This dissertation argues that conventional analysis of business-state relations fails to capture the nuances of networks shaping Egypt's neoliberal reform experience. Instead, it posits that both the 'business-state' and 'domestic-international' divides should be reconsidered - with categories better understood based on the nature of individuals' socio-economic capital (Bourdieu 1986). I argue that only by using such a framework can we make visible insidious forms of resource capture and economic exclusion. On the macro-level, this dissertation tells a story of elite resource capture that occurred alongside Egypt's experience of economic liberalization. While particular attention is paid to reforms of the 2000s, I also trace developments to roots laid by international partnerships and platforms established during the first IMF-led reform project of the Mubarak era in the 1990s. On the micro-level, this is a story of some of the central networks of 'globalizers' (Springborg and Henry 2010) - or individuals who rose to become chief mediators for internationally funded initiatives to empower Egypt's 'private sector.' I examine their ascent in the industrial policy-making space during the tenure of the first businessman cabinet member, Rashid Mohammed Rashid (2004-2011). I focus on the role of these networks in capturing the central 'business development' programs initiated alongside the reforms of the 2000s, which I argue served as platforms for accessing both immediate rent streams, as well as for shaping industrial policies to gain future rents. I then follow a handful of these individuals as they secure one highly controversial industrial policy: the Qualifying Industrial Zones (QIZ) trade agreement between Egypt, Israel and the US. In particular, I highlight the web of individuals and organizations mobilized in the process, providing close examination of the small cohort standing at the center of negotiations. I draw from targeted interviews and participant observation conducted over three years of fieldwork and triangulate findings with printed sources including corporate press releases, leaked US embassy cables and evaluations by international development organizations.

This thesis analyses the neoliberal reforms in the public procurement field by comparing the Northern and Southern examples, with a particular focus on the enactment of the Turkish Public Procurement Law and the establishment of Turkish Public Procurement Agency in 2001. This thesis argues that despite the depoliticisation claims of neoliberal ideology the reforms in the public procurement field have gone through a highly politicised process in both North and South. The reforms launched in the procurement field have been constructed around different languages. The language of reform has intended to delegitimize any business-state cooperation. This type of language of reform in themSouth, particularly in Turkey, has turned into a strategy to open the state procurement market to the Western foreign firms on equal footing with the national ones. Coming under the pressure of different coalition groups of national and foreign capital owners, the Turkish government of has intervened in the decisions of the Public Procurement Authority, which has been formed as an independent regulatory agency and in the Public Procurement Law, which was initially enacted to guarantee transparency. This thesis has reviewed the processes of the enactment and amendment of the Public Procurement. Eventually it states that the highly technical language of reform in the procurement field is highly political, and aims to redistribute resources between different capital groups.

No description available.

A presente dissertação realiza um estudo comparado sobre o federalismo no Brasil e na Argentina no período de redemocratização, procurando entender o poder que os Governadores dos Estados brasileiros e das Provincias argentinas detêm e o papel que cumprem dentro de ambas as Federações. Primeiramente, se analisa o desenvolvimento histórico dos federalismos do Brasil e da Argentina até a redemocratização (1983/85), buscando as pautas que atravessam a dinâmica federativa. Por sua vez, distintas teorias do federalismo ajudam na compreensão do desenvolvimento que este arranjo de dispersão do poder toma nos dois países. A seguir, se estuda as conjunturas destes países no momento de estabelecerem o redesenho de suas Cartas Constitucionais, como foram a promulgação da Constituição Federal de 1988 no Brasil e a Reforma Constitucional de 1994 na Argentina. Analisa-se os atributos que cada um dos poderes horizontais possuem assim como os poderes constitucionais conferidos aos entes que compõem as Federações, especialmente as unidades intermediárias. Também, se estabelece uma série de fatores que servem para mensurar as atribuições que, dentro das esferas estaduais e