Ambiguities have long intrigued design and new product development (NPD) researchers: The fascination seems rooted in an endeavor to understand how design outcomes may be created despite the ambiguous nature of such work. There are several classic contributions on how to categorize, avoid and approach ambiguities. Some of the newer theories have also pointed to benefits arising from temporarily sustaining ambiguity. Little research has considered how ambiguities emerge, how ambiguities are sensed by practitioners, and the actions the practitioners take, either to harness or to reduce the generative and transformative power of ambiguity, however. This is unfortunate, since ambiguities are at the heart of such knowing-work. If one does not know how to sense the emergence of ambiguities and act to reduce or harness their generative and transformative power, i.e. negotiate ambiguity, the work might become unproductive, confused, uncreative, and might require more energy and attention. The purpose of this research is to portray how ambiguities emerge and are negotiated in knowing-work. This is achieved by drawing on two cases of design and NPD work, from practice epistemology. The results indicated that the emerging ambiguities changed in the ongoing work, some being reduced, others becoming obsolete or persisting. The results also included five generalized actions to negotiate ambiguity: (1) constructing points of references, (2) mediating between perspectives, (3) anchoring in expertise, (4) disarming future resistance, and (5) creating shared visions. This research has concluded that the very essence of design work concerns the emergence and fading away of ambiguity. The actions taken to negotiate ambiguity mediates the emergence of the design outcome. This research makes two contributions: first, it illustrates how ambiguities open up design work by creating a space for action; second, it illustrates how actions to negotiate ambiguity maneuver in this space for action. / Den typ av arbete som tar sig an utvecklandet av nya produkter och tjänster omges ofta av oklarhet kring vad som skall skapas, hur den framtida marknaden ser ut samt vilka utmaningar som kommer att framträda under arbetets gång. Sådana oklarheter har studerats i design- och produktutvecklingsforskning, ofta under antagandet att oklarheterna bör undvikas och minimeras. Dock finns det även nyare forskning som pekar mot att oklarheter kan vara fördelaktiga i arbetet. Forskningen är dock begränsad vad gäller hur oklarheterna framträder i arbetet, hur praktiker förnimmer dessa oklarheter, samt hur en kan ta sig an dessa oklara situationer för att söka reducera eller dra nytta av potentialen i oklara situationer. Detta är olyckligt, då oklarhet ligger i skapandearbetets kärna. En sådan begränsad kunskapsbildning leder till förenklade antaganden kring oklarhetens roll i design- och produktutvecklingsarbete. Därtill får det rent praktiska konsekvenser då designkonsulternas praktik och yrkeskunnande delvis är höljd i dunkel, genom att deras förmåga att förnimma och förhandla oklarhet tidigare förbisetts. Syftet med denna forskning är således att studera hur oklarheter framträder samt förhandlas i skapandearbete, genom att stödja sig på empiriska studier av arbetet i två designkonsultföretag, utifrån ett praktikperspektiv. Resultaten visar både att oklarheter uppkommer och försvinner kontinuerligt i arbetet, samt beskriver fem förhandlingsaktiviteter: (1) skapa referenspunkter; (2) medla mellan perspektiv; (3) förankra i expertis; (4) avväpna framtida motstånd; och (5) skapa gemensamma visioner. Slutsatserna visar på att oklarheter skapar tolkningsutrymme i arbetet: i tvetydighetens många tolkningar öppnas ett utrymme för skapande och möjlighet till omtolkning. Därtill framkommer att förhandlingsaktiviteterna manövrerar i detta tolkningsutrymme, genom att nyttja eller minska oklarhetens många tolkningar. / <p>QC 20170508</p>

Taking an interdisciplinary approach, this research explores Zimbabwean literary and other cultural texts within the broader context of the construction of identities and the politics of inclusion and exclusion in nationalist and oppositional discourses. It also analyzes two texts by major non-Zimbabwean African writers to examine the thematic links between Zimbabwean and other African writing. Through combining historical, anthropological and political approaches with postcolonial, postmodern and feminist critical theories, the thesis explores the ways in which African writing and performance represent alternative histories to official versions of the nation. It further investigates questions of gender and their significance in nationalist discourses and shows how writing on war, trauma and healing informs and develops readers’ understanding of the relationship of the past to the present. Considered together as a coherent body of work, the published items submitted in this thesis explore how Zimbabwean and other African writers, through re-visioning history and writing from oppositional or marginal positions, intervene in political debates and suggest new transformative ways of constructing and negotiating identities in postcolonial societies.

