The relationship between Muslims and Christian in Indonesia is and important subject. Apart from a few investigations on certain conflicts in different areas of Indonesia, little effort has been devoted to thoroughly examining the complexity of the relationship between the two religious groups. This study is an attempt to investigate the perspectives of the exclusivist and inclusivist Muslims on Muslim-Christian relations in Indonesia, especially during the New Order period (1965-1998). / In dealing with this subject, the theological and legal precepts on the ‘religious’ other as developed in some classical texts are explored briefly. In order to provide the historical background of current Muslim-Christian relations, the study then investigates policies of the Dutch, Old Order, and New Order governments on Muslims and Christians. During the Dutch regime, Christians received better treatment as compared to Muslims. This was deeply resented by some Muslims, who identified the Dutch as Christians and Christians as colonists. By the time Indonesians were approaching independence, Muslim, Christian and other religious groups were preoccupied with deciding the philosophical basis of the state, and the Sukarno government paid scant attention to the hidden tense relations between Muslims and Christians. With the shift to the New Order period, Muslim-Christian relations changed dramatically because Soeharto intentionally and carefully controlled Indonesians based on the policy of SARA. The study found that some elements of SARA policy caused tensions between Muslims and Christians. / In separate chapters, the study then explores the backgrounds and concerns of the exclusivists and inclusivists in relations to Muslim Christian relations. It found that among both exclusivists and inclusivists the degree of ‘exclusiveness’ or ‘inclusiveness’ varied, as they were influenced by their different backgrounds. In addition, within each groups or among individuals, the concerns on issues related to Muslim-Christian relations differed. Four main exclusivist institutions are discussed in the study: the Dewan Dakwah Islamiyah Indonesia (DDII), the Komite Indonesia untuk Solidaritas Dunia Islam (KISDI), the Forum Pembela Islam (FPI), and the Laskar Jihad. Key issues discussed by the exclusivists include the Christian ‘other’, relations between religion and the state, Christianisation, and the Ambon conflicts. The relations between the exclusivists and the Christians have been coloured largely by disharmony. Exclusivists believe that Christianity underwent alteration and that the God of Muslims is different from the Christian God, who is described as having offspring. In addition, all exclusivist groups in the study stated the view that it was the Christianisation activities that tore apart the relationship between Muslims and Christians. / In contrast, the relationships between inclusivists Muslims and Christians are coloured largely by harmony. The inclusivists chose to work within the New Order system for changes beneficial to Indonesian Muslims by avoiding direct conflict with the government and occupying themselves with intellectual endeavours. Against such a backdrop, the renewal of Islamic thought, characterised mainly by inclusivism, was introduced and developed. Moreover, the inclusivists hold the view that plurality is a law of nature (sunnatullah). Within this view, all religions are seen to adhere to the same principle of One Truth; and will therefore gradually find their ‘common platform’ or kalimatun sawa. As a reflection of their perspective on religious pluralism, most inclusivists admit the existence and rights of other religious believers, especially the ahl al-kitab. / The study found that it was the exclusivists who were more adamant in criticising the inclusivists through articles in their media or sermons in their mosques. Three of their important critiques are the belief that the inclusivists have established a link with Jews and Christians, that inclusivism weakens Muslim faith by giving new interpretations to the Islamic foundation texts that deviate from the accepted views, and that inclusivists lack concern about Christianisation. In contrast, the inclusivists tend not to criticise or respond to critiques directed at them by the exclusivists, as they consider these to be emotional or personal.

<p>Date: 2008-06-05</p><p>Level: Bachelor Thesis in Business Administration EF0703, 15 ECTS Credits.</p><p>Authors: Longinus Duru (Stockholm), Francis O.Oluduro (Västerås) and Mofid Al Jaafar (Västerås)</p><p>Title: Capital Investment Procedures for FEMYSO</p><p>Problem Area: Undertaking an investment by FEMYSO involves weighing up the risk</p><p>against the returns but still capital investment decision are still one of the most undertaken</p><p>decisions by organization managers because it involves commitment of huge amount of</p><p>money, which will affect the business over time. FEMYSO is embarking on a capital project</p><p>at the hearts of Brussels but there is still a problem associated with the profitability of such</p><p>venture.</p><p>Purpose: The purpose of this study is to provide Capital Investment guidelines and</p><p>procedures for FEMYSO and to show how it can maximize profit through decision-making.</p><p>Furthermore show the role of risk and interest rate in the investment.</p><p>Methodology/Design/Approach: This paper used theoretical framework of existing</p><p>investment theories to assess investment opportunity for FEMYSO and other organizations.</p><p>The role of Mintzberg et al. Rational model of decision-making in investments was analyzed.</p><p>This research paper went further to provide deeper insights into capital investment process by</p><p>evaluating the net present value of an investment and determining the risk associated with</p><p>investments.</p><p>Research Limitation/Implications: This study is limited to FEMYSO and other nonprofit</p><p>organizations that want to assess Capital Investment Projects.</p><p>Conclusion and Result: The more you wait to earn a dollar, the more heavily you</p><p>discount for it because of the time value of money. Good management decision in FEMYSO</p><p>and other related organizations will lead to profit maximization. The time value of money</p><p>problem can be solved by heavily discounting for the present value. Profitability of capital</p><p>projects will depend on the future interest rate, which is uncertain and subject to risk.</p>