provinciales, têm os Executivos. Assim, se torna relevante a pesquisa dos sistemas eleitorais e partidários e dos poderes políticos, administrativos e fiscais, com o objetivo de entender o poder dos Governadores e o papel que eles possuem dentro de cada Federação, enfatizando nas mudanças acontecidas após a implantação das reformas neoliberais na década de 1990. / The dissertation is a comparative study of Federalism in Brazil and Argentina during the re-democratization period, its main objective is to understand the Governors’ power and the role they have in Brazilian states and Argentine provinces. First, there´s an analysis of the federal historical developments of Brazil and Argentina up to their redemocratization (1983/85), this is done by searching for the parameters that have shaped the federalism and its dynamism. In addition, several federal theories help to understand the ways in which powers disperse in both countries. Then, the analysis concentrates in the conjuncture of these countries at the time they both modified its constitutions: in 1988 with the promulgation of the Federal Constitution of Brazil and in 1994 with the Constitutional Reform in Argentina; focusing in the attributes each horizontal power has as well as on the power given to the entities that constitutes a Federation, specially their states and provinces. Furthermore, this work establishes a range of factors in order to measure those attributes that, within the Federal states and provinces, have the Executives. Therefore, it is relevant to this work to study the electoral and political party systems, administrative and fiscal, as a way to understand the power holed by Governors and their role within each Federation, emphasizing on the changes brought by the neoliberal reforms during the 1990 decade. / En la presente tesis de maestría, se realiza un estudio comparado sobre federalismo en Brasil y Argentina, durante el período de redemocratización, buscando entender el poder que los Gobernadores de los Estados brasileiros y de las Provincias argentinas detentan y el rol que cumplen dentro de ambas Federaciones. Primeramente, se analiza el desarrollo histórico de los federalismos de Brasil y Argentina hasta la redemocratización (1983/85), en la búsqueda de las pautas que atraviesan la dinámica federal. Por su parte, distintas teorías del federalismo ayudan en la comprensión del desarrollo que este mecanismo de dispersión del poder toma en los dos países. Luego, se estudian las coyunturas de estos países en el momento de establecer el rediseño de sus Cartas Constitucionales, como fueron la promulgación de la Constituição Federal de 1988 en Brasil y la Reforma Constitucional de 1994 en Argentina. Se analizan los atributos que cada uno de los poderes horizontales poseen, así como también los poderes constitucionales conferidos a los entes que componen las Federaciones, especialmente las unidades intermedias. Después, se establece una serie de factores que sirven para medir las atribuciones que, dentro de las esferas estaduais y provinciales, tienen los Ejecutivos. Así, se torna relevante la investigación de los sistemas electorales y partidarios y de los poderes políticos, administrativos y fiscales, con el objeto de entender el poder de los Gobernadores y el papel que ellos tienen al interior de cada Federación, enfatizando en los cambios ocurridos a partir de la implementación de las reformas neoliberales en la década de 1990.

A presente dissertação realiza um estudo comparado sobre o federalismo no Brasil e na Argentina no período de redemocratização, procurando entender o poder que os Governadores dos Estados brasileiros e das Provincias argentinas detêm e o papel que cumprem dentro de ambas as Federações. Primeiramente, se analisa o desenvolvimento histórico dos federalismos do Brasil e da Argentina até a redemocratização (1983/85), buscando as pautas que atravessam a dinâmica federativa. Por sua vez, distintas teorias do federalismo ajudam na compreensão do desenvolvimento que este arranjo de dispersão do poder toma nos dois países. A seguir, se estuda as conjunturas destes países no momento de estabelecerem o redesenho de suas Cartas Constitucionais, como foram a promulgação da Constituição Federal de 1988 no Brasil e a Reforma Constitucional de 1994 na Argentina. Analisa-se os atributos que cada um dos poderes horizontais possuem assim como os poderes constitucionais conferidos aos entes que compõem as Federações, especialmente as unidades intermediárias. Também, se estabelece uma série de fatores que servem para mensurar as atribuições que, dentro das esferas estaduais e provinciales, têm os Executivos. Assim, se torna relevante a pesquisa dos sistemas eleitorais e partidários e dos poderes políticos, administrativos e fiscais, com o objetivo de entender o poder dos Governadores e o papel que eles possuem dentro de cada