Recevoir en trois ans un afflux de migrants correspondant à un quart de sa population constitue un défi majeur pour n’importe quelle nation. Cette recherche tente de comprendre comment un tel phénomène, à priori inconcevable, a pu advenir dans les villes du Liban, qui ont accueilli plus d’un million de réfugiés depuis 2011. Partant de ce phénomène brutal, elle examine les facteurs qui ont permis à ces réfugiés urbains de s'installer tant bien que mal dans des espaces marqués par des processus extrêmes d'injustices socio-spatiales. La thèse aborde cette question à trois niveaux : (1 ) à l’échelle urbaine locale, où citadins et réfugiés vivent un cycle continu de négociations dissymétriques concernant l’occupation et l’appropriation de leurs espaces respectifs, reflété dans des situations quotidiennes de tension et de conflit ; (2) au niveau national, dans lequel la géopolitique interne à la société libanaise et les effets de l’action publique du gouvernement, des collectivités territoriales et des ONG prennent un rôle direct, influençant l’accès des réfugiés à la ville ; (3) à l’échelle géopolitique internationale enfin, qui aborde la situation du Moyen-Orient. À cette échelle, l’analyse s’attache aux effets des relations historiques entre le Liban et la Syrie dans l’installation actuelle des réfugiés. Cependant, l’espace de négociation n’est pas exclusivement perçu comme le résultat d’une relation binaire entre réfugiés et société d’accueil. Plus largement, la thèse démontre comment cette relation s’insère dans des mécanismes qui produisent et reproduisent des inégalités exprimées à des échelles multiples et qui opèrent sur l’ensemble des populations citadines, que ces dernières soient d’origines syriennes, palestiniennes, qu’elles appartiennent aux différentes communautés religieuses libanaises ou qu’elles soient originaires de pays étrangers. L’étude repose sur une approche ethnographique qualitative faisant appel à diverses méthodes, particulièrement des entretiens approfondis auprès d’échantillons de population très divers. Ceux-ci sont accompagnés d’observations systématiques menées dans trois quartiers urbains : Tebbeneh à Tripoli, El-Nab’a et le camp palestinien de Bourj el-Barajneh à Beyrouth. / It is a major challenge for any nation to accommodate an influx of migrants corresponding to a quarter of its population in three years. This research seeks to understand how such a phenomenon, inconceivable at first glance, could have taken place in cities in Lebanon that have hosted over a million refugees from Syria since 2011. With this brutal phenomenon as a starting point, the thesis examines the factors that have made it possible for the urban refugees to settle in places marked by extreme processes of socio-spatial injustice. The thesis addresses this issue at three levels: (1 ) at the local urban scale, within which urban dwellers and refugees live a continuous cycle of dissymmetrical negotiations on the occupation and appropriation of their respective spaces, reflected in daily situations of tension and conflict; (2) at the national level, within which the internal geopolitics and the effects of government, local authority, and NGO actions play a direct role in influencing the access of refugees to the city; (3) finally at the international geopolitical scale which addresses the situation of the Middle East. At this scale, the analysis focuses on the effects of historical relations between Lebanon and Syria in the current settlement of refugees. Negotiating space is not seen as the result of an exclusively binary relationship between refugees and the host society. Rather, the thesis demonstrates how this relationship fits into mechanisms that produce and reproduce inequalities expressed on multiple scales, and touch all urban dwellers - whether they are originally Syrian, Palestinian, Lebanese from different religious groups, or even from a foreign country. The study is based on a qualitative ethnographic approach using a variety of methods, particularly in-depth interviews with diverse population samples. These are accompanied by systematic observations in three urban neighbourhoods: Tebbeneh in Tripoli, El-Nab'a and the Palestinian camp of Bourj el-Barajneh in Beirut.

