Submitted by Programa de Pós-Graduação em Mídia e Cotidiano (ppgmc@vm.uff.br) on 2017-06-27T18:40:30Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Mariana Pitasse_ dissertação de mestrado.pdf: 2131174 bytes, checksum: 5d75a4c2849e9d5ec3860a378e733987 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Jussara Moore (jussaramoore@id.uff.br) on 2017-07-12T14:11:38Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Mariana Pitasse_ dissertação de mestrado.pdf: 2131174 bytes, checksum: 5d75a4c2849e9d5ec3860a378e733987 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-12T14:11:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Mariana Pitasse_ dissertação de mestrado.pdf: 2131174 bytes, checksum: 5d75a4c2849e9d5ec3860a378e733987 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-27 / Neste trabalho refletimos sobre a comunicação produzida nos movimentos de ocupação urbana e sobre o processo de legitimação movido por ela dentro desses espaços. Nosso objeto de estudo é a Ocupação Contestado, organizada pelas Brigadas Populares em São José, região metropolitana de Florianópolis, e a Ocupação 06 de abril de 2010, estruturada pelo Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Teto (MTST), em Niterói, no Rio de Janeiro. Nessas ocupações, inúmeros produtos de comunicação são desenvolvidos pelas organizações políticas afim de apresentar os objetivos dos grupos, pedir socorro em momentos de emergência ou rememorar a trajetória das famílias que compõe os movimentos afim de retomar laços perdidos ao longo dos anos. A partir de um mapeamento da comunicação produzida pelas Brigadas Populares e MTST dentro desses movimentos, esta pesquisa discute suas estratégias e efeitos a partir do referencial teórico e de entrevistas com membros das ocupações e das organizações políticas. A análise revela que a comunicação legitima no discurso os movimentos de ocupação e as organizações políticas. Os depoimentos e a forma como a comunicação é estruturada reiteram que esse processo de legitimação acontece através do enquadramento da memória e da divulgação do conteúdo produzido a uma comunidade de interesses comuns, que está estabelecida além do território. Dessa forma, a pesquisa aponta que mais importante do que procurar definições para enquadrar a comunicação produzida nas ocupações urbanas em alternativa, popular ou comunitária, é mostrar sua contribuição para legitimação desses movimentos e apresentar distintas formas de organizar comunicação em espaços periféricos / This study reflects on the urban occupation movements communication and on the legitimation process moved by those movements within the occupied space. Our study objects are the Contestado Occupation, organized by Brigadas Populares, in São José, metropolitan region from Florianópolis, and also April 06, 2010 Occupation, structured by Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Teto (MTST), in Niterói, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. Several communication's products are developed by the political organizations in these spaces, in order to present their goals, ask for help in emergency moments, or to remind the trejectory of the families that make the movement. From a mapping of the communication produced by Brigadas Populares and MTST within the occupied spaces, this research discusses the communication strategies and effects, using a theoretical referential and interviews with members of the occupations and the political organizations.The analysis reveals that communication legitimizes through discourse occupational movements and political organizations.The statements and the way that communication is structured reiterate that this process of legitimation happens through the framing of memory and the dissemination of content produced to a community of common interests, which is established beyond the territory. In this way, the study shows that more important than searching for definitions to frame the communication produced in urban occupations as alternative, popular or community, is to expose its contribution to the legitimation of those movements and to present different ways to organizing communication in peripheral spaces

Ce travail entend étudier la manière dont l’occupation allemande, au cours de la GrandeGuerre, redéfinit les configurations sociales et les interdépendances au sein des populationsciviles. La micro-analyse dans le cadre du département de l’Aisne nous offre l’opportunitéd’un carottage de la réalité sociale de l’échelle mezzo à l’échelle micro. La comparaison dessituations vécues au sein du département, à partir des nombreux récits collectés, permet dedresser les contours d’une violence propre à l’occupation qui ne se réduit pas pour autant à laviolence exercée par l’occupant. Le regard porté sur les municipalités rend compte d’unnouvel équilibre des pouvoirs au niveau local : les maires, considérés par l’occupant commeseules autorités légales, doivent trouver avec lui des modes de coopération qui soientacceptables. Dans le même temps, ils sont amenés à renouveler leurs pratiques afin derépondre aux urgences sociales comme aux injonctions des commandants. Enfin, à l’échelleindividuelle, les perceptions et les stratégies des civils sont examinées comme celles d’acteurssociaux au sein de communautés