Quelles sont les pratiques de la responsabilité politique et comment permettent-elles de comprendre la nature et les modalités de négociation du pouvoir de l’État au Mozambique ? Ce questionnement s’insère dans les débats des trente dernières années sur les phénomènes d’institutionnalisation démocratique au cours de la troisième vague de démocratisation. Dans ce débat, la responsabilité politique est vue comme l’instrument capable et nécessaire pour changer les régimes autoritaires, c’est-à-dire capable d’en finir avec les « résidus » autoritaires dans les nouvelles démocraties. À partir du dialogue avec la littérature, cette recherche appréhende la mise en place de la responsabilité politique comme un processus qui met en relief la dynamique transformative, comme espace de rencontres et de négociations entre plusieurs arènes et autorités qui composent la maille des régimes politiques. L’idée démocratique au Mozambique a permis et permet de mettre en articulation diverses expériences qui ont été capables de reformuler ou d’accélérer le processus d’institutionnalisation démocratique. Ces expériences doivent être analysées dans leur historicité mais incorporent des éléments de la modernité motivés par la compétition politique entre le pouvoir du Frelimo, la Renamo et aujourd’hui le MDM. La contribution de cette thèse est de penser l’institutionnalisation démocratique comme un processus transformatif et la responsabilité politique comme intrinsèquement soudée aux rapports de pouvoir dominants. Il s’agit de partir des expériences des acteurs dans le processus d’institutionnalisation démocratique au travers des rapports qu’ils établissent entre eux. En d’autres termes, il s’agit de ne pas en rester à une analyse macro-politique, mais de conjuguer tous les niveaux de pouvoir, en les regardant principalement à partir du bas. Cette recherche est fondée sur un travail de terrain dans deux districts, celui de Chibuto (sud) où le Frelimo est largement soutenu et celui de Gondola (centre) dans lequel la Renamo a l’ascendant politique. / What are the concrete practices of political accountability and how do they make it possible to understand the nature and methods of negotiations of power within the State in Mozambique? This study makes a contribution to the debates over the last thirty years over the phenomena of democratic institutionalization during the third wave of democratization. Within this framework, political accountability is seen as the necessary instrument capable of provoking change in authoritarian regimes, by removing the authoritarian “residue” from the newly established democracies. Through a careful reading of the literature, this research has highlighted that the founding of political accountability is a process that reveals transformative dynamics as a place of confluences and negotiations between various political arenas and authorities that make up the structure of political regimes. The idea of democracy in Mozambique has facilitated the linking of various experiences, which have aided in reformulating or accelerating the process of democratic institutionalization. These experiences should be analyzed in their historicity, while also incorporating modern elements motivated by political competition by the balance of power between Frelimo, and Renamo and Democratic Movement of Mozambique (MDM). The contribution of this study is to think of democratic institutionalization as a transformative process and political accountability as being intrinsically sown into the links between the dominant powers, based on the experiences of the actors involved in the process of democratic institutionalization and the connections they establish amongst themselves. In other words, this project is not merely macro-political, but rather combines all the levels of power, most notably from the bottom. This research is founded on fieldwork done in two districts: Chibuto (South) where Frelimo is largely favored and Gondola (Center) where Renamo has gained political support.

The aim of this paper is to analyze the North Korean leader Kim Jong-Il’s personality and its influence on North Korea’s negotiating behavior regarding the nuclear issue. Through the theory of social identity shaping and personality disorder, this study has generated a hypothesis by the operationalization of the theoretical framework. By using these analytical methods the following conclusions have been drawn: Kim Jong-Il had experienced a sense of loss and damaged self-esteem in his childhood. He had tried to compensate for these feelings through the film industry (which served as an ideological tool) in order to regain his father’s affection, and he succeeded in becoming recognized for his political ability. However, he overcompensated for these feelings of low self-esteem by removing his potential political enemies. The experiences made him acquire an idiosyncratic character and personality disorder. This study has found that North Korea’s nuclear negotiations with the United States since 1993 have reflected Kim Jong-Il’s personality. The model of the study can be used as a basis for further academic studies in the practical exploration of the correlations between a country’s foreign policy and its leader’s personality.