This thesis uses an action research methodology to develop a framework for improving independent scholarly reporting about interventions addressing social or environmental conflict. As there are often contradictory interpretations about the causes and strategic responses to conflict, the problem confronting scholar-reporters is how to address perceptions of bias and reflexively specify the purpose of reporting. It is proposed that scholar-reporters require grounding in conventional realist-based social theory but equally ability to incorporate theoretical ideas generated in more idealist-based peace research and applied conflict resolution studies. To do this scholar-reporters can take a comparative approach systematically developed through an integrated framework as described in this thesis. Conceptual and theoretical considerations that support both conventional and more radical constructions are comparatively analysed and then tested in relation to a case study. In 2000 Aboriginal people throughout South Australia deliberated whether their native title claims could be better accorded recognition through conservative court processes or a negotiation process to allay deep-seated conflict. The author, in a scholar-reporter capacity, formulated a report attributing meaning to this consultative process. As such a report could have been formulated according to alternative paradigms, methodological approaches and theoretical frameworks, the analysis of the adopted framework highlights how different approaches can bias the interpretation of the process and prospects for change. Realist-based conservative interpretations emphasise 'official' decision-making processes where legitimacy is expressed through political and legal frameworks based on precedent. Idealist-based interpretations emphasise that circumstances entailing significant conflict warrant equal consideration being given to 'non-official' 'resolutionary' problem-solving processes where conflict is treated as a catalyst for learning and outcomes are articulated as understanding generated about conflict and how different strategies can transform it. The developed integrated framework approach establishes the independence of scholarly reporting. Its purpose goes beyond perpetuating scholarly debate about alternative 'objective' understandings of conflict; it focuses primarily on communicating a more inclusive understanding of the contradictions inherent in a particular conflict. It increases the capacity to understand when, where, why and how conflict precipitates social change, and articulates possibilities for reconceptualising what might be the more sustainable direction of change.

一九九六年一月廿日，尼克森在他的總統就職演說中，即已宣稱：「在經 歷一段衝突敵對的時期之後，我們正進入一個談判的紀元。」而台海兩岸 在目前日益頻繁交流的互動關係下，基於雙方逐漸發展出的共識和整個國 際後冷戰大環境，「談判」必然是雙方樂於作為採取處理事務的方式。但 中共長期以馬列主義為宗師，其「國家」目標、思維邏輯和行為方式，自 然與一般民主國家作風顯有不同。因此，必事先剖析中共一貫的談判，才 能在談判過程中，掌握有利的主導地位。香港與台灣是完全不同的政治實 體，中共對待雙方的政策也不盡相同，但對中共而言，能經由和平談判手 段達到實現中國領土統一的目標，乃其最高利益和價值所在。因此，筆者 以中共與英國談判香港領土主權問題為研究主題，從香港問題的由來，我 國、中共及英國的處理態度，以至中（共）英雙方的談判接觸，完成簽訂 一九八四年《聯合聲明》的過程為止，從中整理論析中共的談判本質、一 般作風及在香港問題個案上的談判策 以期對中共的談判行為有一深入的 了解。如果我方與中共進行相關談判工作之前，能先仔細研究中共與英國 談判香港前途的經驗，相信將有助於我方的因應作為。本文內容十萬字， 註釋及圖表約二萬字，共分為七章。第一章導言。第二章為中共談判的概 說。第三章敘述香港問題的由來。第四章探討論析影響中共處理香港問題 的四大因素。第五章是中共與英國談判香港問題的經過，迄完成《聯合聲 明》為止。第六章係運用「結構法」和「歷史研究法」，研析中共的談判 策略，為本文重點所在。第七章結論。筆者在研究過程中，對中共唯物辯 証法的談判策略和統戰手法、堅持「國家」主權的強硬立埸、「一國兩制 」的策略性政治理論、高恣態「你有求於我」的談判身段，均留下深刻印 象。台海兩岸多次事務性談判以來，中共頑固的主權觀念和另有企圖的談 判動機，阻礙了雙方更進一步的交流，這些事實經驗都可在中共與英國談 判香港問題過程中，找到例證。談判技術策略是中立的，每個人都可使用 。在兩岸談判中，雖有優弱勢之分，但如能多加一些「誠信」和「互動」 的共識，相信談判的結果，是能達到「雙贏」的期望，對整個中華民族前 途是有益的。