<p>Lack of women rights in the international society is something that UN and other international human organizations are striving against. Women oppression is common in many countries, but is often connected with the Muslim countries. Women oppression is something that is against UN: s definition of human rights. The international society has therefore tried to protect the women, and has formed resolutions, conventions and so on, for their security.</p><p>According to the Iraqi regime, human rights are an important question. The country has therefore signed the UN: s convention about women rights. Since the year of 1992, when the Kurdish area of Iraq became self- governed, Kurdistan has started programs that favour women rights. Organizations and institutions have for example been established, that are struggling for the women in the society. The ruling government has also instituted some laws that favour women rights.</p><p>Islamic fundamentalism and Muslim feminism are two theories that today have supporters in the international society. Both of those theories and their supporters believes in the Quran and use it to justify their own actions, but in different ways. The fundamentalists emphasize the differences that, by the nature, exist between the sexes. According to the fundamentalists, women and men have different responsibilities in the society. The feminists on the other hand believe in equality between the sexes and mean that women oppression has its origin in an erroneous interpretation of the Quran.</p><p>Different kinds of crimes against women rights issues are today common in Kurdistan. Many of those crimes don’t have any support in neither UN, nor the Quran. Muslim feminists, the department for human rights and the women organizations all has agreed about the meaning of women rights. They believe in UN: s definition of women rights and they all use the Quran to justify women right issues. Islamic fundamentalists on the other hand also use the Quran for justifying their actions, but they don’t believe in UN: s definition of women rights.</p><p>So both Muslim feminists and Islamic fundamentalists exist today in Kurdistan, and their engagement in women issues is therefore affecting the work of the organizations and the department.</p>

<p>This essay is about uncovered women's faith and worship in an urban setting in contemporary Turkey. It researches the possibility of any common factors for uncovered Sunni Muslims' faith and worship as well as what parts of classical Muslim faith they have found negotiable. The essay relates to current literature and research on the topic as well as provides an insider perspective based on interviews with Turkish women.</p>

<p>Detta är ett arbete om hur det är att bo och leva i Sverige som muslim. De muslimer som finns i Sverige idag har till största delen flytt från sina hemländer för att undvika krig, fattigdom och förföljelser. Alltfler muslimer är nu även födda i Sverige och tillsammans med det mindre antal konvertiter som finns i Sverige skapar de nu en svensk islam. För att få insikt i hur det kan vara att leva som muslim i Sverige har jag läst litteratur som tar upp ämnet. Jag har kommit fram till att muslimer stöter på en mängd olika problem i utövandet av sin religion men att dessa problem på vissa håll kan lösas genom ömsesidig respekt och genom kompromisser. De svenska muslimerna har även börjat anpassa islam till det svenska samhället. Skolan är en viktig del i ungdomarnas liv och många av de problem som uppstår där beror ofta på att kommunikationen mellan skolpersonal och föräldrar är dålig. Det är ofta eleverna som kommer i kläm i dessa situationer. För att få reda på hur religionsundervisningen bedrivs på skolorna har jag besökt en kommunal grundskola och en muslimsk friskola. Besöket på friskolan bekräftade inte den bild jag tidigare haft av friskolor. Detta arbete har givit mig en större respekt och förståelse för islam och de muslimer som finns i Sverige.</p>