locales. Sont alors dévoilées les tensions et la duplicité desattitudes à l’égard de l’autorité d’occupation, duplicité qui n’exclut pas des formes derencontres et d’ententes avec des soldats ennemis. / This study intends to explore how German occupation during the Great War redefines socialconfigurations and interdependencies among civilian populations. Analyzing a limited arealike Aisne provides us an opportunity of drilling in social reality, from mezzo to micro scale.Comparing experiences within the 'département', on the basis of numerous accounts gathered,allows us to outline the contours of a specific violence during military occupation which is notonly the violence of German armies. The perception of municipal governments accounts for anew balance of power at local level : mayors, considered by occupier as the only legalauthorities, have to define with him acceptable ways of cooperation. At the same time, theymust renew their practices to respond to social emergencies and orders of Germancommanders. Finally, at the individual level, strategies and perceptions of civilians areexamined as those of social actors within local communities. This brings us to gauge both theextent of tensions and the duplicity towards occupying authority, duplicity which does notexclude different types of meetings and agreements with enemy soldiers.

There have been many theories that have examined how leaders can be effective within an organization. The purpose of this study was to determine whether or not personality would strengthen or weaken the relationship between the quality of one's relationship with their leader (LMX) and performance outcomes (OCB). Personality did not act as a moderator. In order to test this, 127 participants of both men and women from various organizational and educational backgrounds were surveyed.

Les mouches, Sodome et Gomorrhe et Caligula présentent des divinités parodiant et critiquant les dirigeants politiques de l’Occupation (1940-1944), ainsi que l’usage par les dictateurs des idéologies religieuses traditionnelles dans le but de soumettre l’humanité à des régimes totalitaires. Divinités théâtrales autrefois infaillibles et toutes-puissantes, les figures analysées dans ce mémoire relèvent des remises en question de la divinité et du pouvoir politique du XXe siècle. Notre mémoire comporte trois chapitres examinant les discours de ces figures de la divinité sous des angles dramaturgique, sémiologique, philosophique et pragmatique avec comme point de départ l’hypothèse suivante : tout porte à croire qu’en limitant l’emprise de divinités fictives, et ce, en grande partie à travers les failles dans leurs discours, Sartre, Giraudoux et Camus ont tenté de neutraliser les discours correspondants d’hommes réels dans la conscience collective de l’époque. Les auteurs étudiés ont profondément modifié l’image traditionnelle de la divinité théâtrale en minant sa force langagière et en s’interrogeant sur son identité. Les divinités choisies pour cette étude annoncent la décomposition du personnage ayant lieu après 1950 : elles ont un statut dévalorisé de même qu’un langage à la force perlocutoire diminuée. Sans véritable emprise sur l’humanité, dépendant du théâtre, des simulacres, de l’histrionisme, ainsi que des faiblesses humaines, ces divinités caricaturales s’exposent à compromettre leurs régimes et sont réduites à une influence fortement limitée par la liberté des hommes. En actualisant ces mythes et récits ainsi, Sartre, Giraudoux et Camus ont tenté de discréditer, par extension, les dirigeants européens de l’époque. / Les mouches, Sodome et Gomorrhe, and Caligula present divinities parodying and criticizing the political leaders of the Occupation (1940-1944), as well as the use by dictators of traditional religious ideologies for subjugating humanity to totalitarian regimes. Theatrical divinities once infallible and all-powerful, the figures analyzed in this study are the product of the questioning of the divinity and political powers of the twentieth century. Our thesis is comprised of three chapters which examine the discourses of these figures of the divinity from dramaturgical, semiological, philosophical and pragmatic perspectives in order to consider the following hypothesis : everything leads to believe that by limiting the ascendency of fictional divinities, largely by the means of weaknesses in their discourses, Sartre, Giraudoux and Camus tried to neutralize the corresponding discourses of real men in the collective conscience of the period. The authors studied profoundly modified the traditional image of theatrical divinities by undermining the force of their language and by questioning their identity. The divinities chosen for this study announce the decomposition of the personnage which took place after 1950 : their status is undermined and the perlocutionary force of their language is lessened. Without a real stronghold on humanity, depending on theatre, pretence, histrionics, and human weaknesses, these caricatured divinities expose themselves to compromising their regimes and are reduced to an influence highly limited by man’s liberty. By updating these myths and accounts in this way, Sartre, Giraudoux and Camus tried, by extension, to discredit the European leaders of the period.