Federação, enfatizando nas mudanças acontecidas após a implantação das reformas neoliberais na década de 1990. / The dissertation is a comparative study of Federalism in Brazil and Argentina during the re-democratization period, its main objective is to understand the Governors’ power and the role they have in Brazilian states and Argentine provinces. First, there´s an analysis of the federal historical developments of Brazil and Argentina up to their redemocratization (1983/85), this is done by searching for the parameters that have shaped the federalism and its dynamism. In addition, several federal theories help to understand the ways in which powers disperse in both countries. Then, the analysis concentrates in the conjuncture of these countries at the time they both modified its constitutions: in 1988 with the promulgation of the Federal Constitution of Brazil and in 1994 with the Constitutional Reform in Argentina; focusing in the attributes each horizontal power has as well as on the power given to the entities that constitutes a Federation, specially their states and provinces. Furthermore, this work establishes a range of factors in order to measure those attributes that, within the Federal states and provinces, have the Executives. Therefore, it is relevant to this work to study the electoral and political party systems, administrative and fiscal, as a way to understand the power holed by Governors and their role within each Federation, emphasizing on the changes brought by the neoliberal reforms during the 1990 decade. / En la presente tesis de maestría, se realiza un estudio comparado sobre federalismo en Brasil y Argentina, durante el período de redemocratización, buscando entender el poder que los Gobernadores de los Estados brasileiros y de las Provincias argentinas detentan y el rol que cumplen dentro de ambas Federaciones. Primeramente, se analiza el desarrollo histórico de los federalismos de Brasil y Argentina hasta la redemocratización (1983/85), en la búsqueda de las pautas que atraviesan la dinámica federal. Por su parte, distintas teorías del federalismo ayudan en la comprensión del desarrollo que este mecanismo de dispersión del poder toma en los dos países. Luego, se estudian las coyunturas de estos países en el momento de establecer el rediseño de sus Cartas Constitucionales, como fueron la promulgación de la Constituição Federal de 1988 en Brasil y la Reforma Constitucional de 1994 en Argentina. Se analizan los atributos que cada uno de los poderes horizontales poseen, así como también los poderes constitucionales conferidos a los entes que componen las Federaciones, especialmente las unidades intermedias. Después, se establece una serie de factores que sirven para medir las atribuciones que, dentro de las esferas estaduais y provinciales, tienen los Ejecutivos. Así, se torna relevante la investigación de los sistemas electorales y partidarios y de los poderes políticos, administrativos y fiscales, con el objeto de entender el poder de los Gobernadores y el papel que ellos tienen al interior de cada Federación, enfatizando en los cambios ocurridos a partir de la implementación de las reformas neoliberales en la década de 1990.

A presente dissertação realiza um estudo comparado sobre o federalismo no Brasil e na Argentina no período de redemocratização, procurando entender o poder que os Governadores dos Estados brasileiros e das Provincias argentinas detêm e o papel que cumprem dentro de ambas as Federações. Primeiramente, se analisa o desenvolvimento histórico dos federalismos do Brasil e da Argentina até a redemocratização (1983/85), buscando as pautas que atravessam a dinâmica federativa. Por sua vez, distintas teorias do federalismo ajudam na compreensão do desenvolvimento que este arranjo de dispersão do poder toma nos dois países. A seguir, se estuda as conjunturas destes países no momento de estabelecerem o redesenho de suas Cartas Constitucionais, como foram a promulgação da Constituição Federal de 1988 no Brasil e a Reforma Constitucional de 1994 na Argentina. Analisa-se os atributos que cada um dos poderes horizontais possuem assim como os poderes constitucionais conferidos aos entes que compõem as Federações, especialmente as unidades intermediárias. Também, se estabelece uma série de fatores que servem para mensurar as atribuições que, dentro das esferas estaduais e provinciales, têm os Executivos. Assim, se torna relevante a pesquisa dos sistemas eleitorais e partidários e dos poderes políticos, administrativos e fiscais, com o objetivo de entender o poder dos Governadores e o papel que eles possuem dentro de cada Federação, enfatizando nas mudanças acontecidas após a implantação das reformas neoliberais na década de 1990. / The dissertation is a comparative study of Federalism in Brazil and Argentina during the re-democratization period, its main objective is to