La thèse décrit et analyse la géographie des mosquées en Italie, un sujet d'une grande pertinence et originalité, en particulier en ce qui concerne le champ d'application des études géographiques. C'est un sujet qui a été étudiée dans d'autres pays européens, et pas seulement, alors que l'urgence en Italie est de plus en plus stricte. Une telle urgence est déterminée par les changements rapides de l'immigration qui ont touché le territoire italien. La centralité de la composante musulmane parmi les étrangers vivant en Italie est désormais une réalité, il suffit de penser à l'affirmation de l'islam comme la deuxième religion plus populaire en Italie, et il est prévu que ça se renforce au cours des prochaines générations. Sur la base de ces considérations, cette thèse retrace ce qui a été le processus de création des mosquées en Italie, à travers l'étude des cas exemplaires, et elle analyse l'impact qu'une telle présence a eu sur le territoire italien, en particulier dans les zones urbaines de Milan. Ce travail montre en effet le «processus de la manifestation visible » qu'une religion, absent du paysage italien jusqu'à il y a quelques décennies, empreinte sur le sol, d'un point de vue privilégié, au cœur de lieux de culte, les mosquées. Le cœur de ce travail reflète sur la taille de la « construction de l'espace » mis en évidence par la construction de mosquées. En fait, les conflits qui accompagnent souvent la proposition ou la création de mosquées montrent que pas tout le monde a « droit à la ville » ou à une « place » dans l'espace d'une manière égale. Et la construction de ce droit implique le partage d'un éventail d'acteurs, discours ( normatifs et de représentation mentale de l'espace ) et de dispositifs spatiaux qui mènent à la légitimité de cette présence. Les mosquées ne sont pas seulement le symbole de la présence des musulmans en Europe. Grâce à eux, on peut lire la position des musulmans dans la société italienne. La construction de mosquées devrait être la transition de l'ère d'une installation spontanée d'une minorité religieuse récemment arrivée au moment de l'institutionnalisation, de l'attribution d'un «lieu» reconnue et légitime. Par conséquent, la transition du moment de l'hospitalité, où la présence est temporaire et révocable, et l'accueil est « toléré », au «temps du droit à la ville» et de la reconnaissance. Le passage de l'islam de la sphère privé à la sphère publique. Les salles de prière dans les villes italiennes, dans ce cas précis, à Milan, qui ont toujours été des lieux précaires et résiduelles (des sous-sols, garages, etc.) celles-ci représentent les premières phases d'une installation des musulmans dans l'espace urbain. Une installation à peine visible et peu organisée et vue par les institutions et la société d'une façon presque bienveillante et curieuse, un regard exotique à la diversité, sans grandes réactions négatives. Dans cette première période, même des accords pour la construction de nouvelles mosquées ad hoc ont été effectivement atteints.La mosquée de Milan, cependant, a été fondée d'une manière presque accidentelle, et assez peu a été dit de ce sujet jusqu'à ce que son inauguration. La mosquée de Rome est, au contraire, plus le résultat de l'institutionnalisation, mais surtout des relations internationales (c'est à dire les bonnes relations entre l'Italie et le Moyen-Orient, encore plus important au cours de la crise pétrolière de 1973) plutôt que de la présence de la communauté musulmane locale. Les conflits sont plutôt déclenchés au moment de la reconnaissance et l'institutionnalisation, quand une présence que l'on croyait peut être temporaire ou accidentelle devient stable, organisée, visible et centrale. En outre, dans le même temps la minorité musulmane est dotée d'une connotation