No description available.

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de NÃvel Superior / Esta pesquisa investigou a migraÃÃo realizada por agricultores moradores de fazendas, sÃtios e povoaÃÃes situadas na regiÃo do SertÃo Norte do Estado do Cearà atà a cidade de Sobral entre as dÃcadas de 1950 e 1980, objetivando conhecer, segundo suas percepÃÃes, os motivos deste movimento e as possibilidades para a permanÃncia nesta cidade. Realizou, para isto, vinte e sete entrevistas que se diferenciaram entre si conforme a situaÃÃo exigia, e as analisou escolhendo algumas que melhor representavam as questÃes propostas. Utilizou tambÃm fontes escritas (relatÃrios governamentais, registros pessoais de uma empresa, leis, artigos de um jornal), textos literÃrios e fontes iconogrÃficas (fotografias, mapas). Concluiu que os deslocamentos e os modos como se estabeleceram em Sobral podem ser vistos como aÃÃes polÃticas de resistÃncia, na busca por alterarem suas posiÃÃes sociais e culturais ligadas à convivÃncia com a propriedade privada da terra, secas, desemprego, dissensÃes familiares e sociais. / Esta pesquisa investigou a migraÃÃo realizada por agricultores moradores de fazendas, sÃtios e povoaÃÃes situadas na regiÃo do SertÃo Norte do Estado do Cearà atà a cidade de Sobral entre as dÃcadas de 1950 e 1980, objetivando conhecer, segundo suas percepÃÃes, os motivos deste movimento e as possibilidades para a permanÃncia nesta cidade. Realizou, para isto, vinte e sete entrevistas que se diferenciaram entre si conforme a situaÃÃo exigia, e as analisou escolhendo algumas que melhor representavam as questÃes propostas. Utilizou tambÃm fontes escritas (relatÃrios governamentais, registros pessoais de uma empresa, leis, artigos de um jornal), textos literÃrios e fontes iconogrÃficas (fotografias, mapas). Concluiu que os deslocamentos e os modos como se estabeleceram em Sobral podem ser vistos como aÃÃes polÃticas de resistÃncia, na busca por alterarem suas posiÃÃes sociais e culturais ligadas à convivÃncia com a propriedade privada da terra, secas, desemprego, dissensÃes familiares e sociais. / This research investigated the migration performed by residents of farms and villages located in the region of the Interior of Cearà state, north to the city of Sobral, between the decades of 1950 and 1980, with the intent to find out their reasons, according to their own perceptions, for this move and the possibilities for staying in that city. In order to accomplish that, twenty-seven interviews were conducted, which differed among themselves as the situation demanded; afterwards, they were analyse dand some, the best that represented the issues proposed, were chosen. The research also made use of written sources (governmental reports, a company personnel records, laws, and newspaper articles), literary texts and iconographic sources (photographs, maps). The investigation concluded that the migrations and the ways in which people settled in Sobral could be seen as political acts of resistance, in the pursuit for changing their social and cultural status related to the coexistence of the private land, droughts, unemployment, social and family dissensions. / This research investigated the migration performed by residents of farms and villages located in the region of the Interior of Cearà state, north to the city of Sobral, between the decades of 1950 and 1980, with the intent to find out their reasons, according to their own perceptions, for this move and the possibilities for staying in that city. In order to accomplish that, twenty-seven interviews were conducted, which differed among themselves as the situation demanded; afterwards, they were analyse dand some, the best that represented the issues proposed, were chosen. The research also made use of written sources (governmental reports, a company personnel records, laws, and newspaper articles), literary texts and iconographic sources (photographs, maps). The investigation concluded that the migrations and the ways in which people settled in Sobral could be seen as political acts of resistance, in the pursuit for changing their social and cultural status related to the coexistence of the private land, droughts, unemployment, social and family dissensions.