understand the Governors’ power and the role they have in Brazilian states and Argentine provinces. First, there´s an analysis of the federal historical developments of Brazil and Argentina up to their redemocratization (1983/85), this is done by searching for the parameters that have shaped the federalism and its dynamism. In addition, several federal theories help to understand the ways in which powers disperse in both countries. Then, the analysis concentrates in the conjuncture of these countries at the time they both modified its constitutions: in 1988 with the promulgation of the Federal Constitution of Brazil and in 1994 with the Constitutional Reform in Argentina; focusing in the attributes each horizontal power has as well as on the power given to the entities that constitutes a Federation, specially their states and provinces. Furthermore, this work establishes a range of factors in order to measure those attributes that, within the Federal states and provinces, have the Executives. Therefore, it is relevant to this work to study the electoral and political party systems, administrative and fiscal, as a way to understand the power holed by Governors and their role within each Federation, emphasizing on the changes brought by the neoliberal reforms during the 1990 decade. / En la presente tesis de maestría, se realiza un estudio comparado sobre federalismo en Brasil y Argentina, durante el período de redemocratización, buscando entender el poder que los Gobernadores de los Estados brasileiros y de las Provincias argentinas detentan y el rol que cumplen dentro de ambas Federaciones. Primeramente, se analiza el desarrollo histórico de los federalismos de Brasil y Argentina hasta la redemocratización (1983/85), en la búsqueda de las pautas que atraviesan la dinámica federal. Por su parte, distintas teorías del federalismo ayudan en la comprensión del desarrollo que este mecanismo de dispersión del poder toma en los dos países. Luego, se estudian las coyunturas de estos países en el momento de establecer el rediseño de sus Cartas Constitucionales, como fueron la promulgación de la Constituição Federal de 1988 en Brasil y la Reforma Constitucional de 1994 en Argentina. Se analizan los atributos que cada uno de los poderes horizontales poseen, así como también los poderes constitucionales conferidos a los entes que componen las Federaciones, especialmente las unidades intermedias. Después, se establece una serie de factores que sirven para medir las atribuciones que, dentro de las esferas estaduais y provinciales, tienen los Ejecutivos. Así, se torna relevante la investigación de los sistemas electorales y partidarios y de los poderes políticos, administrativos y fiscales, con el objeto de entender el poder de los Gobernadores y el papel que ellos tienen al interior de cada Federación, enfatizando en los cambios ocurridos a partir de la implementación de las reformas neoliberales en la década de 1990.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T16:17:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Vandiana Borba.pdf: 2179466 bytes, checksum: 9091367fbc94c4b6cf33f2014fe047a8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-06-02 / This paper has as study object, the politics comparison of the special education in Brazil and in Venezuela, by the analysis of the historical trajectory of the concepts and legal basis. Using the study comparison technique, the objective is to identify and explain the contrasts and similarities in the historical evolution of the search object. In consonance to the theoretical perspective which education is based, the education has not an autonomous or hegemonic character, wherefore it can not be analyzed out of the social viewpoint where it is inserted. On this direction, the paper begins with the analysis of the changes in the material basis, occasioned by the neoliberal reforms, because in this period, Latin America suffered from intense political, economic and social changes, occasioned by the conditionality to the renegotiation of the external debt and adhesion to the guidelines of Washington consensus. In this context, Brazil and Venezuela are inserted, each one with particularities about the Neoliberalism diffusion and its actual context. In sequence of this paper, it seeks to make articulations with educational reforms, once the material base changes focused in the education of the countries above cited, in a mediated way. In Brazil, related to the objectives to get through the educational reform, the study has center in the universalization of basic education, action which was necessary the incorporation of marginalized groups to school, focusing the people with special needs in this context. In Venezuela, an opposite situation occurs, because the emphasis has been in the decentralization process and Public Education privatization, getting thousand