The diploma thesis "The Multilateralism Concept in German Policy toward the Balkans: Germany's Recognition of the Independence of Slovenia and Croatia (1991) and Kosovo (2008)" deals with the role of the Federal Republic of Germany in the process of recognition of the independence of successor states of Yugoslavia in the context of discussion about transformation of the German multilateralism and normalization of the German foreign policy. The disciplined interpretive case study focuses on selected examples, which were perceived as the most controversial by German and foreign political and social circles: the German pressure on the international recognition of Slovenia and Croatia in 1991, which caused strong criticisms and fears, that the unified Germany would leave the principle of multilateralism in exchange for a unilateral promotion of its national interests; and the recognition of Kosovo in 2008, which meant ignoring the UN resolution 1244. The aim of the thesis is to describe and to interpret motives and the manners of the Germany's acting in the selected causes in detail and to test the hypothesis by Rainer Baumann about transformation of the German multilateralism "towards more instrumental perception of the multilateral cooperation and orientation on material and status-oriented national...

This paper focuses on the foreign policy behavior and strategy of weak and small states in the international system. Further, it explains the behavior and strategies employed by those states by examining several concepts and theories and applying them on the case of Nepal. In a realist world and among states that are most interested in their own integrity and survival, and partly in maximizing their power, weak and small states like Nepal try to keep a neutral position between all actors, try to maintain and extend bilateral relations to the immediate neighbors and other actors in the international system, and further integrate themselves into regional and international frameworks to secure their survival. Because they are the most vulnerable actors, the study of those states and their behavior and strategies is both interesting and compelling. Methodologically, this paper employs interviews as the main source of data and additionally peruses the foreign policy reports of Nepal from the last five years (2015-2019). The data is being analyzed both qualitatively and quantitatively. After studying the case and its implications, the author suggests that especially geographic patterns are important to understand the foreign policy of weak and small states, and further neutrality and bilateral as well as multilateral relations are indispensable for those actors to secure their integrity and survival in the international system.

With the Indo Pacific being one of the most economically and geopolitically significant regions in the world currently, the competition for influence between the two major powers of the region has picked up, alongside the discourse which takes place from each side through multilateral means. Literature has shown the vast amounts of previous research done on the topic, approaching the region with a realist or liberalist perspective, therefore leaving room for this research to partake in a relational constructivist research on the narratives and discourses driven by both sides multilaterally to counter each other as a means of competition. With the application of the concepts of identity, legitimation & rhetorical commonplaces, and social attribution, this research will partake in a discourse predicate analysis of official speeches and government documents within multilateral context from both the US and China regarding each other. The research examines the ways in which the US has constructed the region under a guise of securitisation and China as an opposition to the American-led world order. China approaches the region differently, constructing it as one that cooperates and integrates itself with China. Thus, through ongoing interactions, the discourse shapes the ways in which the powers view each other.

Since the beginning of the 21st century China has constantly stressed multilateralism as an important part of its foreign policy. This might be perceived as a significant shift from longtime favored unilateralism and bilateralism in conducting its foreign relations and a new pattern of action in China`s response to global affairs. This thesis examines the phenomenon of multilateralism in Chinese foreign policy, especially in terms of its main incentives and different interpretations. The hypothesis is based on assumption that China`s more active participation in the international organizations and increasing involvement in global affairs do not necessarily indicate China has embraced the concept of multilateralism entirely. In order to explore ambiguous dimensions of Chinese multilateralism, thesis focuses on China`s policy at United Nations Security Council. It concludes that the principal limitation of Chinese multilateralism is China`s strong adherence to the principle of state sovereignty, which has also affected China`s behavior as a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council.

So-called obligations erga omnes, owed to the international community as a whole, including all States, now form part of positive international law. These obligations protect some of the most basic values of present-day international relations. Examples include the obligations not to commit genocide or torture, to uphold the most basic human rights, to respect the self-determination of peoples, and so on. However, there is little agreement as to what these obligations imply, how they have come about, and how to identify them. In the literature, at least, there is widespread agreement that obligations erga omnes are different in essence and in nature from obligations owed by one State to another State, so-called obligations inter partes. In turn, this —alleged— radical conceptual break severs obligations erga omnes from a wealth of norms that exist in present-day, general international law, but whose origins lie farther back in time. This thesis attempts to reconcile obligations erga omnes with obligations arising in classic, general international law. It explores what it means to be owed an obligation and how it came to pass that most obligations were owed inter partes. The particular way in which sovereignty came to be conceived and the furtherance of sovereignty, at the expense of other values, forms the pattern that gave rise to obligations inter partes. But even at that time, exceptions to this pattern existed which brought about obligations analogous to those owed erga omnes today. Relevant state practice will be analysed. If obligations erga omnes could have been created in classic international law, it is unjustified to maintain that obligations erga omnes represent so radical a break with the past. Obligations erga omnes are aggregates of bilateral, primary obligations. From this perspective, it is possible to identify these obligations, their consequences, and to discern their origins.