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior / A Pedagogia da OcupaÃÃo na Comuna 17 de Abril em Fortaleza propÃe analisar o processo da mobilizaÃÃo popular à organizaÃÃo polÃtica no movimento de quatrocentas famÃlias na luta por terra e moradia. Essa ocupaÃÃo com organizaÃÃo campo-cidade foi pioneira em Fortaleza no SÃtio SÃo Jorge, bairro Josà Walter, de 2010 a 2014. A articulaÃÃo entre Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem-terra â MST, Movimento dos Conselhos Populares â MCP e Unidade Classista, construiu a ocupaÃÃo na gleba ou latifÃndio urbano, conhecidas âterras dos Montenegrosâ, da Construtora e ImobiliÃria Montenegro que revolucionou os anos 2000 em Fortaleza. A denominaÃÃo Comuna 17 de Abril resgata o Massacre de Eldorado dos CarajÃs no Estado do Parà em 17 de Abril de 1996, conquistado como Dia Nacional de Luta pela Reforma AgrÃria. E, Comuna em alusÃo Ãs lutas na FranÃa com a rebeldia e resistÃncia do socialismo da Comuna de Paris, de marÃo a maio de 1871. Nessa pesquisa social, participante, qualitativa, fundada no materialismo histÃrico-dialÃtico e mÃtodo dialÃtico, articulei militantes do MST, MCP, Unidade Classista e participantes das famÃlias da OcupaÃÃo, com quem desenvolvi nove entrevistas individuais em profundidade e uma entrevista coletiva. As discussÃes revelaram que a articulaÃÃo do movimento campo-cidade foi estratÃgica no processo das lutas e resistÃncias que se materializaram na conquista do Residencial Cidade Jardim Fortaleza. A construÃÃo do residencial no mesmo local da ocupaÃÃo, Ãrea alvo de especulaÃÃo imobiliÃria, exigiu mobilizaÃÃo e formaÃÃo social para enfrentar uma engrenagem perversa dos capitalistas financeiros, no comando do poder pÃblico e das facÃÃes criminosas. A OcupaÃÃo Comuna 17 de Abril confirma a centralidade da formaÃÃo humana, da dimensÃo educativa dos movimentos populares que move a Pedagogia da OcupaÃÃo e dà sentido Ãs lutas e Ãs/aos sujeitos coletivos. OcupaÃÃo conflituosa, fruto da desobediÃncia civil planejada, arquitetada para o sonho das agrovilas familiares urbanas se tornou moradia possÃvel. EspaÃo de luta pelos saberes da vida para mais vida, mais resistÃncia e construÃÃo de outras formas de organizaÃÃo popular. Comuna 17 de Abril de gente que desafia o medo e rememora a vida, ergue a cabeÃa e segue na luta, enfrenta preconceitos e a segregaÃÃo sÃcioespacial contemporÃnea numa cidade mercadoria chamada Fortaleza. / The Pedagogy of Occupation in the Commune April 17 in Fortaleza proposes to analyze the process of popular mobilization to the political organization in the movement of four hundred families in the struggle for land and housing. This occupation with a field-town organization was pioneered in Fortaleza at the SÃo Jorge site, Josà Walter, from 2010 to 2014. The articulation between the Landless Workers Movement (MST), the Popular Councils Movement (MCP) and the Classification Unit, built the occupation in the glebe or urban latifundia, known as "lands of the Montenegros", of the Construtora e ImobiliÃria Montenegro, which revolutionized the 2000s in Fortaleza. The denomination Commune April 17 rescues the Massacre of Eldorado dos CarajÃs in the State of Parà on April 17, 1996, conquered as National Day of Struggle for Agrarian Reform. And in alliance with the rebellion and resistance of the socialism of the