This study examines the impact of the Association Agreement between the European Union and Ukraine on agriculture trade and agriculture businesses in the region. We argue that the Association Agreement is a Regional Trade Agreement in accordance with provisions of the GATT, and thereby apply established arguments of the positive and negative effects of the Association Agreement. To analyse the impact and establish a trend, we have utilised data from EU’s agricultural imports from Ukraine, Ukraine’s agriculture production output, and EU exports from one of Ukraine’s largest grain exporters. The agriculture commodities used to represent the agriculture data in the analysis are corn, wheat, seed oils, rapeseed, and sunflower seeds.  To support our discussion of the trends depicted in the data, we have applied the principles of the Theory of Free Trade, and its opposing theory, Protectionism. The findings suggest that the Association Agreement has facilitated a policy shift in the Ukrainian agriculture industry towards EU and away from Russia. However, we cannot limit out the possibility that this shift was inevitable with or without the Association Agreement considering Russia’s aggression towards Ukraine since 2014. Ukrainian agriculture exports to the EU have gradually increased since the implementation of the Association Agreement, and we infer that the Association Agreement plays a role in this increase. Our findings also suggest that agriculture businesses in the frontline five countries have been negatively impacted by the Autonomous Trade Measures which were introduced under the Association Agreement, but we argue that this was never the intention of the legislation. Lastly, we find that Multilateralism is achieved through a regionalist policy in this specific case, but that due to unforeseen circumstances does not reach its full potential.

In 1965, amid antagonism between capital-importing and capital-exporting states over investment protection, the World Bank created ICSID. ICSID facilitates the resolution of disputes between foreign investors and states. Since major initiatives to create investment rules have failed within the UN and OECD, ICSID is the only successful attempt to create a multilateral, inter-state organization dedicated to investment. This thesis probes the intellectual, political, and economic forces behind the creation and early development of ICSID. This study combines archival work, oral histories, and interviews with econometric work. On this basis, it illuminates how ICSID's creators-mainly staff in the World Bank's Legal Department-adapted their ideas to suit the charged political context. When disseminating the idea of ICSID to states, they relied on ambiguity, expertise, and incrementalism. These three characteristics constitute an approach to organization building that I term "modest multilateralism" since the World Bank's President praised ICSID as "a modest proposal." By illustrating how this approach operated in ICSID's case, I generate insights that are applicable to other international organizations. ICSID's creation differs from the expectations of institutionalist IR theory in important ways. First, there was little state leadership, and ICSID's founding Convention is devoid of substance-it merely outlines a procedure. In this way, it takes the idea of ambiguity to its extreme. Second, ICSID's founders took steps to shield the organization from the politics of investment protection: they asked states to send legal experts, not elected representatives, and avoided deliberative debate. Third, ICSID's design was explicitly evolutionary. ICSID can operate alongside changing substantive rules-multilateral, bilateral, or domestic. Finally, contrary to previous accounts, in this thesis the ICSID Secretariat emerges as a dynamic agent. The Secretariat actively pursued ratifications and advance consents to investor-state arbitration. The creation of ICSID fostered a community of practice, which subsequently redefined international investment law through treaty making and arbitral practice.