of people out of school, even though within or without special needs. After describing these elements and highlighting the application of this process in special education, the central search object appears: the comparison of enounced elements. First of all in Brazil, the route starts in the historical trajectory, addressing the practices that mark the special education construction as a State politics: the institutionalization, integration and inclusion, allowing to make a concept analysis, and within the theoretical elaboration, the same exercise in relation to the legal base. With the data collected, in the third chapter, within the discussion about special education in Venezuela, the comparison was made. Among the differential elements of this comparison study, some topics may be highlighted: the non-existence of the deinstitutionalization, that Brazil passed in the final of the 50's, as wells as the concept of inclusion that in Venezuela was not linked to the education of people with special needs, but it was used from 2003 on in the named "Social Missions", which are directed to attend the elementary needs of the whole poor population, being related to special education, in 2007 the inclusion concept was then used simultaneously to the integration concept, that differently from Brazil, conceptually, they do not conflict. Many similarities were found, being able to highlight the creation of instances that were responsible for planning and coordinating the special education politics in national context in 70's decade. / Esta dissertação tem como objeto de estudo a comparação da política de educação especial no Brasil e na Venezuela, mediante análise da trajetória histórica, da base conceitual e legal. Utilizando-se da técnica do estudo comparado, o objetivo é identificar e explicar os contrastes e as semelhanças presentes na evolução histórica do objeto de pesquisa. Em consonância à perspectiva teórica na qual se fundamenta, a educação não possui um caráter autônomo ou hegemônico, portanto não podendo ser analisada descolada do contexto social em que está inserida. Nessa direção, o trabalho principia pela análise das alterações da base material acarretada pelas reformas neoliberais, pois este é o período em que a América Latina passa por intensas modificações políticas, econômicas e sociais, resultantes das condicionalidades para a renegociação da dívida externa e da adesão às diretrizes do Consenso de Washington. Nesse panorama se inserem o Brasil e a Venezuela, cada qual com suas particularidades no que tange à difusão do neoliberalismo e seu contexto atual. Na sequência do trabalho, busca-se fazer articulações com as reformas educacionais, uma vez que as alterações na base material, de forma mediatizada, incidiram na educação dos países em questão. No Brasil, das metas postas para serem atingidas, por intermédio das reformas educacionais, o estudo centrou-se na meta da universalização do ensino fundamental, feito para o qual se fazia necessária a incorporação dos grupos marginalizados do acesso à escola, localizando, nesse panorama, o segmento de pessoas com deficiência. Na Venezuela ocorre um movimento oposto, pois a ênfase esteve no processo de descentralização e de privatização do ensino público, excluindo das escolas milhares de pessoas, fossem elas com ou sem deficiência. Após discorrer sobre esses elementos e realçar as implicações desse processo na educação especial, passa-se para o objeto central da pesquisa, que é a comparação dos elementos enunciados. Iniciando pelo Brasil, o percurso parte da trajetória histórica, abordando as práticas que marcam a construção da educação especial enquanto uma política de Estado, sendo elas a institucionalização, a integração e a inclusão, permitindo efetuar a análise conceitual e, ao longo da elaboração teórica, o mesmo exercício em relação à base legal. Em mãos desses dados, no terceiro capítulo, ao discorrer sobre a educação especial venezuelana, realizou-se a comparação. Dos elementos diferenciais desse estudo comparado destaca-se a não existência do movimento pela desinstitucionalização movimento que o Brasil vivenciou já no final dos anos de 1950, bem como o conceito inclusão --, que, na Venezuela, não foi vinculado à educação de pessoas com deficiência, mas, sim, utilizado a partir do ano de 2003 nas denominadas Missões Sociais, as quais são voltadas para atender às necessidades elementares de toda a população pobre, sendo que, em relação à educação especial, no ano de 2007 o conceito inclusão passou a ser empregado simultaneamente ao conceito de integração, que, diferentemente do Brasil, conceitualmente não se conflita com o de inclusão. Já em relação às semelhanças, localizaram-se diversas, podendo-se destacar a criação, na década de 1970, de instâncias responsáveis por planejar e coordenar, em âmbito nacional, a política da educação especial.