Paris Commune from March to May 1871. In this qualitative participatory social research founded on dialectical historical and dialectical materialism, I articulated militants of the MST, MCP, Classroom Unit and participants of the Occupation families, with whom I developed nine individual indepth interviews and a press conference. The discussions revealed that the articulation of the countryside-city movement was strategic in the process of struggles and resistance that materialized in the conquest of the Residencial Cidade Jardim Fortaleza. The construction of the residential building on the same site as the occupation, a target area of real estate speculation, required mobilization and social formation to confront the perverse machinery of the financial capitalists, in charge of the public power and the criminal factions. The 17 April Communal Occupation confirms the centrality of human formation, the educational dimension of popular movements that moves the Occupation Pedagogy and gives meaning to the struggles and to the collective subjects. Conflicting occupation, fruit of planned civil disobedience, designed for the dream of urban family agrovilas became possible dwelling. Area of struggle for the knowledge of life for more life, more resistance and construction of other forms of popular organization. Commune April 17, people who defy fear and remember life, raise their heads and fight, face prejudice and contemporary socio-spatial segregation in a city called Fortaleza.

Cette étude est une analyse spatiale des vestiges archéologiques datant des origines à la fin de l'Ancien Empire des complexes funéraires de Netjerikhet et de Sekhemkhet à Saqqâra. L'objectif de ce travail est de comprendre l'occupation spatiale, l'enjeu étant de pouvoir traiter la quantité très importante d'informations issues des publications. Pour cerner l'ensemble de la documentation à examiner, une base de données et un système d'information géographique (SIG) ont été créés. Grâce à ces outils informatiques, tous les artefacts ont ainsi pu être enregistrés et une analyse des relations qu'entretiennent les différentes entités recensées a pu être menée pour tenter de comprendre comment s'organise l'espace. Des cartes imprimées permettent de visualiser les résultats de requêtes, d'ailleurs imaginées au préalable pour construire les outils. Cet examen des données, par le biais d'une géodatabase, permet également d'évaluer tout l'intérêt des outils informatiques pour la recherche. / This study is a spatial analysis of the archaeological remains dating from the origins to the end of the Old Kingdom of the funerary complexes of Netjerikhet and Sekhemkhet at Saqqara. The aim of this work is to understand the spatial occupation, the challenge is to process the very large amount of information from publications. To include all of the documentation to be processed, a database and a geographic information system (GIS) have been created. With these software tools, all artefacts were thus recorded and an analysis of the relationships between the different entities listed has been conducted to try to understand how the space is organized. Printed maps allow visualizing query results, queries moreover imagined beforehand to build the tools. This examination of the data through a geodatabase also assesses the interest of these tools for research.