A multiplicação dos acordos regionais de comércio e a consolidação do sistema mercantil multilateral na estrutura GATT/OMC colocaram a compatibilidade entre as iniciativas localizadas e as normas gerais no centro das atenções do direito do comércio internacional. Nesse contexto, ainda que a doutrina busque reafirmar repetidamente a necessidade de conformação dos sistemas menores com o acordo global, pouco se discute o real conteúdo dessa harmonização exigida em razão, principalmente, da extrema abertura textual dos termos dos tratados que tratam das exceções às cláusulas gerais multilaterais. Em resposta a essa instabilidade, propõe-se neste trabalho o afastamento dos requisitos objetivos em favor da compreensão dos axiomas gerais do sistema internacional de comércio como chave da conformidade do particular com o multilateral. Essa releitura proposta à unidade do direito internacional econômico exige que se entenda, primeiramente, a teorização positivista tradicional, isto é, o estudo de perspectivas teóricas como as de Hans Kelsen e H.L.A. Hart, para que, em um segundo momento, seja possível lançar mão de ensaios como os de Martti Koskenniemi para a compreensão da aparente fragmentação do direito internacional atual. No que se refere especificamente à compatibilidade, sugere-se o estabelecimento de um panorama conceitual a partir da divisão de sua abordagem em quatro distintos prismas: o legal, o doutrinário, o do sistema de exame de compatibilidade e o jurisprudencial. Compreendido o contexto teórico aplicável atualmente ao debate entre a unidade e a fragmentação do direito internacional e estabelecidos os entendimentos atualmente disponíveis à compatibilidade, torna-se possível introduzir, finalmente, a universalidade como solução conceitual à conformação do geral com o específico no sistema mercantil internacional. Nesse sentido, o código universal da legalidade idealizado por Klaus Günther aplica-se dedutivamente e, com o auxilio do Minimalismo Moral de Michael Walzer e do Interesse Comunitário de Bruno Simma, induz o estabelecimento de axiomas gerais como conteúdo à compatibilidade do regional com o multilateral no sistema internacional de comércio. Estabilizada a proposta no plano teórico, percebe-se ser possível aplicá-la, ainda, empiricamente à análise específica da relação existente entre a OMC, a ALADI e o MERCOSUL. / The propagation of regional trade agreements and the consolidation of the multilateral market system in the structure of the GATT/WTO placed the compatibility between the local initiatives and the general rules in the center of the international trade law studies. In this context, even though the doctrine confirms several times the requirement for conformation of the smaller systems with the global agreement, there are very few discussions about the real content of this required harmony, mainly because of the extreme indetermination of the terms of the treaties that establish the exceptions to the multilateral general clauses. As an answer for this pointed instability, this study proposes the displacement of the objective requirements in favor of the comprehension of the general principles of the international trade system as the key of the conformity of the particular with the multilateral. This proposal for a new understanding of the unity of the international economic law requires, firstly, the comprehension of the traditional positivist theories, it means the approach of authors like Hans Kelsen and H.L.A. Hart, and, just after that, the study of theories as the ones proposed by Martti Koskenniemi for the comprehension of the apparently fragmentation of the international law nowadays. Specifically with respect to the compatibility, it is suggested the establishment of a division of its conceptual approach in four different fields: the legal, the doctrinaire, the one of the multilateral conformity system of examination and the one of the case-law. After the comprehension of the theories applied in the debate between the unity and the fragmentation of the international law and the establishment of the available understandings of compatibility it is possible to introduce, finally, the universality as a conceptual solution for the conformation between the general and the specific in the international market system. The universal code of legality idealized by Klaus Günther applies deductively and, supported by the Moral Minimalism proposed by Michael Walzer and the Community Interest of Bruno Simma, induces the establishment of general principles as the content of the compatibility between the regional and the multilateral in the international trade system. As long as the proposal seems stabilized, it is possible to realize that it can be applied, empirically, for the specific analysis of the relationship that exists between the WTO, the LAIA and the MERCOSUR.

The main goal of this thesis is to identify position of the group BRIICS on the international arena and to determine whether the economic and political rise of concerned economies is potentially hidden in a closer multilateral cooperation or in the separate influences on the world. Moreover, this work aims to answer the question if the BRIICS countries have the potential to dictate their conditions to the international organizations and world public. It also describes the developing countries, their basic categorization and after all the fastest growing economies (emerging markets) are singled out. This paper also examines the impact of the internal social, demographic and political problems on the existence of the organization.

