En adoptant un point de vue socio-sémio-discursif, cette recherche analyse la couverture de presse du mouvement des indiens Mapuches au Chili entre 1996 et 2004. Les résultats de cette analyse sont rapportés aux dynamiques sémiostratégiques des acteurs sociaux visant l’espace public médiatisé. Conformément à cet objectif, on propose un cadre théorique et méthodologique capable d’aborder les relations complexes entre les dynamiques sémio-stratégiques des acteurs sociaux visant l’espace public médiatisé et les textes d’information en tant que résultat d’opérations de transformation sémiotique propres aux médias. Trois démarches analytiques complémentaires on été menées sur un corpus documentaire composé par 2 144 informations publiés dans deux journaux de référence : l’analyse des représentations médiatiques du conflit et de ces acteurs, l’analyse des formes discursives choisies par la presse afin de construire l’événement, et la reconstruction, à partir du témoignage des journalistes et du discours public des organisations Mapuches, des dynamiques sémio-stratégiques déployées par les acteurs sociaux dans l’espace public médiatisé. Considérant ce qui se réfère au contenu des représentations médiatiques, il est possible d’observer un travail de stéréotypage généralisé, autant des événements du conflit que des acteurs engagés. Ces résultats sont en cohérence avec des recherches préalables à ce sujet. Cette représentation du conflit est associée à des formes discursives particulières telles que la mise en chronique, la condensation événementielle ou l’utilisation des stratégies de titrage visant la mise en suspens et l’activation des imaginaires catastrophistes. La couverture développe des cycles d’attention médiatique qui relèvent de la logique du champ médiatique autant que de la logique des agencements sémio-stratégiques des mouvements sociaux. En confrontant ces résultats avec l’information provenant de recherches préalables sur les correspondants des médias dans la zone du conflit, on a pu constater une coordination instable entre l’instance médiatique et les acteurs engagés dans la « lutte » symbolique du conflit. / By adopting a socio-semiotic approach, this research seeks to understand the role played by the media in ethno-identity conflicts. Different aspects of media coverage of Mapuche conflict in Chile were analyzed from a discourse analysis perspective with the aim of clarifying the relationship between media and the actor’s semio-strategic behavior. A theoretical and methodological framework was proposed to precise the complex relationship existing between the press discursive structures and the socio-political context referred by them. In particular; 2.144 news articles were analyzed in order to descrive: a] the representations that the reference press in Chile produces about the conflict and his actors; b] the discursive aspects that express in a direct manner the semiostrategic moves of the conflict actors and, and c] the reconstruction of semiostrategic dynamics of social actors on the mediated public sphere. Concerning the content of media representations of the conflict, we observed a generalized work of stereotyping of conflict events as well as conflict actors. These results are coherent with previous research on the subject. Particular discursive forms are associated with the established representations: the chronicle as the dominant genre of news reporting, phenomena of events condensation, or the use of headlines strategies to achieve suspense effects and activate catastrophic imaginaries. Cycles of media attention seem to depend simultaneously on the media logic and the semio-strategic agency of social actors and movements. When these results were compared with previous researches on media correspondents, it was observed an unstable coordination between media and social actors’ goals.

Vår studie undersöker fenomenet ekokammare och hur den manifesterar sig på svenska nyhetsmediers Facebooksidor. Vårt material består av fem opinionsartiklar från fem olika dagstidningar, samt kommentarsfält tillhörande dessa opinionsartiklar. Studiens teoretiska ramverk består av två huvudteorier: selektiv exponering och Faircloughs kritisk diskursanalytiska teori. Faircloughs kritiska diskursanalys utgör också vår huvudmetod, som vi använder för att analysera den diskursiva praktiken som sker i opinionsartiklarna och dess tillhörande kommentarsfält. Resultatet visar att en ekokammare går att tyda på nästan alla kommentarsfält, vilket kan tyda på en politisk polarisering i hur läsare konsumerar svenska nyhetsmedier. / Our study examines the phenomenon echo chamber and how it manifests itself on Facebook pages of Swedish news media. Our material consists of five opinion articles from five different Swedish newspapers, as well as the comments section connected to the opinion articles. The study’s theoretical framework consists of two main theories: selective exposure and Fairclough’s theory of critical discourse analysis. Fairclough’s critical discourse analysis also constitute as our main method, which we use to analyse the discursive practice used in opinion articles and comments sections connected to them. The result shows that an echo chamber is observable in almost all of the comment sections, which indicates a political polarization in how readers consume Swedish news media.