<p>The purpose of this critical ethnographic dissertation research was to explore the multiple and diverse ways in which university student activists in Honduras constructed oppositional political cultures within the institutional constraints and possibilities of the university and the broader neoliberal and authoritarian postcoup context. In this research, I considered studying up and down and anything in between a necessary task to understand the complexity of student activism in relation to the university’s complicity with the coloniality of power and knowledge (Nader, 1972; Quijano, 2000, 2007). Critical ethnography, decolonial, space and place, and collective action theory provided the philosophical, methodological, conceptual, practical, political, and ethical commitments to understand how the University Student Movement’s political culture resisted neoliberal higher education reform. This research, in addition, offers an ethnographic analysis and interpretation of the student movement’s political culture and the role it played in democratizing the university. First, I used a historical perspective to contextualize reemerging student movements in Honduras. After tracing Latin American student movement’s origin to the Cordoba Student Movement of Argentina, I examined the ways in which the student movement of Honduras adopted, reclaimed, and extended the democratic principles implemented in the former. University autonomy, ideological pluralism, democratic governance, academic freedom, and curriculum reform were salient points of analyses. Second, I examined the student movement’s horizontal organization, identified the democratic social practices and political culture that emerged after the coup of 2009, and interpreted student activists’ knowledges born in struggle through a decolonial lens concomitant with a sensitivity to space and place and collective action. Particularly, the direct participation of students in all decision-making processes within the student movement was interpreted as an act of resistance to reclaim democratic spaces within a sociopolitical context increasingly becoming dictatorial. Third, I analyzed the student movement’s impact in democratizing the university’s governance structure and resisting neoliberal higher education reform. Fourth, I shared the knowledge produced collectively by student activists. The way students conceived of the university and its curriculum and governing practices unsettled the authorial individualism still present in educational research. The knowledges born in struggle, I argued, have sociopolitical, cultural, and decolonial implications. In addition to the analytical and interpretive work which included the research, knowledges, and practices student activists shared with me during the 12 months of fieldwork and participant observation in Honduras, I highlighted how the emergence of a heterogeneously articulated student movement slowed down, at the very least, the neocolonial and neoliberal reconfiguration of the university. This dissertation thus addressed the political relationship between the global and the local. The re-localization of politics here must not to be confused with reactionary politics. It means instead to recognize how the particular is enmeshed in a more complex web of power, domination, resistance, and reexistence. To resist locally means that collective actors engage global powers, even if indirectly and unintentionally. Student activists, who were able to put a stop to the series of neoliberal reforms implemented since the coup of 2009, reminded those in power (local, national, and global) that neoliberal higher education reform within a re-politicized autonomous university with an organized student movement will be faced with resistance. This ethnographic account will hopefully reveal the ways in which student activist built a politically culture characterized by alternative forms of organizing to resist what is too often conceived fatalistically as the inevitable neoliberalization of education. These fatalistic perspectives will hopefully be unsettled throughout the dissertation. The significance of this study is that it is oriented toward an ethnographic understanding of higher education reform and student resistance in Latin America, a region with a student population which continues to be engaged in collective action. The educational significance of this work revolves around the need to rethink and rebuild universities in radically democratic terms. This rethinking involves the need to not only democratize access to higher education but rather to democratize governance, curriculum, knowledge, research, and ways of knowing and being. Transforming the university into a democratic place in which students are directly and meaningfully involved in governance and curriculum reform opens a path toward decolonial futurities where knowledge is no longer dictated from above but rather deconstructed and reconstructed from below. This dissertation research, lastly, as it works at the intersections of curriculum studies, decolonial theories, methodologies, pedagogies, and emerging university student resistance in Latin America, offers, I hope, a valuable way to do curriculum inquiry in higher education institutions within international contexts. </p>

<p>Splatterpunk was a short-lived, but explosive horror literary movement birthed in the 1980’s that utilized graphic depictions of violence in its prose. Drawing parallels to other subversive and radical art movements like Dada and Hardcore Punk, this paper examines through a Marxist lens how Splatterpunk, influenced by the destructive nature of 1980’s neoliberalism, reflected the violence, categorized as direct and structural, of its period of creation and used extreme vulgarity as an act of rebellion against traditional horror canon.</p>

Thesis PhDr. Radek Buben Deconsolidation of Venezuelan Democracy: Erosion of the Party System, Neo-Populism, and Repoliticization of the Armed Forces The thesis Deconsolidation of Venezuelan Democracy: Erosion of the Party System, Neo- Populism, and Repoliticization of the Armed Forces addresses the process of deconsolidation of democracy in Venezuela between 1973 and 1993. The analysis is based on both theoretical and comparative approach embedded notably in institutional comparative political science (analysis of systemic and institutional conditions of the analyzed process), historical sociology and political theory (phenomena of populism and neo-populism) and approaches of traditional historical analysis of political process in a particular period of time. The theoretical part of the text is focused on the issue of democracy in Latin America in general. More concretely, it concerns with typologies of political regimes, institutionalization of party systems, civil-military relations and the so-called resources curse theory. The great deal of the text covers analysis of populism, its definition and the existing research of the phenomenon. The starting point of the empirical part presents the establishment of the petrostate and bipartism in 1973. The analysis ends with the decomposition of the...