The aim of this thesis is to assess the real position of the European Union in the global economy and to evaluate its ability to present common interests, priorities and objectives of the Member States and achieve its acceptance on the international scene. The thesis is divided into three chapters. The first one deals with global and economic governance and G20, a forum for international cooperation in the field of economic and financial problems. The second chapter is focused on the European Union, one of the twenty members of G20, and macroeconomic position of the EU in G20. There are also mentiond economic, fiscal and trade policy of the European Union. The last part is devoted to the Union's negotiating power within the G20. Negotiating power is evaluated on the basis of EU's common position on the G20 agenda compared with the G20 summit declarations. In conclusion of this thesis is evaluated the strength and position of the Union within the framework of the G20.

AFRIKAANS: Die primêre doel van my studie was om die onderhandeling van swart identiteit binne ‘n wit skoolkonteks te ondersoek, en die toepaslikheid van emosionele intelligensie in terapeutiese intervensie met ‘n swart adolessent binne ‘n wit skoolkonteks krities te evalueer. Die studie is uitgevoer deur middel van ‘n gevalstudie waar ‘n swart adolessent wat ‘n wit skool bywoon se emosionele intelligensie met behulp van die BarOn EQ-i:YVTM-vraelys gemeet is. Die bevindinge is by die terapiesessies geïntegreer en laasgenoemde is kwalitatief geïnterpreteer. Die studie is gemotiveer deur vorige navorsing wat bevind het dat emosionele intelligensie ‘n belangrike rol in ‘n individu se optimale funksionering speel. Emosionele intelligensie sluit die individu se vermoë in om sy/haar eie emosies te verstaan en uitdrukking daaraan te gee, om ander se emosies te verstaan, om beheer oor emosies uit te oefen, om probleemoplossingsvaardighede in verhoudings te toon en om selfmotiverend te wees. ENGLISH: The primary goal of my study was to investigate the negotiation of black identity within a white school context, and to critically evaluate the application of emotional intelligence as a means of therapeutic intervention to a black adolescent within a white school context. The study was conducted by means of a case study in which the emotional intelligence of a black adolescent attending a white school was measured by the administration of the BarOn EQ-i:YV™. The findings were integrated into the therapy sessions. The study was motivated by previous research results showing that emotional intelligence contributes significantly to the optimal functioning of an individual. Emotional intelligence includes an individual’s ability to understand and express one’s own emotions, to understand the emotions of others, to exercise control over one’s emotions, to apply problem-solving skills in relationships and to be self-motivated. / Dissertation (MEd (Educational Psycholgy))--University of Pretoria, 2008. / Educational Psychology / unrestricted

The purpose of this study was to explore and describe the relationship between top academic achievement in Grade 12 and certain characteristics of career adaptability. The career construction theory and the counselling model for life designing constituted the theoretical framework for the study. This research study of limited scope was conducted according to an interpretivist metatheoretical paradigm. I followed a qualitative methodological paradigm based on a case study design. Purposive sampling was used to select participants according to their top academic achievement. A very important factor in all case studies is the collection of data from multiple sources. Therefore, data collection methods included the Career Adapt-Abilities Inventory, individual interviews, life line and life story. A deductive style of analysis was used to identify themes (concern, control, curiosity, confidence). Inductive analysis was used to identify subthemes. Based on the findings of the study the salient aspects of career adaptability were established as being concern, control, curiosity and confidence. The importance of career adaptability when negotiating change was demonstrated by participants in their orientation and preparation for the future, making decisions after careful planning and exploration, and seeking information, as well as having confidence in their own ability and choices. Finally the findings of my research study suggest a significant relationship between Grade 12 top academic achievement and certain characteristics of career adaptability. Additionally findings suggest that other variables such as participation in extracurricular activities, gender, race and socioeconomic circumstances should not be excluded and therefore need to be investigated further. Copyright / Dissertation (MEd)--University of Pretoria, 2011. / Educational Psychology / unrestricted

