Este trabalho tem como tema central a relação entre a República Popular Democrática da Coreia (Coreia do Norte) e a Republica da Coreia (Coreia do Sul) com seus vizinhos (China, Japão, Rússia) e com atores regionais (Estados Unidos da América), e as implicações destas relações sobre o equilíbrio regional. O objetivo central do mesmo é analisar as implicações que decorrem da instabilidade na península coreana para o equilíbrio regional. Assim, buscará analisar em que medida a modificação no padrão de cooperação ou conflito entre as duas Coreias altera ou interfere na relação entre todos os atores envolvidos, nomeadamente China, Japão, Rússia e Estados Unidos. Destarte, este trabalho analisará o quanto uma mudança brusca na estabilidade securitária na península influencia na dinâmica regional de segurança. O trabalho está estruturado em três capítulos. O primeiro capítulo trata da evolução histórica da dinâmica regional de segurança, abordando os aspectos estratégicos e políticos que conduziram ao status quo atual na península coreana. É nesse capítulo que se verifica a emergência da industrialização sul-coreana, central para o atual processo de modernização do país, e as origens do programa nuclear norte-coreano, eixo das questões securitárias no Leste Asiático. O segundo capítulo tem como objetivo analisar o contexto regional de segurança e a Política Externa e de Segurança das Grandes Potências, nomeadamente China, EUA, Japão e Rússia, para o Leste Asiático. O terceiro capítulo analisa a Política Externa e de Segurança da República Democrática Popular da Coreia e da República da Coreia. Nesse sentido, verifica os principais fatores que tem pautado a inserção internacional desses países e os condicionantes que podem vir a ser centrais para eventuais mudanças na estabilidade regional. / This work is focused on the relationship between the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (North Korea) and the Republic of Korea (South Korea) with their neighbors (China, Japan, Russia) and regional actors (United States) and the implications of these relationships on the regional balance. The main purpose is to analyze the implications arising from the instability on the Korean peninsula for the regional balance. This way, it seeks to examine to what extent the change in the pattern of cooperation or conflict between the two Koreas alters or interferes the relationship between all actors involved, including China, Japan, Russia and the United States. Thus, this paper examines how an abrupt change in the security stability on the peninsula influences in the regional security dynamics. The work is structured in three chapters. The first chapter deals with the historical evolution of the regional security dynamics, addressing strategic and political factors that led to the current status quo on the Korean peninsula aspects. This chapter verifies the emergence of South Korean industrialization - that is central to the current process of modernization of the nation - and verifies the origins of the North Korean nuclear program, which is the securitarian axis of the issues in East Asia. The second chapter aims to analyze the regional security context and Foreign and Security Policy of the Great Powers, including China, USA, Japan and Russia for East Asia. The third chapter analyzes the Foreign and Security Policy of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and the Republic of Korea. In this sense, it checks the main factors that have guided the international integration of these countries and the conditions that may be central to any changes in regional stability.

The thesis has focused on John J. Mearsheimers theory of offensive realism and applied it onto the contemporary relations between People´s Republic of China, Russian Federation, and the presence of United States in Europe and the Asian-Pacific region. The thesis concludes that the probability of war is moderate, due to the current balance of military power in each respective region. China is actively challenging the United States both militarily and politically in the international community, albeit without successful results. Russian hegemony in Europe is balanced and kept in check by the NATO alliance, which the United States is an integral part of. The Sino-Russian relations are marked by an overall respective tone between the two powerful Asian states. The thesis concludes through a mixed-method-design that the balance is currently maintained between the three states, but any deviation one way or another risk overthrow the world into an unbalanced state which is by far the deadliest, according to Mearsheimer's offensive realism.