The subject of 'independence' of the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) has emerged as a key issue in post-apartheid South African public discourse. While the importance of 'independence' has rarely been questioned, the term's meaning has been subject to fragmented understandings and vague interpretations. This thesis explores the origins of divergent conceptions of 'independence', examining how these conceptions are constructed by staff within the SABC. The central task of this thesis is to critically examine the contested concept of 'independence' a task it accomplishes by engaging with issues of power, knowledge and identity. To this end, the thesis reveals that the neo-liberal policies imposed by the Washington Consensus play a significant role in shaping conceptions of 'independence' through their power to dictate policy in countries in the Global South, including South Africa. This power, exercised through dominant Washington Consensus institutions, such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), inform knowledge and identities at a local level through the adoption of neo-liberal macro-economic strategies, such as Growth Employment and Redistribution (GEAR). As a result, there is no local without the global. The engagement with issues of power, identity and knowledge and their relationships to how 'independence' is understood ensures that meanings of 'independence' are contested and that 'independence' is not an immovable edifice. 'Independence' is only a product of an evolving matrix, in which the staff of the SABC, who are divided into four different tiers, construct their own interpretations of 'independence', shaped by their understandings of both organisational and external factors, such as politics and advertisers, in relation to their work. Using data from interview respondents and an analysis of key public policy documents, this thesis presents two key processes that influence understandings of 'independence' and, therefore, link the SABC to the larger external socio-political environment. These two key factors, the commercialisation of the SABC and the African National Congress (ANC) power struggles have helped to shape the four conceptions of 'independence' advanced in this thesis: namely, the legalistic, anti-establishment, political and professional conceptions of 'independence'. At the core of this thesis are two questions: How do staff within the SABC construct and understand the meaning of 'independence' of the SABC, and what has influenced these conceptions in post-apartheid South Africa? Consistent with these research questions, the thesis is located within the interpretive tradition, since it seeks to understand the world of the SABC through the lens of its staff. To complement the interpretivist approach, the thesis situates the SABC and its understandings of 'independence' within the wider South African context, in which the meaning of 'independence' should also be understood as being inextricably intertwined with and a product of the shifting developmental state of the macro-economic environment. The critical political economy of the media is, therefore, used as an explanatory framework for understanding how the macro-worlds of politics and economic strategies intersect within the micro-world of the SABC to shape conceptions of 'independence'. The thesis concludes by arguing that it is not a strong and domineering state that seeks to control public service broadcasting; instead, it is a weak state that does so because of a need to curtail public discourse, which might present a threat to its own existence if left uncontrolled. As a result, it is difficult to separate the SABC from the state and, for that reason, the role of the public service broadcaster (PSB) is tied to the national narrative which itself is tied to the larger global matrices of power.

The purpose of this bachelor thesis was to examine how traditional news media vis-à- vis alternative news media in Sweden portrayed the Quran burnings and the riots which followed during august in the summer of 2020. With the basis in framing theory and intermedia agenda setting we examined these research questions: How do the news papers frame the Quran burnings? What discourses are reproduced? How do the traditional news papers and the alternative news papers framing of the Quran burnings differ from each other?  The qualitative methods used in this bachelor thesis were Robert Entmans framing theory combined with Rens Vliegenthart &amp; Stefaan Walgraves intermedia agenda setting theory. Also, we used different theories regarding populism, clash of civilizations and freedom of speech in order to find various themes in the reporting. For instance, the study applies Mikhail Bakhtin’s theory of the carnivalesque to examine how the alternative news paper Samnytt framed the Quran burnings.  Through examining news articles, we discovered several preexisting frames and some additional ones. The results showed that the traditional news papers framed the Quran burnings in a laconic way as an intolerant act against Muslims, while the alternative news papers framed the Quran burnings as a clash of civilizations and simultaneously as an act of freedom of speech. In relation to the alternative news papers overly dramatic and sensationalistic discourse, the traditional news papers discourse was more moderate. In this way the populist discourse in the alternative news media and their focus on the “man on the street” is an example of how the alternative news media defines itself as an opposition to the hegemonic “elite” news media institutions. In the alternative news papers, we also found one specific frame concerning anti-Semitism in Malmö, which was not given the same amount of attention by the traditional news papers.  The result of this study shows differences in framing, in line with previous research regarding alternative news media and populism, that could be an example of how the alternative news media is born and defines itself as an alternative to a narrative they deem wrong or lacking in traditional news media. This is primarily an effect of the fact that the traditional news papers lacked diversity in their interviewees since they mostly relied on authority sources, or in one case their own opinion piece writer, to tell the story. The results of this study highlights processes and effects that lies at the core of several phenomenon in this sphere, therefore it should be used to further the research on framing, alternative news media and populism. / <p>En kvalitativ analys av traditionella kontra alternativa nyhetsmediers gestaltning av koranbränningarna i Malmö 2020. </p>

The overall aim of this thesis was to examine the development of PR practitioner professional identity. The purpose was to examine how PR practitioner reason/talks about the image of the profession and how communicators use discursive tools to create their professional identity. The primary theoretical framework of the thesis is social identity and discursive psychology to understand how the professional identity is created. The chosen method was interview method where six interviews were conducted from the private and the public sectors in Umeå. The private organizations included are Punkt PR, which is a private PR agency and Polarbröd. The public sector organizations included are Umeå Kommun, Region Västerbotten, Polisen Nord and Vakin. The result of the analysis shows that the PR practitioner perceive that the image given by their profession is incorrect and largely based on ignorance of how their work look like. PR practitioner also see their profession as important for both the organization and the community. The thesis conclusions were that the PR practitioner build their identity by focusing on how and why they are important in society and for the organization. Another opinion from the PR practitioner was that the media often producing that a large part of the PR practitioner´s work is to deal with journalists and make the journalist's work more difficult, which the PR practitioner´s think is wrong.