[pt] Desde sua criação em 1944, o Fundo Monetário Internacional já sofreu grandes crises de legitimidade; no entanto, após períodos de rejeição e limbo, a instituição sempre logrou renascer das cinzas; argumentar-se-á que esta aparente imortalidade do FMI é devida à capacidade da instituição de adequar-se aos novos ciclos normativos que emergem de crises financeiras. Esta capacidade se vincularia, por sua vez, à legitimidade da instituição relacionar-se à justificação de sua atuação em coerência com o propósito para o qual teria sido criada. Assim, se o discurso que emerge como consenso da análise das crises acusa a instituição de ter tido parte nas causas da instabilidade, o realinhamento do FMI à nova norma em ascensão pode resultar em mudanças em sua orientação prática, como quando após a crise asiática teve sua relevância significativamente reduzida com a adoção da política de supervisão e liberalização financeira ditada pelo mercado, e não mais ordenada por si, ao longo dos anos 2000. Já a crise que se desenvolve, ao final da primeira década do século XXI, com origem nos maiores produtores de consenso sobre política macroeconômica — Estados Unidos e União Européia — mostra-se como oportunidade para reajuste do papel do Fundo em uma posição novamente central, propiciando uma análise dos interesses diversos que esta instituição, com 187 Estados-membros e potencial de levantamento de centenas de bilhões de dólares em poucos dias, é capaz de atender ou suscitar em um cenário de maior equilíbrio financeiro nos países emergentes e desequilíbrio nos grandes centros. / [en] Since its inception in 1944, the International Monetary Fund has suffered major crises of legitimacy; however, after periods of rejection and limb, the institution was always able to rise from the ashes. It will be argued that this apparent immortality of the Fund is due to its ability to adapt to the new normative cycles that emerge from financial crises. This ability could be traced to the relation between the legitimacy of the institution and the justification of its acts in coherence with the purpose for which it was created. In this sense, if the discourse that emerges — as a consensus from the analyses of the crises — accuses the institution of having had a part in the causes of the instability, the realignment of the IMF to the new ascending norm may result in changes in its practical orientations, as it happened, for instance, after the Asian crisis, when the Fund had its relevance significantly reduced with the adoption of a policy of market-led financial liberalization throughout the decade of 2000, replacing the former model of IMF-led orderly liberalization. Finally, the crisis developed by the end of the first decade of the XXI century and that originated in the largest producers of macroeconomic policy consensus — the United States of America and the European Union — presents itself as an opportunity for readjustment of the Fund s role once again in a central position, allowing for the analysis of the diverse interests that this institution — with its 187 member-States and potential for raising hundreds of billions of dollars in a few days — is able to meet in a scenario of greater financial balance among emerging markets, along with the instability of the great centers.

<p>The aim of this thesis is to clarify the affect that preferential and regional trade agreements have on the World Trade Organization (WTO), as being establisher of the international trading regime. The essay is an explanatory literature study, which strives to answer the following questions:</p><p>Are regional and preferential trade agreements a threat or a complement to the WTO?</p><p>Is an undermining of the MFN principle weakening the WTO?</p><p>How do regional trade agreements made by the EU affect the future of the WTO?</p><p>The empirical material is to be analyzed using an explanatory framework, which is based on neo-liberal instutionalism, theories on regime changes and a game theoretical approach, using prisoner’s dilemma. I will employ the EU-ACP relation, the Cotonou agreement to exemplify how an agreement of this kind can have an influence on multilateral trade. The result shows that preferential agreements do have an impact on the WTO, one that is fairly negative in scope. Preferential trade agreements do pose a threat to the WTO, in its current structure and may be harmful to the international trading regime. It is partly because the MFN is widely discouraged that PTAs are stumbling stones to the organization. By signing agreement that do not comply with WTO regulations and considering its role in international trade, EU does affect the future of the WTO.</p>

As the world’s largest emitters and economies, the United States and China play a critical role in global climate mitigation. Using Putnam’s two-level game showcases how the domestic political context of each country impacts their international policies. However, Putnam’s framework does not differentiate between bilateral and multilateral circumstances. The clarity and concentration of perceived costs and benefits for the United States and China from climate policies lead to differing outcomes on the multilateral and bilateral stage. Fear of the free-rider effect makes players assume payoffs that resemble the Prisoner’s Dilemma during multilateral climate negotiations, whereas bilateral negotiations usually result in more cooperative outcomes. These contrasting policy outcomes reflect the hot and cold relationship between the United States and China. The additional expediency and effectiveness of bilateral agreements suggest that substantial climate action will likely originate from strong bilateral agreements. In an optimal scenario, increased U.S.-China climate collaboration translates into a stronger relationship between the two global superpowers and provides other nations with the confidence and certainty to invest in abatement in a renewed global climate regime.

