de la terre. Il en livre tout d’abord une définition affinée par l’analyse générale de ses formes et traditions iconographiques, littéraires et conceptuelles depuis l’antiquité. Révélant une prédilection pour le champ ornemental et divertissant au Moyen Âge, le motif accède, au tympan, à une valeur symbolique et sémantique rare propre au cadre religieux au sein duquel il prend place. Objet de curiosité et image d’altérité, il fonctionne ici tel un point d’entrée pour le fidèle, autant qu’il unifie l’iconographie tympanale et renforce les notions inhérentes au thème de la Pentecôte / Designed in the early decades of the twelfth century, the central tympanum of the the nave portal of Vezelay is one of the privileged witnesses of the iconographic revival of Romanesque art between the late eleventh and early twelfth century. Repeatedly studied, its iconography yet remains enigmatic by the rarity of its theme – the Pentecost – and more, by its peripheral scènes, bearing the image of the peoples of the earth. It is to this pattern, in its relation to its surrouding context, that this study is dedicated. The first chapter considers the historicals, intellectuals and monumentals circumstances that have witnessed the development of such a program, which reveals deep roots in the revival the community knew in the eleventh century. The second chapter, devoted to the tympanum’s iconography, perfoms its descriptive and material study before replacing it in the iconographic tradition of Pentecost. An analysis which demonstrates how the tympanum, despite its rarity, is consistent with the principles of this tradition. Finally, the last chapter discusses the pattern of the peoples of the earth. It first delivers a refined definition through the general analysis of its iconographics, literaries and conceptuals forms and traditions since antiquity. Revealing a predilection for the decorative and entertaining fields in the Middle Ages, the tympanum’s pattern accesses a rare symbolic and semantic value peculiar to the religious framework within which it takes place. Object of curiosity and image of otherness, it works here as an entry point for the worshippers, as well as it unifies the tympanum’s iconography and strengthens inherents concepts to the theme of Pentecost.

I uppsatsen diskuterar jag vad som drev Folksam som uppdragsgivare i byggprocessens av bolagets nya kontorshus vid Skanstull och Farsta på 60-talet. Ledningen beslöt nämligen att använda 1% av byggkostnaderna för inredning och utsmyckning som vid nya offentliga byggnader, trots att Folksam är ett privat bolag. Folksam hade en stark tillväxt under efterkrigstiden då Sveriges ekonomi var stark. Efterkrigstiden optimism och framtidstro smittade också av sig på 50-talets formspråk, vilket syns i inredningen och utsmyckningen av Folksamhuset vid Skanstull. I Folksamhuset vid Skanstull finns än idag en väl sammanhållen 60-tals miljö med svenskt konsthantverk och konst. Konstnären Sven Erixson var tillsammans med Barbro Nilsson, då VD för Märta Måås-Fjättertrsöm ansvariga för färgsättningen i Folkahuset. För att diskutera gestaltningen och verkets placering i rummet analyserar jag Sven Erixons mosaikvägg och ett mönstrat marmorgolv som finns i hisshallen på plan 26 i Folksamhuset, utanför VD:s våning. För att diskutera gestaltningen och verkets placering i rummet i Folksamhuset vid Farsta analyserar jag gestaltningen av entréhallen och kundtjänst och Torsten Renqvists monumentala verk placering i rummet. För att jämföra gestaltningen och monumentala verks funktion i privata byggnader med getsalningen och monumentala verk i offentliga byggnader analyserar jag Sven Erixons målning Nils Holgersson som finns i Olovslundsskolans aula. Sven Erixons och Barbro Nilsson samarbetade fler gånger och i uppsatsen diskuterar jag likheter och olikheter i deras konstnärskap.

La gentrificación es un proceso urbano que se está presentando en distintas ciudades y barrios populares del mundo. El barrio conocido actualmente como Monumental Callao viene sufriendo cambios desde el año 2015 debido al Proyecto Fugaz, el cual ha traído consigo consecuencias tanto positivas como negativas. Sin embargo, los vecinos de la localidad no tienen conocimiento del término gentrificación, no saben en qué consiste el proceso y no han sido informados previamente por algún medio de la realización del Proyecto Fugaz, lo cual es perjudicial ya que sin la información necesaria no pueden tener una visión clara de lo que está ocurriendo. El objetivo de este proyecto se enfoca en utilizar el diseño de la información para explicarles a los vecinos de la zona de una manera fácil y efectiva las causas y efectos que puede tener este proceso urbanístico. Debido a la naturaleza del tema elegido, esta investigación será de campo y cualitativa, ya que es necesario conocer los avances y el impacto que esta podría tener en el público objeto de estudio. Así mismo, las técnicas a emplear serán observación no estructurada y entrevistas semi-estructuradas, utilizando como instrumentos guías de entrevistas y grabadoras audiovisuales. Finalmente, se propondrá un prototipo de solución el cual responda al problema identificado, este será un brochure que explique fácilmente la definición, causas, etapas y consecuencias de la gentrificación. Se hará un seguimiento en los testeos para medir su evolución y los resultados principales. / Gentrification is an urban process that is being presented in different cities and popular neighborhoods of the world. The neighborhood known today as Monumental Callao has been undergoing changes since 2015 due to Proyecto Fugaz, which has received the same negative consequences. However, the residents of the locality have no knowledge of the term gentrification, we do not know what the process consists of and they have not been informed in the future. Have a clear vision of what is happening. The objective of this project focuses on using information design to explain the neighbors of the area in an easy and effective way the causes and effects that this urban process can have. This information will be based on the subject of the study. Likewise, the techniques are used as interview guides and audiovisual recorders. Finally, a prototype solution is presented in which the problem is answered, it is a booklet that easily explores the definition, causes, stages and consequences of gentrification. Monitoring will be done in the tests to measure their evolution and the main results. / Trabajo de investigación

Die Animation entstand während der Künstlerresidenz Pilotenküche in Leipzig. Die monumentale Statue, die mit meinem Gemälde bedeckt ist, wurde auf der Grundlage von echtem Abfall geschaffen, den ich auf einer Müllhalde gefunden habe. Der Maßstabswechsel und drei unterschiedliche Schauplätze sollen die Tore der Vorstellungskraft öffnen und dem Rezipienten ohne unnötige Erzählung eine Frage stellen: Ist das, was ich sehe, Müll oder Schatz, bin ich niemand oder alles?