The research aims at conducting Neoclassical Realist Foreign Policy Analysis of EU's Eastern Partnership, to elicit the neoclassical realist reasons for EU's pragmatism in relations with Belarus. The reasons identified by the literature for EU's pragmatism in Belarus revolves around structural and domestic factors. However, it turns a blind eye to the influence of strategic culture in shaping the member state's security and political interests and EU's milieu goals in Belarus. The research, therefore, tries to address the gap, by tracing the influence of strategic culture as explained by Charles Kupchan, through the methodology of process tracing. It takes a broader view of strategic culture (official and public) in shaping the EU member states (Poland, Baltics, Germany, and France) security and political interests and its narrower concept, to explain the influence of post-modern EU strategic culture and civilian identity in shaping EU's milieu goals in Belarus. By elaborating the factors that shape the political, security, economic, and energy interests of the member states, and EU's milieu goals as well as the simultaneous impact of the process in which the influence of intervening variables shape the pragmatic preferences of the EU national power (the EU Parliament as represented by Poland, Baltic, France, and Germany) and foreign policy, the research tries to arrive at a comprehensive picture of the reasons for EU's pragmatism in Belarus. Which concludes that in the expansion of normative influence in Belarus EU's resort to pragmatic foreign policy is determined by the EU's national power. That has a preference for pragmaticism shaped by the different intervening variables, rather than EU's political moralism. If the EU Commission's milieu shaping agenda in Belarus jeopardize the interests of the member states i.e. the Polish-Baltic fears of Belarus becoming a Russian military outpost at their doorstep, the disruption of economic ties, and the Franco-German Russia first policy's drive for the engagement of Russia, it would be hindered by the opposition of its national power- the EU Parliament. The way open for EU's political moralism in Belarus rests in the reduced economic and energy dependence of its member states on Belarus and a minimized fear of the Russian bear hug of the borderlands. That can be achieved by acknowledging Russia's great power status, rather than viewing it as the EU's other to be transformed and an indigenous European security architecture replacing the transatlantic security mechanism. The study makes a contribution to the field of EU policy-making and implementation in Belarus.

Since the end of the Cold War, modern Russian and Chinese relations have been characterized by strategic defense, economic, and diplomatic cooperation. This strategic cooperation has become increasingly coordinated, with the motives behind Russo-Sino cooperation increasingly becoming the focus of academic debate. While both states declare that it is not an “alliance,” other terms have been used, such as “alignment”. This concept has only recently gained greater academic attention. This paper presents a theoretical framework on alignment as a process and its constituent mechanisms. Drawing on neo-classical realism and alliance theory, this paper bridges theoretical IR concepts to empirical data, employing a case study methodology that utilizes congruence analysis. It highlights that alignment is a present feature of modern Russian-Chinese relations and it is driven by their perceptions of threat and the global and regional balances of power.

Sino-African relations have recently become a hot topic. Chinese cooperation with the African continent is becoming more and more important not only in the field of politics but also within the economic relations. This thesis deals with two five-years long periods in the 60s and at the beginning of the 21st century. It analyses the dynamics of modern Sino-African relations in a variety of aspects.

>Magister Scientiae - MSc / An increasing number of measurements reveal the presence of a low-energy enhancement in the gamma-ray strength function (GSF). The GSF, which is the ability of nuclei to absorb or emit rays, provides insight into the statistical properties of atomic nuclei. For this project the GSF was studied for 74Ge which was populated in the reaction 74Ge(p,p')74Ge* at a beam energy of 18 MeV. The data were collected with the STARS-LIBERACE array at Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory. Silicon detector telescopes were used for particle identi cation and rays in coincidence were detected with 5 clover-type high-purity germanium detectors. Through the analysis particle- - coincidence events were constructed. These events, together with well-known energy levels, were used to identify primary rays from the quasicontinuum. Primary rays from a broad excitation energy region, which decay to six 2+ states could be identi ed. These states and the associated primary rays are used to measure the GSF for 74Ge with the Ratio Method [1], which entails taking ratios of e ciency-corrected primary -ray intensities from the quasicontinuum. Results from the analysis of the data and focus on the existence of the low-energy enhancement in 74Ge will be discussed. The results are further discussed in the context of other work done on 74Ge using the ( , ') [2], (3He,3He') [3] and ( , ') [4] reactions.