This thesis examines characteristics of the economic governance, its levels and changes that were made in response to events in Southeast Asia in 1997/1998. it describes in detail the role of levels of the economic governance during the solution of the asian financial crisis, that exposed its vulnerabilities. In response to the crisis many changes took place. In the region of Southeast Asia these changes were designed to reform the International Monetary Fund, the origin of regional cooperation in the area and reforms in particular countries of the region. The thesis also contains the evaluation of the development of the economic governance in particilar states of Southeast Asia regarding world governance indicators WGI.

La logique du nouveau système économique international s'appuie sur l'idée que le brevet est un mécanisme juridique d'incitation à la recherche et au développement. L'objet de notre étude est de savoir si les écarts de niveau de développement entre les pays pouvaient avoir des effets sur la fonction du brevet dans les pays en voie de développement. Dans cette perspective, nous avons consacré la première partie de notre recherche à l'étude du droit des brevets sur le plan international. Cette analyse est indispensable pour une meilleure compréhension des choix opérés par un pays en développement comme l'Algérie dans l'évolution de son propre système de protection des inventions. Ensuite, nous avons analysé le régime algérien des brevets et les changements qu'il a subi en vue de s'adapter au haut niveau de protection exigé par le système international, afin d'examiner les effets de telles exigences sur le développement. Il ressort de nos analyses, que pour remplir sa fonction universelle comme instrument d'incitation à l'innovation technologique et au développement, le système de brevet algérien doit connaitre plusieurs modifications sur le plan juridique, économique et institutionnel. / The logic of the new international economic system is based on the idea that the patent is a legal mechanism to incentive research and development. The subject of our study is to know if the variations of the levels of development among between different countries could affect the function of the patent in the third world. In this perspective, we have to analyze the Algerian patent law and the changes they have undergone in order to adapt to the high level of protection required by the international system in order to examine the effects of the requirement of these conditions on reveal developments. Then we analyzed the Algerian regime of patents and the changes it has undergone in order to adapt to the level of protection required by the international system, to examine the effects of these requirements on you development. That the patent system in Algeria fulfills its universal function as an instrument for incentive technological innovation and development, several changes in the legal, institutional and economic should be performed.

Le 12 septembre 2002, George Bush profitait d'un discours devant l'Assemblée Générale de l'ONU pour saisir le Conseil de Sécurité et exposer à la communauté internationale ses griefs à l'encontre de Saddam Hussein et de ses armes de destruction massive. Dictée par des impératifs électoraux, cette saisine de l'ONU s'était imposée à la Maison Blanche en raison de l'échec de la propagande néo-conservatrice à convaincre l'opinion publique de la nécessité d'une guerre en Iraq. Celle-ci devant donner corps au concept de « guerre contre le terrorisme » de la future campagne présidentielle, la Maison Blanche avait décidé de s'appuyer sur la crédibilité et la légitimité de l'ONU, pour relancer la propagande et travestir une guerre illégale en un acte de légitime défense, en tenant secret la décision de la guerre.La communauté internationale ne fut ni dupe ni complice de cette supercherie, mais le poids de la relation transatlantique interdit au Royaume-Uni de se désolidariser de l'Amérique et à la France d'user de son droit de veto contre ses alliés. Ces contradictions expliqueront la crise du Conseil de Sécurité de 2003, où, en désaccord, les gouvernants du bloc occidental s’affrontèrent sur la nécessité d’une seconde résolution autorisant la guerre. Cette crise ne fut sans conséquence, ni pour l'administration Bush, ni pour la communauté internationale, et encore moins pour l'ONU, puisqu'une fois enlisés en Iraq, les États-Unis obtiendront du Conseil de Sécurité plusieurs résolutions, sans reconsidérer leur unilatéralisme. Mise en porte à faux, l'Organisation internationale sera prise pour cible et son quartier général en Iraq détruit. Le chaos succédant à la guerre, l'administration néo-conservatrice sera finalement contrainte, sous la pression électorale, d'abandonner son unilatéralisme et de céder à l'ONU la résolution politique du conflit. / On September 12, 2002, George Bush during a speech at the United Nations General Assembly seized the opportunity to submit the Security Council and expose to the International Community his worries concerning Saddam Hussein and his weapons of mass destruction. Dictated by election requirements, referring to the United Nations was imposed on the White House because of failing neo-conservative propaganda convincing the public opinion of need for war in Iraq. This was supposed to give body to the upcoming presidential campaign’s concept of “war against terrorism”, the White House had decided to lean on the United Nations credibility and legitimacy to re-launch propaganda and disguise an illegal war into an act of self defence, by keeping the decision of war secret.The International Community was not fooled by or accomplice of this trick, but the weight of the trans-Atlantic relationship forbade the United Kingdom to set itself apart from the United States and for France to use its right to veto against its allies. These contradictions explain the 2003 Security Council crisis, where, by disagreeing the western governments faced one another on the necessity of a second resolution authorizing war.This crisis was not without consequences, for Bush’s administration or for the International Community and even so for the United Nations, since being stuck in Iraq, the United States obtained several resolutions from the Security Council without questioning their unilateralism. Being in an awkward position, the International Organisation was targeted and its headquarters in Iraq destroyed. In the chaos in the aftermath of the war, the neo-conservative administration was obliged, under electoral pressure, to give up its unilateral attitude, and let the Unieted Nations politically resolve the conflict.