<p>Human rights as codified in international documents are claims every human being have by virtue of being a human. Meaning that every state must ensure, through its laws, that each individual is guaranteed these claims or rights equally. Islamic principles like other religions are obligations that its members (Muslims) must perform rather than claims. Therefore, it is possible that individual rights may not be respected within Islamic principles because, of the differences in their origin and emphasis, one is a claim and the other a duty of believers.</p><p>The concern of violating rights of other people within Islamic law calls into attention how Islamic principles can be applied in a state while guaranteeing human rights as universal principles.</p><p>This study discusses various approaches proposed by Muslim authors on how human rights can be justified in Islam. Since human rights are political concepts, in the sense that each state must ensure that human beings go about their life freely, they should be the focus of consensus among different doctrines in a modern state. That is a principle to justify human rights in Islam must consider the fact of pluralism of religious doctrines and how all are included in the political process of the state.</p>

<p>ABSTRACT</p><p>Essay in Political Science, Advanced Continuation Course, 61-80 credits, by Jonas Nilsson</p><p>”The democratic islamist? - a study of three islamist movements and their potential role in a</p><p>democratization process”</p><p>Supervisor: Jonas Linde</p><p>The purpose of this work has been to explain to what extent islamist movements can be said to be</p><p>bearers of democratic values and if they have a role to play in future democratization processes. The</p><p>purpose of this work is also to examine the democratic views of the different islamist movements and</p><p>to compare them with each other in an effort to find a specific islamist definition of democracy.</p><p>The essay is a qualitative analysis of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, Front Islamique du Salut in</p><p>Algeria and Hezbollah in Lebanon. The analytical framework is based on the political institutions</p><p>included in Robert A. Dahl polyarchial democracy. The institutions provided by the polyarchial</p><p>model is used to define the islamist movements stand on democracy which is defined by three different</p><p>standpoints. The movements can either accept, decline or modify the various institutions and the</p><p>results from the analysis helps us to evaluate the future role of islamist movements in the</p><p>democratization process. The results also provides the opportunity to define a version of democracy</p><p>specific for the islamist movements. The conclusion I have made is that the islamist movements</p><p>included in the study have a part to play in a future democratization process. They have shown that</p><p>their commitment to the democratic ideals defined by Dahl is quite extensive and that they as</p><p>separate movements have developed a more advanced view of the relationship between islam and</p><p>democracy as a social order. Though democratic at first glance there are signs that the islamists</p><p>standpoint on democracy comes with certain reservations. The most significant of these</p><p>reservarvations is the islamists regard of islam as an overarching ideology and the subordinate role</p><p>of man made political systems such as democracy. However, the islamists have found ways to handle</p><p>this problem and points out the inherent democratic values in islam and thereby tries to circumvent</p><p>the problematic relationship between democracy and religion. The study also concludes that we can</p><p>define the islamist version of democracy as a specific form of democracy, a value-based participatory</p><p>democracy. This conclusion is based on the islamist emphasis on the importance of ethics, decency</p><p>and virtue in a society, at the same time as they also emphasize the need for legitimacy provided by</p><p>the people through free, fair and frequent elections.</p>

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<p>Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka vilka möjligheter och hinder det finns i denmångkulturella skolan, med fokus på elever med muslimsk bakgrund. Malmö har under de senaste decennierna blivit en mångkulturell stad. Detta syns tydligt i vissa stadsdelar där stora delar av befolkningen är mångkulturella. Vi har fördjupat oss i teorier om hur lärare, barn och föräldrar med muslimsk bakgrund kan uppleva den svenska skolan. I litteraturgenomgången framgår det vilka hinder och kulturkrockar som kan uppstå då barn med muslimsk bakgrund ska anpassa sig till bland annat den svenska skolans synsätt och undervisning. Resultatet av undersökningen visar hur ett antal lärare upplever mötet med barn och föräldrar med muslimsk bakgrund. I motsats till forskningen i teoridelen såg lärarna i undersökningen möjligheterna med den mångkulturella skolan och hade få erfarenheter av kulturkrockar som inte gick att lösa.</p>

Human rights as codified in international documents are claims every human being have by virtue of being a human. Meaning that every state must ensure, through its laws, that each individual is guaranteed these claims or rights equally. Islamic principles like other religions are obligations that its members (Muslims) must perform rather than claims. Therefore, it is possible that individual rights may not be respected within Islamic principles because, of the differences in their origin and emphasis, one is a claim and the other a duty of believers. The concern of violating rights of other people within Islamic law calls into attention how Islamic principles can be applied in a state while guaranteeing human rights as universal principles. This study discusses various approaches proposed by Muslim authors on how human rights can be justified in Islam. Since human rights are political concepts, in the sense that each state must ensure that human beings go about their life freely, they should be the focus of consensus among different doctrines in a modern state. That is a principle to justify human rights in Islam must consider the fact of pluralism of religious doctrines and how all are included in the political process of the state.