The focus of this study is on South Africa's transition to democracy. It is argued in this thesis, that an analysis of the transition to democracy in South Africa and the transformation of the con ict that prevailed in this divided society could generate new avenues for theorising about transitions to democracy in divided societies amidst con ict. The aim with this thesis is to contribute towards a more comprehensive understanding of the complex nature of the process of transition to democracy, and the relevant theory involved, particularly with regard to transitions in divided societies. One consequence of the deep divisions within South African society has been the increase in violence, which followed liberalisation. The transition to democracy in South Africa, as a result, was characterised by continuing and escalating violence. In South Africa, the authoritarian regime deteriorated mainly because of internal factors, but external factors also played an important role. The analysis of the transition has been guided by the hypothesis that the democratisation of South Africa was accomplished through a compromise that was negotiated between the major political actors and which re ected the intra-, as well as the inter-dynamics in the domains of, state - political society - civil society. Thus, the main theme of this thesis is, that in the analysis of the dynamics of the tran- sition to democracy in South Africa, a basic framework in which the domains of, state - political society - civil society, are the domains where structural variables (such as culture, economic development, class structures, increased education and the international environ- ment) and behavioural variables (such as major political actors, elite factions, organisations from civil society) interact. Thus, in the diachronic analysis of South Africa's transition, an interactive approach, that seeks to relate structural constraints to the shaping of contingent choice, is followed. At the same time, the institutional substitution of a new democratic political dispensation is examined. In conclusion, democracies are complex phenomena, and they are caused by many di er- ent forces and synthesizing the relevant theoretical approaches to political change provides a more cogent and comprehensive explanation of democratic transition in South Africa. / (D. Litt. et Phil. (International Politics))

När den svenska klimatdebatten intensifierades under 2000-talets första decennium tilldelades allmänheten en särskild roll. I den mediala och politiska debatten verkade lösningen på miljöproblemen intimt förknippad med individers livsstilar. I den här avhandlingen betraktas det synsättet som del av en pågående individualisering av miljöansvar. Med en poststrukturalistisk feministisk utgångspunkt hanteras det individualiserade miljöansvaret som en specifik diskurs. Diskursen beskriver individer som de centrala aktörerna som ska motverka miljöproblemen. Hur individer förhåller sig till rimligheten i en sådan ansvarsfördelning eller förstår innebörden av ett sådant ansvar är emellertid oklart. Syftet med avhandlingen är att utforska hur individer begripliggör och förhandlar diskursen om individuellt miljöansvar i gruppsamtal. För att förstå hur individer kan positionera sig i relation till diskursen analyseras tolv fokusgruppsamtal med personer som befinner sig i olika livssituationer och har olika erfarenheter av miljöfrågor och resande. Samtalsdeltagarnas förhandlingar av diskursens innebörd och relevans analyseras. Avhandlingen undersöker vilka andra diskurser som stödjer, konkurrerar med eller utgör motdiskurser till den individualiserade miljödiskursen. Därmed framgår hur individer kan införliva eller göra motstånd mot miljödiskursens verklighetsbeskrivning. I avhandlingen undersöks även vilka subjektspositioner som görs problematiska respektive oproblematiska i relation till ett individualiserat miljöansvar. Det bidrar med insikt om hur diskurser knutna till genus och klass kan positionera individer som i olika grad eller på olika sätt ansvariga för sin miljöpåverkan. Analysen visar hur individuellt miljöansvar förknippas med resursstarka och oberoende individer, individer som kan tänka sig att agera utan stöd från vare sig omgivningen eller stödjande samhällsstrukturer. Samtalsdeltagare i studien beskriver det individualiserade miljöansvaret som alltifrån moraliskt viktigt och positivt till orimligt och orealistiskt. Konkurrens mellan individer följer i diskursens spår. Både personer som tar på sig stort ansvar och de som inte förmår eller vill leva upp till idealet om att förändra sin livsstil pekas ut som problematiska. Samtidigt hamnar andra potentiella ansvarstagare och politiska arenor ofta i skymundan. Därtill riktar vissa samtalsdeltagare misstro mot samhällets förmåga att överhuvudtaget hantera miljöproblem, vilket tolkas som en aspekt av det individualiserade miljöansvarets dominans. / Over the last decade, the behaviors and lifestyles of the Swedish public have been depicted as having important environmental effects by both politicians and the media in Sweden. In this thesis, this is regarded as part of an ongoing tendency to individualize environmental responsibilities. Using a feminist poststructuralist point of departure, this individualized environmental responsibility is understood as a particular discourse that frames individuals as essential actors in handling environmental problems. How individuals position themselves in relation to the reasonableness and meaning of these responsibilities, however, is still an open question. The aim is to explore how individuals make scnse of and negotiate the discourse of individual environmental responsibility in group discussions. Twelve focus group conversations involving people in various life situations and with various expericnces of environmental issues and travelling are analyzed. The analysis investigates how the focus group participants position themselves in relation to the discoursc and, thus, negotiate its meaning and relevance. The analysis seeks to understand what other discourses support, compete with, or challenge the discourse of individual environmental responsibility in order to illuminate how individuals can incorporate or resist this particular discursive description of the world. The thesis also investigates what subject positions are made troubled or untroubled by the focus group participants, which reveals how gender and dass discourses position individuals as in various ways or to various degrees responsible for their individual impact on the environment. The analysis suggests that the discourse of individual environmental responsibility privileges independent, self-governing individuals, that is, people who assume responsibility without demanding either societal or social support. Some focus group participants depict individual environmental responsibility as morally significant and beneficial, while others depict it as unrealistic and unacceptable. The discourse seems to engender competition between individuals. Both people acting as highly environmentally responsible and people acting as unable or unwilling to take environmental responsibility are framed as troubled individuals in the conversations. Concurrently, other potential environmentally responsible actors and political scenes are often neglected. The discourse of individual environmental responsibility dominates; for some focus group participants, this discourse leads toa lack of faith in societal ability to handle environmental problems.