Det dröjde 32 år från det att Folkrepubliken Kina blev permanent medlem i FN:s säkerhetsråd till dess att landet kontinuerligt deltog med militära förband inom ramen för FN:s fredsbevarande insatser. Kinas plötsliga och fortsatt ökande engagemang för FN-insatser väcker frågan om bevekelsegrunderna för detta paradigmskifte. Med utgångspunkt i Kinas ekonomiska och militära utveckling samt landets internationella relationer, syftar studien till att förstå Kinas ökande deltagande i FN:s fredsbevarande insatser. Kinas ökande internationella engagemang talar för att möten mellan svensk och kinesisk militär personal kommer att öka. Studien är därför relevant och kan utgöra en kunskapskälla för Försvarsmaktens officerare, som i kommande tjänsteutövning ska interagera med kinesisk militär personal inom ramen för internationella insatser. Studiens slutsatser är: (1) Kina strävar efter att balansera de negativa internationella effekter som landets politiska system innebär genom ett målmedvetet arbete för internationell normförskjutning. Det innebär att förändra såväl den internationella bilden av Kina, som Kinas verkliga internationella förutsättningar. (2) Bevekelsegrunderna för de ökande kinesiska FN-insatserna kan förstås först genom att placera insatserna i en internationell kontext med kinesiska utgångspunkter. FN-insatserna utgör där en medveten och kostnadseffektiv åtgärd i Kinas strävan efter internationell normförskjutning och multipolaritet. Insatserna leder till ett ökat diplomatiskt handlingsutrymme vilket kan användas för såväl ekonomiska som militära syften. (3) Det finns idag inga tecken på att nuvarande trend avseende Kinas engagemang för FN:s fredsbevarande insatser avtar. / Since the People’s Republic of China became a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), it took 32 years until continuously participating with troops within a UN peacekeeping operation. The sudden and increasing peacekeeping-commitment raises questions of motives. Based on China’s economic and military development and its international relations, this study aims at understanding China’s increasing participation in UN peacekeeping operations. China’s increasing involvement in UN peacekeeping operations implies that meetings between Swedish and Chinese military personnel will increase. This study is therefore relevant and may constitute a source of knowledge for personnel of the Swedish Armed Forces who will interact with Chinese military personnel within international peacekeeping operations. Conclusions: (1) China strives to balance the negative international impacts of the country’s political system through a focused effort for shifting international norms. This means changing both the international image of China as well as changing China’s international conditions. (2) The motive for increasing Chinese UN efforts can be understood by placing these in an international context with Chinese perspective. The UN efforts constitute a focused and cost-effective step in China’s pursuit of shifting international norms towards multipolarity. The efforts lead to increased diplomatic capability, which can be used for both economic and military purposes. (3) There are currently no indications that the current trend of China’s commitment to UN peacekeeping operations is diminishing.

Submitted by Marco Antonio Oliveira da Silva (maosilva@ipen.br) on 2016-12-21T11:30:16Z No. of bitstreams: 0 / Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-21T11:30:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 / O sucesso de uma radioterapia depende do correto planejamento da dose a ser entregue ao volume alvo. Na braquiterapia, modalidade da radioterapia onde um radioisótopo selado é implantado intracavitariamente ou intersticialmente no paciente, há menos avanços em sistemas de planejamento de tratamento computacionais do que na teleterapia, amplamente mais utilizada nos serviços típicos. Porém, a braquiterapia, quando aplicável, é preferível por poupar tecidos sadios vizinhos de uma dose desnecessária. O AMIGOBrachy, um sistema de planejamento para braquiterapia de interface amigável, compatibilidade com outros sistemas comerciais em uso e integrado ao código MCNP6 (Monte Carlo N-Particle Transport Code v. 6) foi desenvolvido no Centro de Engenharia Nuclear do Instituto de Pesquisas Energéticas e Nucleares (CEN-IPEN) e atualmente está em processo de validação. Este trabalho contribuiu para este processo, avaliando três diferentes casos clínicos através do AMIGOBrachy com o formalismo do TG43 da AAPM (Associação Americana de Física Médica), protocolo que rege a dosimetria em braquiterapia, e comparando seus resultados com as distribuições de dose calculadas por outros sistemas comerciais consagrados: Varian BrachyVision TM (Varian Medical Systems; Palo Alto, CA, EUA) e Nucletron Oncentra® (Elekta; Estocolmo, Suécia). Os resultados obtidos estão dentro de uma faixa de concordância de ±10%, estando mais discrepantes em regiões muito próximas do aplicador, onde os sistemas de planejamento comerciais e o AMIGOBrachy divergem devido aos diferentes métodos de cálculo. Em pelo menos dois terços da região de interesse, porém, a dose concordou em uma faixa de ±3% para os três casos. Também foram realizadas simulações utilizando o formalismo do TG186 da AAPM, que considera heterogeneidades no tecido, para avaliar o impacto dos mesmos na dose. Em adição ao processo de validação, também foi realizado um estudo em braquiterapia oftálmica para posterior inserção de um módulo adicional ao AMIGOBrachy; para isso, um modelo de olho humano foi desenvolvido utilizando geometria UM (Unstructured Mesh), para validação com o código MCNP6, que apenas nesta versão demonstra um novo recurso capaz de simular uma geometria híbrida: parcialmente analítica, parcialmente UM. O modelo considera dez diferentes estruturas no olho humano: esclera, coroide, retina, corpo vítreo, córnea, câmara anterior, lente, nervo óptico, parede do nervo óptico, e um tumor definido de forma arbitrária crescendo da superfície externa do globo ocular em direção ao seu centro. Os resultados foram comparados com um modelo de olho puramente analítico modelado com o MCNP6 e tomado como referência. Os resultados foram satisfatórios em todas as simulações desenvolvidas, exceto para as estruturas do nervo óptico e sua parede, que devido ao seu pequeno tamanho e distância da fonte, mostraram erros relativos maiores, mas ainda menores que 10%, e não representam problema de preocupação clínica uma vez que recebem doses muito pequenas. Discutiu-se também a eficácia e problemas encontrados nessa nova capacidade do código MCNP de simular geometrias híbridas, uma vez que é recente e ainda apresenta deficiências, que tiveram que ser contornadas no presente trabalho. / Dissertação (Mestrado em Tecnologia Nuclear) / IPEN/D / Instituto de Pesquisas Energéticas e Nucleares - IPEN-CNEN/SP