The peaceful solution of conflicts and regional integration issues are in evidence under the law and the complex international relations. To associate these issues in order to try to conjecture prospects to the strengthening of the multilateralism was the main objective of this work, specifically in relation to the Mercosur, where currently a scenario of mutual trust and military cooperation is in force, particularly concerning to a contribution with The United Nations to the administration and solution of crisis and conflicts. Currently this environment is materialized in the joint participation in the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti - MINUSTAH, considered as an inaugural mark of a new paradigm for the UN intervention. Besides trying to demonstrate the common potentialities of the countries of the block to the activities of peace and security maintenance in the context of foreign military action motivated by different factors of the strict national direct interest - precepts of Solidary Diplomacy relative aspects to the new role of developing countries are dealt in peace and security issues, especially in support to UN activities, aimed to ensure the protection of the rights of the individual. From the hypothesis of appearance of a new intervention paradigm and of reach of a standard of military cooperation in Mercosur, as well as of an accumulation of experiences for common participations in UN Peace Operations, it is reached the conclusion that the conditions to the deepening of military integration in the region are given, to establish joint mechanisms of training of military and civilians for this operations, besides the possibility of formation of a Mercosur Force of Peace to act under UN mandate in conflicts considered of less intensity. / A solução pacífica dos conflitos e a integração regional são temas em evidência no âmbito do Direito e das complexas relações internacionais. Aliar esses temas a fim de tentar conjecturar perspectivas para o fortalecimento do Multilateralismo constitui-se no principal objetivo deste trabalho, especificamente em relação ao Mercosul, onde vige um cenário de confiança mútua e cooperação militar, sobretudo no que diz respeito à contribuição com as Nações Unidas para administração e solução de crises e conflitos. Esse ambiente materializase, atualmente, na participação conjunta na Missão das Nações Unidas para Estabilização do Haiti MINUSTAH, considerada como marco inaugural de um novo paradigma de intervenção das Nações Unidas. Além de tentar demonstrar as potencialidades comuns dos países do Bloco para as atividades de manutenção de paz e segurança, no contexto da ação militar externa motivada por fatores diversos do estrito interesse nacional direto - preceitos da Diplomacia Solidária são abordados aspectos relativos ao novo papel dos países em desenvolvimento nas questões de paz e segurança, sobretudo em apoio às atividades onusianas destinadas a garantir a proteção dos direitos dos indivíduos. A partir das hipóteses de surgimento de um novo paradigma de intervenção e do alcance de um considerável nível de cooperação militar no Mercosul, bem como de um acúmulo de experiências por participações comuns nas Operações de Paz da ONU, chega-se a conclusão que estão postas as condições para o aprofundamento da integração militar na região, no sentido de se constituir mecanismos conjuntos de treinamento de militares e civis para as referidas operações, bem como para a possibilidade da formação de uma Força de Paz Mercosulina para atuar, sob mandato das Nações Unidas, nos conflitos considerados de menor intensidade.