This thesis examines how mothers of children labeled ‘learning disabled’ negotiate with educational professionals as advocates for their children. Previous scholarship has not adequately addressed the role that parents, particularly mothers of children labeled ‘learning disabled’ play in the education of their children. Through analyzing the ways in which these educational practices shape people’s experiences and identities, we can gain a deeper understanding of the ways in which labeling processes are experienced, managed, constructed, negotiated and/or resisted. This subject was explored through in-depth interviews with six mothers, using interviewing practices informed by standpoint methodology. My analysis follows two major themes. The first theme deals with the contradictory nature of psychoeducational assessments in the classrooms of the educational system. I demonstrate how psychoeducational assessments act as a set of rules, regulations and rights. I demonstrate how the mothers in my study used these as tools for empowerment and resistance to educational structures and discourses of normalcy. I also demonstrate the limitations of these texts to secure the educational interest and rights of children labeled ‘learning disabled’. The second theme deals with transformation processes. I ask, how do mothers of children labeled ‘learning disabled’ change as a result of negotiating their child or children’s ‘learning disability’. I demonstrate how being a parent of a child labeled ‘learning disabled’ is outside the sphere of ‘regular’ parenting and the sphere of the formal educational system and the economic, social and health-related consequences of such negotiations.

In the early 90s¡¦, the government of the Republic of China, Taiwan (ROC) declared the end of martial law. Taiwanese society has moved toward multi-dimensional development, which includes the greater liberal awareness of the public, as well as gradually forming various but unique social cultures. Among these cultural changes is the right to public dispute. In the past two decades, several public disputes have occurred; from the dispute against environmental pollution by the petrochemical industry, including the Chinese Petroleum Corporation, followed by the establishment of a Du Pont chemical factory, the rejection of garbage disposal plant & incinerator building, the anti-construction of nuclear power plants & the Mei Nong reservoir. To attract more customers and to pre¡Vdominate the potential market, competitors in the telecommunication industry have implemented strategies to build excess mobile base station to enhance the quality of the signal reception. From recent scientific research, there is no clear evidence to prove that electromagnetic wave signals from mobile telecommunications have any direct impact on human health. In the Year 2000, the Executive Environmental Department in Taiwan has officially announced that electromagnetic wave signals from mobile telecommunications were not a source of pollutants. However, the objection of anti-establishing mobile base station has gradually become one of the leading issues of public dispute. The dispute approaches have tended to be radical and irrational, which has lead to strong violence. In the mean time, the government and the telecommunication industry are not able to respond to and resolve the current situation. These issues not only threaten the ability for the mobile telecommunication industry to survive, but cost an incredible amount of the social resource which it is also a great concern for the similar conditions in future society. The research motivations were developed by considering the special cultural backgrounds mentioned above. The literature review includes the following research areas: conflict management; the crises interventional communication; negotiating skills; legislation process study; and the theory of outsourcing study. Furthermore, surveys on professional groups were completed to seek expertise and feedback to help resolve public radical situations. Interviews were also conducted on some key radical and irrational people to increase the public awareness about the severity of disputes. In this study, the author also investigates reasons behind public disputes and what the public has experienced and learned. To summarize, the findings of this study: 1. In the current stage, the managerial approach only resolves a radical situation as it happens; a long term and systematic methodology is still unavailable and yet to be developed. Even though the short term resolution allows authorities to accumulate precious experiences in managing public pressure, the current methodology can not effectively prevent and avoid public disputes occurrence. 2. The fundamental idea from authorities is still in favor of ¡§technical educations¡¨ which permits technicians to take major responsibilities in implementing the idea of ¡§technical skill demonstrations¡¨ to communicate and lead the agenda. However, the outcomes do not appear to be effective to those irrational and radical disputes. 3. Political power interventions mean the government is unable to provide a stable environment for industrial developments. There are politicians¡¦ interventions from different parties; public threatens and violence might also be the reasons that cause immobilized feedbacks from the government. Based on the investigation on the pros and cons of disputes on excess mobile base station and possible dispute modes, long term and short term solutions were developed. The solutions include: 1. Possible long term solutions: (1) Develop long term strategic plans, which enable the prevention of future dispute. The practical plans include media operations, professional propaganda planning, management for united industrial unions on public disputes and offers of technical and general product propagandas to the public. (2) Organizational structure justifications, traditional conceptual changes in public disputes and formations of special negotiation teams: the authority should initiate with its negotiation process based on public opinions rather than listed contents with technical issues. Professional teams should have the ability to implement the law, the public relationship and technology to the public. (3) A liberal and a specific budget support for individual projects. (4) Mobile base station embellishments and joint venture with the industrial union. (5) Provide outsourcing to professionalism. (6) Seeking for political assistances: Through democratic operations, the government should maximize its ability in public authority monitoring and the law execution. This also ensures and protects legal welfares for the mobile telecommunication industry. 2. Possible short term solutions: (1) General strategies in station selection issues. (2) New tactics formations. (3) Training professional negotiators. (4) Holding regular conferences, exchanging ideas which draw upon useful opinions, and editing ¡§Irrational mobile base station dispute management¡¨ reference handbook. (5) Educate the public to understand and obey the law. Using the law to protect and maintain basic rights for the mobile telecommunication industry. The final discussions conclude with some proposed solutions to manage public disputes. The future research recommendations to the mobile telecommunication industry, the professional team, and the governmental organizations are also included. The aim is to establish a rational and peaceful future society and provide a stable business environment for the mobile telecommunication industry.