négative à la suite des événements tragiques liés au terrorisme international et les conflits qui en découlent / The thesis describes and analyzes the geography of mosques in Italy, a topic of great relevance and originality, in particular as regards the scope of geographical studies. This is a topic that has been investigated in other European countries, and beyond, while its urgency in Italy is becoming more stringent. Such an urgency is determined by the rapid immigration changes that have affected the Italian territory. The centrality of the Muslim component among foreigners living in Italy is now a reality, suffice to think to the affirmation of Islam as the second most popular religion in Italy, and it is expected to grow stronger during the next generations. On the grounds of these considerations, this thesis traces what the process of establishment of mosques in Italy was, by means of the study of case studies, and it analyzes the impact that such a presence has had upon the Italian territory, particularly in the urban context of the city of Milan. This work indeed shows the process of a visible manifestation that a religion, absent until a few decades ago in the Italian landscape, imprints upon the ground, from a privileged point of view, the places of worship, that is mosques. The heart of this work reflects the size of the "construction of space" highlighted by the construction of mosques. In fact, the heated debates that often accompany the proposal or the creation of mosques show that not everyone has equal "rights to the city" or to a "place" in space. And the construction of this right implies the sharing of a range of actors, discourses (the legal and mental representation of space) and for space leading to the legitimacy of this presence. Mosques are not only the symbol of the presence of Muslims in Europe. Through them one can read the position of Muslims in Italian society. The construction of mosques should represent the transition from an era of spontaneous settlement of a religious minority recently arrived at the time of institutionalization, with the attribution instead of a recognized and legitimate "place." Hence, the transition from the time of hospitality, in which the presence is temporary and revocable, and the welcome is "tolerated," to the "time of the right to the city" and recognition. This is the transition from the private to the public sphere of Islam. From the initial fate of the prayer rooms in the Italian cities, in this specific case in Milan, which are precarious and residual places (i.e. basements, garages, etc.). These represent the first phases of the settlement of Muslims in the urban space. A barely visible settlement and poorly organized, seen by the institutions and society in an almost benevolent and curious way, an exotic gaze towards diversity, with no major negative reactions. In this early period agreements were even actually reached for the new construction of purpose-built mosques. The mosque in Milan, however, was founded in an almost accidental manner, and rather little had been said about it until its inauguration. The Mosque of Rome is, instead, more the result of institutionalization, but mostly of international relations (i.e. the good relations between Italy and the Middle East, even more important during the 1973 oil crisis) than the presence of the local Muslim community. Conflicts are instead unleashed at the time of recognition and institutionalization, when a presence that was thought might be temporary or accidental becomes stable, organized, visible and centrally located. Furthermore, at the same time the Muslim minority is endowed with a negative connotation as a result of the tragic events relating to international terrorism and the ensuing conflicts