A tese estuda a evolução histórica do atitude multilateral do Brasil. Parte da noção que o multilateralismo é um aspecto significativo da política externa brasileira, desde as primeiras conferências internacionais dos países americanos, que começam ainda no fim do século XIX. Em tempos recentes, na Liga das Nações, mas sobretudo nas Nações Unidas, a importância das instituições multilaterais só fez crescer. O estudo parte, no ângulo teórico, da perspectiva de que o multilateralismo tem uma lógica própria e que, ao aceitá-la, o comportamento diplomático dos Estados deve naturalmente estar em sintonia com o que aquela lógica impõe. A concepção de John Ruggie apóia a parte teórica da tese e sustenta o seu objetivo central, que é o de procura definir o que seriam constantes do comportamento multilateral do Brasil. Procura-se mostrar que suas origens estariam nas reações que a diplomacia brasileira teve ao Pan Americanismo, se fixaram com nossa participação na II Conferência da Haia, quando, com Ruy Barbosa, defendemos que as instituições multilaterais deveriam estar fundadas na igualdade entre os Estados e com a aspiração a uma participação influente nos processos decisórios internacionais, expresso recentemente com a aspiração a um lugar permanente no Conselho de Segurança das Nações. / The thesis studies the evolution of Brazil´s multilateral attitude. It accepts the notion that multilateralism has been a meaningful aspect of Brazilian foreign policy since the first conferences of American States, a series of international gatherings that began at the end of nineteenth century. From them on, after the creation of the League of Nations and, specially, the United Nations, the importance of multilateral institutions for Brazil has grown consistently. From the theoretical perspective, the thesis accepts the idea that multilateralism is defined by a singular logic and States, when working in multilateral institutions, are bound by that logic. John Ruggie´s conception of nultilateralism supoorts that idea and frames the main goal of the thesis, that is, a investigation of the constant patterns of Brazil´s multilateral behavior. The origins of those patterns could be identified in the diplomatic reactions to the challenges of the Pan American conferences. But, the patterns became more evident during our participation in the II Peace Conference (Hague, 1907) when our delegation, headed by Ruy Barbosa, advocated the understanding that necessary foundation of the multilateral institutions is the equality among States. Another constant is the Brazilian wish to have a more influential participation in the decision making process of the international institutions, as today shown in our aspiration to occupy a permanent seat at the Security Council of the United Nations.

[pt] Após a crise financeira e econômica de 2008, países emergentes buscaram traduzir seu novo peso econômico em influência política. Instituições tradicionais criadas após a II Guerra Mundial, em particular nas esferas econômicas e financeiras, não mais representativas do cenário econômico mundial, seriam questionadas por economias emergentes. China, Índia, Brasil, Rússia e África do Sul (os BRICS) defenderam a adoção de reformas à estrutura institucional da ordem mundial liberal, as quais não foram totalmente alcançadas. Essa dissertação analisa o engajamento dos países emergentes a ordem mundial após a crise de 2008, particularmente em relação à governança econômica e financeira. O argumento central baseia-se na percepção de que países emergentes vêm, desde a crise de 2008, articulando maneiras de impactar a atual ordem liberal mundial, como compreendido pelo conceito de mundo multiplex, desenvolvido por Amitav Acharya (2014; 2017). Ao longo da análise da nova posição dos países emergentes na ordem mundial, por meio de uma discussão do fortalecimento do seu papel em fóruns como o G20 e a criação de grupos como o do BRICS, essa dissertação tratará de dois estudos de caso: (i) a criação do Novo Banco de Desenvolvimento, em 2014, por Brasil, Rússia, Índia, China e África do Sul, e; (ii) a criação do Banco Asiático de Infraestrutura e Investimento, em 2015, por iniciativa da China. / [en] After the 2008 financial and economic crises, emerging countries channeled their newly found economic resilience into political leverage. Traditional institutions created after World War II, particularly those in the economic and financial spheres, which were no longer representative of the new economic setting, would be questioned by emerging economies. China, India, Brazil, Russia and South Africa (the BRICS) have championed reforms to the institutional structure of the liberal world order, which have not been entirely met. This dissertation aims to shed light on the engagement of emerging countries in world order after the 2008 crisis, particularly in the economic and financial global governance. The main argument is that emerging countries have, since the 2008 crisis, been articulating ways to impact the current liberal world order as captured by the concept of multiplex world, developed by Amitav Acharya (2014, 2017). Along the analyses of the current greater role of developing countries in world order, through a discussion of the new found role of forums such as the G20 and the creation of groups such as the BRICS, the dissertation will focus on two case studies: (i) the creation of the New Development Bank, in 2014 by the Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, and; (ii) the creation of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, in 2015 fostered by China.