This thesis examines how mothers of children labeled ‘learning disabled’ negotiate with educational professionals as advocates for their children. Previous scholarship has not adequately addressed the role that parents, particularly mothers of children labeled ‘learning disabled’ play in the education of their children. Through analyzing the ways in which these educational practices shape people’s experiences and identities, we can gain a deeper understanding of the ways in which labeling processes are experienced, managed, constructed, negotiated and/or resisted. This subject was explored through in-depth interviews with six mothers, using interviewing practices informed by standpoint methodology. My analysis follows two major themes. The first theme deals with the contradictory nature of psychoeducational assessments in the classrooms of the educational system. I demonstrate how psychoeducational assessments act as a set of rules, regulations and rights. I demonstrate how the mothers in my study used these as tools for empowerment and resistance to educational structures and discourses of normalcy. I also demonstrate the limitations of these texts to secure the educational interest and rights of children labeled ‘learning disabled’. The second theme deals with transformation processes. I ask, how do mothers of children labeled ‘learning disabled’ change as a result of negotiating their child or children’s ‘learning disability’. I demonstrate how being a parent of a child labeled ‘learning disabled’ is outside the sphere of ‘regular’ parenting and the sphere of the formal educational system and the economic, social and health-related consequences of such negotiations.

This teacher as researcher inquiry set out to negotiate a critical literacy curriculum in a grade 3 classroom in Nova Scotia, Canada. It suggests that the inclusion of texts with multiple perspectives alongside popular culture, media, and digital texts are key to enacting a critical literacy curriculum.

In line with the boundless working life, it has become increasingly difficult to create a balance between working life and personal life. The Swedish expression “life-puzzle” and how we are able to create enough time has become a central part of the public debate. This essay will focus on what it means for cohabiting couples with children to make the life-puzzle come together and what happens when it does not. The purpose of this study is to understand the couples conceptions of the life-puzzle with regard to equality, gender contracts, negotiations and strategies and how this can be understood through a gender perspective. Significant questions are how the couples mean they are dealing with the conflicts of getting the life-puzzle together and what negotiations and strategies appear in their statements and how they express gender. Previous research on aspects considering the life-puzzle has shown that it is primarily women with infants who take the greatest responsibility at home and usually perform double work. Most of the research done on work-life balance lacks the gender aspect we are interested in, why we include relevant gender studies. This study, based on qualitative interviews, illustrates family strategies and negotiations and shows that there are unspoken gender contracts based on gender roles in the allocation of responsibilities and tasks. The study also shows that the problem of the life-puzzle is complex and that many different aspects need to be weighed in in order to create a full understanding.