The purpose of this work is to bring better understanding into the problematic of negotiation of veiling behaviour among young Muslim women. In the current world they face many challenges caused by stereotypical images that are being spread about them through various media platforms. One of those stereotypes is the misuse of the veil as a symbol and taking it out of the context. Main goal of this work is therefore to observe the role of media, new media in particular, within diverse socio-political contexts in the lives of young Muslim women, especially on the negotiation of their veiling behaviour. Misinterpretation and misuse of the symbol of the veil by the media within diverse socio-political contexts will be investigated from the perception of these young women, with help of the qualitative approach, namely in-depth interviews with the sample of seven Muslim women between the ages of 22 and 36 living in Czechia, Lebanon, Netherlands and Switzerland. To put this issue into perspective of the researcher's home country, Czechia, additional and supportive data was collected among 100 respondents from Czech non-Muslim public. This survey investigated the perception of Islam and veiled women by the Czech public to prove or disprove the hypothesis that the Islamic tradition of veiling is perceived...

Bakgrunden till denna studie var att det fanns ett behov av att se över hur den svenska arbetsmarknaden behandlar kvinnor med slöja (hijab). Detta då det svenska arbetslivet i vissa fall kan ses som etniskt ojämlik. Syftet med studien var att ge kvinnorna en röst i ämnet samt att lyfta deras upplevelser med hjälp utav ett sociologiskt perspektiv. För att ta del av deras upplevelser gjordes en kvalitativ studie med en hermeneutisk ansats och tematisk innehållanalys. Det utfördes åtta semistrukturerade intervjuer med kvinnor som bar slöja i arbetet. Från intervjuerna framkom fyra teman: upplevelser, bemötande, samhällets påverkan samt reaktion. Resultatet visade att slöjan är en viktig del i kvinnornas identitet samtidigt som samhället och arbetsmarknaden har svårt att acceptera deras slöjbärande. Kvinnornas arbetstillfredsställelse samt deras psykosociala arbetsmiljö påverkades då de utsattes för fördomar och diskriminering i sina arbetsliv.

Denna uppsats syftar till att undersöka hur kvinnan framställs i kapitlen om islam i läroböcker skrivna under LPF94 och GY11. En kombination av kvalitativ innehållsanalys och analysverktyget genustrappan har använts för att få fram ett resultat. Tidigare forskning visar på att läroböcker ofta visar på att mannen framställs som norm och att kvinnliga elever inte alltid känner sig representerade i läroböcker. Texterna i kapitlen om islam har brutits ned och analyserats bit för bit med hjälp av analysverktyget. Resultatet visade på att det fanns en viss skillnad mellan de två läroplanerna, då läroböcker skrivna för GY11 visade på mer fokus på jämställdhet än de för LPF94, även fast även läroböcker skrivna för det sistnämnda hade inslag av jämställdhetsperspektiv. Framställningen av kvinnan skapades ofta utifrån roller som fru och förälder samt att de historiska kvinnorna i islam fick en begränsad plats i läroböckerna.

Le cinéma est né dans un univers profane où l’homme cherchait à évoluer grâce à la machine. L'origine du 7ème art n’est pas en liaison directe avec des pratiques religieuses ou cérémonielles comme pour la peinture ou le théâtre. Le cinéma n’est pas le fruit d’une expression religieuse, et pourtant le sacré n'a cessé d'y apparaître sous de multiples formes. Robert Bresson a pu, dans ses films, sacraliser le quotidien de n’importe quel homme, en construisant l’espace morceau par morceau. Dans les œuvres de Tarkovski, le sacré prend forme grâce à l'évolution du personnage, qui se dépasse petit à petit. Cependant, dans le cinéma tunisien, le sacré est essentiellement lié au religieux. Que ce soit dans les films de Nacer Khemir, de Nouri Bouzid ou encore de Ridha Behi, le sacré est construit sur un axe vertical. Il s’agit d’un sacré qui se définit – principalement - grâce au lien existant entre l’homme et son Dieu. Est-ce alors l’islamisation de la politique cinématographique dans les pays arabes qui a renforcé cette superposition du sacré et du religieux ? Comment l’arabo-musulman pourrait tracer les lignes du sacré et ses limites alors qu’il ignore ce qu’il est ? / Cinema was born in a secular world where man tried to evolve through the machine. The origin of the 7th art is not connected with religious or ceremonial practices like painting or theater. The cinema is not the result of religious expression, yet the sacred has ceased to appear in many forms. Robert Bresson was able, in his films, sanctify the daily life of any man, constructing the space piece by piece. In the works of Tarkovsky, the sacred is taking shape thanks to the evolution of the character, which exceeds gradually. However, in Tunisian cinema, the sacred is essentially related to religion. Whether in films Nacer Khemir, Nouri Bouzid or Ridha Behi of the sacred is built on a vertical axis. This is a sacred that is defined - mainly - due to the relationship between man and his God. Is it then the Islamization of film policy in Arab countries reinforced this superposition of sacred and religious? How the Arab-Muslim could trace the lines of the sacred and its limits as he know what he is?