Neste trabalho estuda-se a aplicação do princípio da reparação integral do dano causado às atividades negociais. Como a teoria da responsabilidade civil está calcada na doutrina liberal clássica, a reparação do dano, muitas vezes, não recebe, por parte da doutrina e da jurisprudência, tratamento adequado às características e vicissitudes do mercado. O objetivo principal é tratar de uma das vertentes que o Direito exerce no seu papel de corretor das chamadas falhas de mercado. Analisam-se os preceitos jurídicos da responsabilidade civil em relação a essas falhas de mercado e a implicação que isto tem na solução de questões jurídicas envolvendo a atividade negocial. / In this work, we study the application of the principle of full compensation for the damage caused to the negotiation activities. As a theory of liability is grounded in the classical liberal doctrine, compensation for damage often do not receive, by the doctrine and jurisprudence, appropriate treatment characteristics and market vicissitudes. The main objective is to address one of the aspects that the law plays in its role as broker of the so-called market failures. Analyzes the legal precepts of civil liability in respect of such market failures and the implication this has in solving legal issues involving the negotiation activity.

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Neste trabalho estuda-se a aplicação do princípio da reparação integral do dano causado às atividades negociais. Como a teoria da responsabilidade civil está calcada na doutrina liberal clássica, a reparação do dano, muitas vezes, não recebe, por parte da doutrina e da jurisprudência, tratamento adequado às características e vicissitudes do mercado. O objetivo principal é tratar de uma das vertentes que o Direito exerce no seu papel de corretor das chamadas falhas de mercado. Analisam-se os preceitos jurídicos da responsabilidade civil em relação a essas falhas de mercado e a implicação que isto tem na solução de questões jurídicas envolvendo a atividade negocial. / In this work, we study the application of the principle of full compensation for the damage caused to the negotiation activities. As a theory of liability is grounded in the classical liberal doctrine, compensation for damage often do not receive, by the doctrine and jurisprudence, appropriate treatment characteristics and market vicissitudes. The main objective is to address one of the aspects that the law plays in its role as broker of the so-called market failures. Analyzes the legal precepts of civil liability in respect of such market failures and the implication this has in solving legal issues involving the negotiation activity.