Tous les etats issus du démembrement de l'urss ont dû résoudre, depuis 15 ans, une question fondamentale : celle de la définition et de l'affirmation de leur identité. ayant tous la même aspiration à la liberté, à l'autonomie productive, à l'ouverture au monde, ces pays ont commencé à réformer leurs systèmes juridiques, politiques et économiques. toutefois le droit international soviétique, spécifique, fermé dans son propre système et lié fortement à la politique extérieure de l'urss, continue à persister dans les etats post-soviétiques, malgré leur aspiration aux règles des sociétés occidentales juste après l'indépendance. ainsi, le renouvellement de la doctrine et de la pratique internationale des etats post-soviétiques se passe d'abord dans des conditions de permanence de la conception soviétique du droit international d'un côté et du désir de trouver sa place dans la communauté internationale de l'autre. cette rénovation ayant ses particularités dans chaque etat ex-soviétique, a affecté non seulement la formation de la pensée juridique et la pratique diplomatique de ces etats, mais aussi les rapports entre les droits internes et le droit international. c'est à l'époque de la fin de l'antagonisme des blocs qu'on observe l'intégration des etats issus de l'urss dans le monde de la nouvelle répartition des forces /... / International law is a « common language » but the vision of international law is far from being universal. It is a « multiplicity of particular national, regional, individual, institutional visions of international law. One can speak of the existence of regional American, Latin American, European, Asian, African approaches of law, but what about the geographical region of the former Union of Soviet Socialist Republics? In the XXth century one spoke about the Soviet conception of international law, which was a complex phenomenon, having its roots in the Russian legal school, combining the multiculturalism of the Russian Empire and the Soviet state and causing the division of the world into two blocks : Western and Soviet. For over twenty years that the Soviet Union no longer exists and the former Soviet states became independent and sovereign actors in the international arena. Can we therefore speak today about the existence of national approaches to international law of each state of the former USSR ? The objective of this thesis is to present the current state of doctrine and practice of the post-Soviet international law, considering the renewal of approaches of foreign policies of the post-Soviet states, and doctrinal concepts of international legal scholars. Does the post-Soviet doctrine of international law exist ? The contemporary international law is faced with challenges such as regionalization, globalization and the establishment of the rule of law in international law. Faced with these challenges, the doctrine and practice post-Soviet international law have been renewed. What approaches the post-Soviet states adopt in response to the contemporary challenges of regionalization, globalization and the establishment of the rule of law in international law?