Na recente literatura em Ciências Sociais, o paradigma eurocêntrico da modernidade vem sofrendo ataques de diferentes naturezas. Entretanto, esse paradigma ainda fornece as categorias e formas de pensar hegemônicas para a análise sobre a modernidade e os obstáculos a ela, em sociedades periféricas. Este trabalho busca analisar o setor sociológico de uma estrutura de atitudes e referências eurocêntricas e as apropriações deste para a reflexão sobre os dilemas da modernidade, no Brasil e nas sociedades muçulmanas. A partir disso, busca-se avançar na crítica a esse paradigma eurocêntrico, por meio de um diálogo interparadigmática pós-colonial este entendida como um programa de estudos críticos à modernidade, elaborado a partir de um ponto de vista periférico. Por fim, pretende-se mostrar que uma série de elementos dessas abordagens antieurocêntricas estão presentes em análises históricas e sociológicas acerca da modernidade no Brasil e nas sociedades árabes e muçulmanas. / The Eurocentric paradigm of modernity has been suffering several kinds of attacks in the recent literature of Social Sciences. Nevertheless, such paradigm still provides the hegemonic categories and structures of thought for the reflection about modernity and the obstacles imposed to it in peripheral societies. This work intends to analyze the sociological sector of a eurocentric structure of attitudes and references, and the appropriations of such structure for reflections about the dilemmas of modernity, in Brazil and in Muslim societies. Furthermore, it intends to advance a criticism about that eurocentric paradigm, by means of an interparadigmatic postcolonial dialogue such a dialogue understood as a programme of critical studies on modernity, formulated from a peripheral point of view. Finally, this work tries to demonstrate that many elements of those anti-eurocentric approaches are present in historical and sociological analysis about modernity in Brazil and in Arab and Muslim societies.

Por meio de dois artigos, um de revisão bibliográfica e outro de pesquisa empírica, este trabalho busca examinar os impactos para o Egito, e as repercussões para o Oriente Médio, da ascensão da Irmandade Muçulmana ao poder após a deposição de Hosni Mubarak, ditador egípcio durante três décadas. O caso do Egito é o objeto da pesquisa pois exemplifica de forma cristalina como as aberturas democráticas nos países árabe-muçulmanos representam um enorme desafio para essas sociedades. A atuação da Irmandade Muçulmana em um ambiente de liberdade era aguardada por observadores dentro e fora do Oriente Médio pois, como principal movimento adepto do chamado islã político, seu sucesso ou fracasso poderiam indicar a possibilidade de êxito na construção das democracias locais, uma vez que parece inevitável o islamismo, como sinônimo de islã político, ser o primordial beneficiário da ruína dos regimes despóticos que grassam na região. Como base para esta análise, o primeiro artigo busca, por meio de uma revisão bibliográfica da história e da ideologia da Irmandade Muçulmana, desde sua fundação, em 1928, as explicações para o comportamento do grupo após a queda de Mubarak. O segundo artigo, por sua vez, estuda a conduta da política externa do Egito e reconstrói a forma como a ditadura de Mubarak desempenhava suas relações exteriores, comparando esta com a política externa do Egito durante o governo de Mohamed Morsi, irmão muçulmano eleito presidente do país em junho de 2012. Por fim, o segundo artigo busca entender os impactos provocados pelo período de governo da Irmandade Muçulmana na política externa do Egito na fase seguinte, após a deposição de Morsi (julho de 2013), em que o país passou a ser liderado pelo marechal Abdel Fattah al-Sissi, cujas ações na seara internacional são manifestamente tomadas em oposição não apenas à Irmandade Muçulmana, mas a qualquer elemento que possa ser identificado com o islã político. / Through two articles, a literature review and an empirical analysis, this paper seeks to examine the impacts to Egypt, and the implications for the Middle East, of the rise to power of the Muslim Brotherhood after the overthrow of Hosni Mubarak, Egyptian dictator for three decades. The case of Egypt is the object of research because it exemplifies in a crystalline way how the democratic openings in the Arab-Muslim countries represent a huge challenge for these societies. The performance of the Muslim Brotherhood in a freer environment was expected by observers inside and outside the Middle East because, as the main supporter of the movement called political Islam, its success or failure could indicate the possibility of success in the construction of local democracies, since it seems inevitable that Islamism, as synonymous with political Islam, be the primary beneficiary of the ruin of the despotic regimes that are rife in the region. As a basis for this analysis, the first article seeks, through a literature review of the history and ideology of the Muslim Brotherhood, since its founding in 1928, the explanations for the behavior of the group after the fall of Mubarak. The second article, in turn, studies the conduct of foreign policy of Egypt and reconstructs how the dictatorship of Mubarak played its foreign relations, comparing this with the foreign policy of Egypt during the reign of Mohamed Morsi, muslim brother elected president of the country in June 2012. Finally, the second article seeks to understand the impacts caused by the period of government of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt\'s foreign policy in the next stage, after the deposition of Morsi (July 2013), in which the country was led by Marshal Abdel Fattah al-Sissi, whose actions in the international arena are clearly taken in opposition not only to the Muslim Brotherhood, but the elements which can be identified with political Islam.