A multiplicação dos acordos regionais de comércio e a consolidação do sistema mercantil multilateral na estrutura GATT/OMC colocaram a compatibilidade entre as iniciativas localizadas e as normas gerais no centro das atenções do direito do comércio internacional. Nesse contexto, ainda que a doutrina busque reafirmar repetidamente a necessidade de conformação dos sistemas menores com o acordo global, pouco se discute o real conteúdo dessa harmonização exigida em razão, principalmente, da extrema abertura textual dos termos dos tratados que tratam das exceções às cláusulas gerais multilaterais. Em resposta a essa instabilidade, propõe-se neste trabalho o afastamento dos requisitos objetivos em favor da compreensão dos axiomas gerais do sistema internacional de comércio como chave da conformidade do particular com o multilateral. Essa releitura proposta à unidade do direito internacional econômico exige que se entenda, primeiramente, a teorização positivista tradicional, isto é, o estudo de perspectivas teóricas como as de Hans Kelsen e H.L.A. Hart, para que, em um segundo momento, seja possível lançar mão de ensaios como os de Martti Koskenniemi para a compreensão da aparente fragmentação do direito internacional atual. No que se refere especificamente à compatibilidade, sugere-se o estabelecimento de um panorama conceitual a partir da divisão de sua abordagem em quatro distintos prismas: o legal, o doutrinário, o do sistema de exame de compatibilidade e o jurisprudencial. Compreendido o contexto teórico aplicável atualmente ao debate entre a unidade e a fragmentação do direito internacional e estabelecidos os entendimentos atualmente disponíveis à compatibilidade, torna-se possível introduzir, finalmente, a universalidade como solução conceitual à conformação do geral com o específico no sistema mercantil internacional. Nesse sentido, o código universal da legalidade idealizado por Klaus Günther aplica-se dedutivamente e, com o auxilio do Minimalismo Moral de Michael Walzer e do Interesse Comunitário de Bruno Simma, induz o estabelecimento de axiomas gerais como conteúdo à compatibilidade do regional com o multilateral no sistema internacional de comércio. Estabilizada a proposta no plano teórico, percebe-se ser possível aplicá-la, ainda, empiricamente à análise específica da relação existente entre a OMC, a ALADI e o MERCOSUL. / The propagation of regional trade agreements and the consolidation of the multilateral market system in the structure of the GATT/WTO placed the compatibility between the local initiatives and the general rules in the center of the international trade law studies. In this context, even though the doctrine confirms several times the requirement for conformation of the smaller systems with the global agreement, there are very few discussions about the real content of this required harmony, mainly because of the extreme indetermination of the terms of the treaties that establish the exceptions to the multilateral general clauses. As an answer for this pointed instability, this study proposes the displacement of the objective requirements in favor of the comprehension of the general principles of the international trade system as the key of the conformity of the particular with the multilateral. This proposal for a new understanding of the unity of the international economic law requires, firstly, the comprehension of the traditional positivist theories, it means the approach of authors like Hans Kelsen and H.L.A. Hart, and, just after that, the study of theories as the ones proposed by Martti Koskenniemi for the comprehension of the apparently fragmentation of the international law nowadays. Specifically with respect to the compatibility, it is suggested the establishment of a division of its conceptual approach in four different fields: the legal, the doctrinaire, the one of the multilateral conformity system of examination and the one of the case-law. After the comprehension of the theories applied in the debate between the unity and the fragmentation of the international law and the establishment of the available understandings of compatibility it is possible to introduce, finally, the universality as a conceptual solution for the conformation between the general and the specific in the international market system. The universal code of legality idealized by Klaus Günther applies deductively and, supported by the Moral Minimalism proposed by Michael Walzer and the Community Interest of Bruno Simma, induces the establishment of general principles as the content of the compatibility between the regional and the multilateral in the international trade system. As long as the proposal seems stabilized, it is possible to realize that it can be applied, empirically, for the specific analysis of the relationship that exists between the WTO, the LAIA and the MERCOSUR.

Russian-Chinese relations have been differed by the complex and full relations, which have been highly emerged since the end of the Cold War. Transition of the power in the world system had overcome the intention of Russia and China for the closer cooperation in order to decline the American sole hegemony. Concluding the Friendship treaty, it had become the first step towards cooperation which today can be considered as stable one. Master thesis will be focused on the realist approach, which at the same time will help to evaluate Rusian-Chinese relation through the pragmatic realist prism. Analyzing the relations in a global context within further movement to regional one, I will try to experience Sino-Russian relations through different approaches and relying on the balance of power theory. Description of the strategic partnership, supported by the multipolar world view and multilateral diplomacy as the tool for the national interests promotion, the research will move towards bilateral modes estimating security, political and economic relations. All in all, the conclusion will be made in order to predict the future of the Russian-Chinese relations and results which both countries have achieved by now.