En 1917, les Bolcheviks prennent le pouvoir en Russie, répudient la dette extérieure, nationalisent les entreprises privées et imposent un début de gestion soviétique à l’économie. La France, dont les liens économiques avec la Russie ont été largement renforcés durant les trois décennies d’avant-guerre, voit ses immenses avoirs dans l’ancien Empire compromis. Les milieux privés français, qui sont les plus lésés parmi ceux des puissances alliées, réagissent fortement à ce changement de régime. Ce mémoire s’intéresse à ces milieux d’affaires et cherche à comprendre comment ils réagissent à la prise de pouvoir soviétique. Jouent-ils un rôle dans l’évolution du processus décisionnel vers l’intervention militaire? Ont-ils un impact sur le terrain en Russie? Comment subissent-ils l’échec final des efforts français? Nous démontrons que le facteur économique est central dans l’adoption d’une politique interventionniste. Nous étudions également comment le gouvernement cherche à soutenir les milieux privés discrètement, mais les utilise surtout pour avancer ses propres intérêts en Russie. Enfin, nous démontrons que l’échec des milieux privés à protéger leurs intérêts a de nombreuses causes communes avec l’échec de l’intervention militaire. / In 1917, the Bolshevik party seized power in Russia, repudiated state debt, nationalized private enterprises and imposed early forms of Soviet management to the economy. France, whose economic ties with Russia had largely grown during the three previous decades, saw her huge investments in the country compromised. The French private sector, by far the most affected of all Allied powers, reacted strongly to this regime change. This memoir focuses on the subsequent actions of the private sector, and seeks to understand how they reacted to the Bolshevik’s coming to power. Did they play a role in the process of decision-making towards military intervention? Did they have any impact on the ground in Russia? How did they react to the ultimate failure of the intervention and the loss of their assets? We demonstrate that the economic factor was central in the adoption of an interventionist policy. We also examine how the French government discreetly tried to support the private sector, but mostly used it to advance its own interests in Russia. Finally, we demonstrate that the failure of the private sector to defend its interests has many common causes with the failure of the military intervention itself.

Bakgrund: Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) symtom kan kvarstå genom hela livet och har en påverkan på hälsa, arbetsmöjlighet, utbildning och ekonomiska hälsa. Vuxnas upplevelser med ADHD är en kunskapslucka och studier presenteras ofta utan personens egna berättelser av sin upplevelse. Syfte: Syftet var att kartlägga relevant litteratur som beskriver upplevelser i produktiva aktiviteter hos vuxna personer med ADHD. Metod: En scoping review användes för att söka i databaser efter studier innehållande kvalitativa metoder. Resultaten från 10 artiklar beskrevs med riktad innehållsanalys ur arbetsterapeutiska teorin Model of Human occupations (MoHo) centrala begrepp. Resultat: MoHo var användbart till att beskriva upplevelser inom arbete och utbildning. Personerna med ADHD beskrev hur aktiviteter inom arbete och utbildning påverkades genom viljekraft ur vanor och rutiner samt hur miljön påverkades av personens viljekraft och självupplevda utförandekapacitet. Slutsats: Om intresse för en uppgift fanns eller glädje att utförandet av aktiviteten, så underlättade det möjligheten att vara produktiv. Social miljö har en stor påverkan på hur personer med ADHD uppfattar sig själva och hur uppgifter och aktiviteter blir gjorda inom arbete och utbildning. Strategier kunde förbättra utförande men även vara krävande och skapa utanförskapskänsla för personen. / Background: Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) symptoms can persist throughout life and have an impact on health, job opportunities, education, and financial health. Adults’ experiences with ADHD are a knowledge gap and studies are often presented without a person’s story of experience. Aim: The aim was to map relevant literature that describes experiences in productive activities in adults with ADHD. Method: A scoping review was used, and search was done in four research databases. Results from ten articles were described with a directed content analysis, and Model of Human occupation (MoHo) theory. Results: The adults with ADHD described how activities in work and education were affected by volition from habits and routines, how the environment has an impact on the person’s volition and performance capacity. Conclusion: If there was interest in a task or that joy comes from performing the activity, then it facilitates the opportunity to be productive for that person. The social environment has an impact on how people with ADHD perceive themselves and how tasks and activities are done. Strategies could improve execution but also be demanding and create a sense of exclusion for the person.