This dissertation explores the prospects for Christian-Muslim dialogue regarding the ecological crisis. It compares the views of Sallie McFague and Seyyed Hossein Nasr, leaders in ecological theology and ethics. In 1990, at the Spirit and Nature symposium at Middlebury College, they dialogued unsuccessfully. They could not understand each other across the ideological gulf of McFague's postmodernism and Nasr's traditionalism. However, beneath an outer shell of significant differences, McFague and Nasr share profound common ground. They both understand the ecological crisis as a result of the desacralization of nature in human perception. They believe that Western Christianity's failure to cultivate a spiritual vision of nature set the stage for the development of a thoroughly mechanistic and desacralized worldview in the Renaissance and Enlightenment. They both articulate visions for the resacralization of nature. While unique, these visions both image the world as a body animated by the Spirit of God rather than as a lifeless machine. Furthermore, both authors find insights to support human harmony with the natural world in the mystical wisdom of their traditions. The dissertation models a process of dialogue that unveils McFague's and Nasr's common ground. The first two chapters explore their stories and contexts, modeling the importance of getting to know one's interlocutor. In chapters three and four, their overall ecological theologies are outlined. Only in chapter five, in a dialogical setting in which both authors' ideas are viewed empathetically, are their differences engaged. Chapter six looks at their common ground, tracing how it grows out of their mutual ecological concerns. Finally, chapter seven creatively synthesizes their ideas, especially their proposals for the reintegration of nature into cities and their descriptions of the mystical understanding of the God-world and human-world relationships. The dissertation explores how the mystical consciousness of the unity of the human body with the body of the world needs to be cultivated more widely, and extended into the practice of interfaith dialogue. Christians, Muslims, and all others concerned about the ecological crisis need to become more aware of our unity and see through the illusion that we are separate.

For a long time, most women believed they had to choose between their Muslim or Arab identity and their belief in social equality of sexes. It was almost impossible to choose between either betraying their religious beliefs or their desires for social, political and economic justice, up until an upsurge of a feminist sentiment started to grow among women who were seeking to reclaim the Islamic paradigm and the Quran for themselves in the late nineteenth century (Bardan, 2005). During that time, contemporary female artists from the Arab and Muslim worlds started to create their own tools in their fight against oppressive patriarchal societies in order to express their feminine powers and renegotiate their identities. In this thesis, I analyze the feminist tools used in paradigmatic photo-based artworks by three contemporary female artists from the Arab and Muslim worlds: Mona Hatoum, Shirin Neshat, and Lalla Essaydi.

The essay aims at presenting how Swedish and Turkish media, in the light of Douglas M. McLeod's "Protest paradigm", covered the victory and defeat of Muslim Brotherhood between June 2012 and July 2013. To achieve this, I have applied discursive text- and semiotic image analysis on eight specific online articles from Dagens Nyheter, Aftonbladet, Zaman and Milliyet. The results show that the selected material do not live up to the absolute potential of protest coverage.