Despite the accessibility of online news and availability of sophisticated methods for analyzing news content, no previous study has focused on the simultaneous examination of news coverage on human trafficking and audiences' interpretations of this coverage. In my research, I have examined both journalists' and commenters' topic choices in coverage and discussion of human trafficking from the online platforms of three British newspapers covering the period 2009–2015. I used latent semantic analysis (LSA) to identify emergent topics in my corpus of newspaper articles and readers' comments, and I then quantitatively investigated topic preferences to identify convergence and divergence on the topics discussed by journalists and their readers. I addressed my research questions in two distinctive studies. The first case study implemented topic modelling techniques and further quantitative analyses on article and comment paragraphs from The Guardian. The second extensive study included article and comment paragraphs from the online platforms of three British newspapers: The Guardian, The Times and the Daily Mail. The findings indicate that the theories of "agenda setting" and of "active audience" are not mutually exclusive, and the scope of explanation of each depends partly on the specific topic or subtopic that is analyzed. Taking into account further theoretical concepts related to agenda setting, four more additional research questions were addressed. Topic convergence and divergence was further identified when taking into account the newspapers' political orientation and the articles' and comments' year of publication.

The purpose of this Bachelor’s thesis is to investigate how party leaders appear in pictures in newspapers in relation to how they portray themselves in pictures in their own social media. We have conducted a quantitative content analysis of pictures from two newspapers and two social media. The material consists of pictures of party leaders from the six largest parties in the Swedish Parliament. Research findings are that civic and everyday environments appear to a greater extent in the pictures on social media. Close-ups appear to a greater extent in the newspapers. The party leaders smile and look into the camera to a greater extent at the pictures on social media than they do in the news media. The female party leaders smile and look into the camera to a greater extent than the male ones. Images where party leaders express themselves with gestures are rare.

Unter den Anglizismen des Jahres 2016 schaffte es „Fake News“ noch vor den zweit- und drittplatzierten Wörtern „Dark Net“ und „Hate Speech“ zum Publikumsliebling und wurde auch von der Jury der „Aktion Anglizismen des Jahres“ 2016 auf den ersten Platz gewählt (http://www.anglizismusdesjahres.de). In seiner Laudatio weist Anatol Stefanowitsch darauf hin, dass das Wort Fake News schon im 19. Jahrhundert in ähnlicher Bedeutung wie heute verwendet wurde im Sinne einer frei erfundenen Nachricht, die politische Gegner ungünstig darstellt und von den Lesern – ist hier noch nicht die Rede – positiv aufgenommen wird, weil sie deren Weltbild bestätigt. Die früheste Verwendung datiert er auf 1894 in der Zeitschrift American Historical Register [... aus dem Editorial]

Unter den Anglizismen des Jahres 2016 schaffte es „Fake News“ noch vor den zweit- und drittplatzierten Wörtern „Dark Net“ und „Hate Speech“ zum Publikumsliebling und wurde auch von der Jury der „Aktion Anglizismen des Jahres“ 2016 auf den ersten Platz gewählt (http://www.anglizismusdesjahres.de). In seiner Lauda-tio weist Anatol Stefanowitsch darauf hin , dass das Wort Fake News schon im 19. Jahrhundert in ähnlicher Bedeutung wie heute verwendet wurde im Sinne einer frei erfundenen Nachricht, die politische Gegner ungünstig darstellt und von den Lesern – ist hier noch nicht die Rede – positiv aufgenommen wird, weil sie deren Weltbild bestätigt. Die früheste Verwendung datiert er auf 1894 in der Zeitschrift American Historical Register.

»Fake News« hat sich in den vergangenen Jahren als Kampfbegriff in den deutschen Printmedien etabliert. Aus medienpädagogischer Sicht steht dabei im Fokus, mit Begriffen wie diesem kundig und kritisch umgehen zu können. Mit Hilfe einer theoretischen Grundierung zum Thema »Wahrheit« mit Fokus auf die postmodernen Deutungen u. a. des französischen Philosophen Michel Foucault sowie dem Versuch einer griffigen Definition von »Fake News«, wird die Verwendung des Begriffs in der ZEIT und der Frankfurter Allgemeinen Zeitung im Jahr 2018 im Rahmen einer Diskursanalyse nach dem Modell Siegfried Jägers untersucht und die gesellschaftlichen Folgen thematisiert.