Univerzita Karlova v Praze Právnická fakulta Doktorský studijní program: Teoretické právní vědy Studijní obor: Ústavní právo Školitel: doc. JUDr. Jana Reschová, CSc. DISERTAČNÍ PRÁCE Parlamentarismus v Evropské unii (Parliamentarism in the European Union) JUDr. Martin Soukup Čílova 1803/2 162 00 Praha 6 Abstract European integration in the second half of the twentieth century resulted in the unique and inspiring project of the economic and political union called at first European Communities and later European Union. History of this gradual integration is accompanied by intensive professional, political and also lay discussions on nature of the European union of states and on its future. Institutional separation of powers in the Union and its legitimacy, as well as the issue of vertical separation of powers among the Union and member states have substantial influence on the Union functioning. Its own system of bodies became one of the most significant features of the Communities and later Union. It is typical for the Union bodies as distinct from the classic central bodies of state power that some of them are strongly connected with the member states. Institutional framework of the Union changed considerably after ratification of the Treaty of Lisbon. One of the central and ruling bodies of the Union is the...

Democratization is a fragile process, easily reversed when and where its advance is most recent. African countries present particular challenges to democratization, given generally low levels of economic and social development, often combined with ethnic and cultural fractionalization. Debates about democratization have not been sufficiently developed with the African context in mind. In particular, assessment of the effects of presidential systems on democratization has not been sensitively applied to African cases where most regimes are Presidential. Moreover, a particular feature of African democracy, the dominant party within a multi-party system, also raises questions that have not been so pertinent elsewhere. Debates about the merits and demerits of electoral system options for democratic consolidation also require more empirical analysis in Africa. This study is based on the assumption that debates about the relationship between political institutions and democratization in Africa can only be advanced by recognition of the interactions that can be identified between the institutions of presidential, parliamentary and party systems, particularly within the dynamics of one-party dominance. Empirical leverage takes advantage of an important case with a parliamentary system and proportional representation: South Africa. The most appropriate comparator from the Presidential and majoritarian camp is Nigeria. These are the two largest and most important states in Africa, sharing a British colonial heritage and a federal system and each dominated by a single party for about two decades. The thesis conceptualizes democratization in terms of legitimation and institutionalization. Legitimation focuses on the micro-level: the quality of elections and the voting process, the presence or absence of government-sponsored violence or coercion, the extent of public confidence in politicians and public support for democratic principles and practices. Institutionalization is focused at the macro-level: elite compliance to constitutional norms, political accountability, and the absence of violent intervention against the state, by the military or other internal forces. The thesis finds that leadership transitions within the parties take place with more accountability in South Africa than Nigeria. While corruption is a problem in both countries, it is more pervasive and there are more incentives to generate it in Nigeria due to a combination of the candidate-centred nature of politics, the country’s great dependence on oil exports, and its lower accountability in leadership transitions. Mechanisms to promote consensus politics differ in both countries and within-party arrangements call into question an assumption that one-party government is necessarily majoritarian. Although the process of legitimation has advanced well in both countries, they share many problems associated with lack of development. The main threat to democracy in Nigeria lies partly in the mutual distrust occasioned by the unsettled issues of ‘power rotation’, ‘resource sharing’ as well as the widening economic disparity between regional blocs of the principally Islamic North and largely Christian South with possible central state responses that might increase rather than reduce the conflicts, while in South Africa the threat lies in the high level of inequality between the white and black communities. Radical political action to address this inequality might increase the already high level of violence in the country. Such tension could ultimately lead to the break-up of the ANC, but an end to dominant-party politics in South Africa could as well destabilise rather than consolidate democracy. Similarly, in Nigeria, a break-up of the PDP, which has been nearly made possible due to a crisis of confidence in an ‘elite consensus’ on power rotation among the regional blocs, could as well constitute a threat to democratic consolidation and national integration.

The topic of my thesis are parliamentary systems. For this topic I have decided mainly on the grounds that the Czech Republic ranks among countries with a parliamentary form of government, like most of European countries. The work is divided into seven chapters, which are subsequently divided into different subsections or other parts. At the beginning of my work I have engaged in the general concept of political systems. The view of this chapter is mainly to introduce readers to the topic and to acquaint them with the basic types of democratic political systems, which includes particular the parliamentary, presidential and semi-presidential systems. The second chapter is engaged in parliamentary systems and their basic definitions. This chapter contains the theoretical foundation for the whole work and especially introduces readers with the basic principles upon which these systems work. Among these principles is included especially the principle separation of powers which is not too strictly interpreted, the sovereignty of Parliament and the specific relationships between the executive and legislature. In the third chapter I have dealt with the relationships between the supreme constitutional organs, as well as their position in the constitutional system. This issue is very important, just as relations...

Dissertation thesis "Relationship between National Parliaments and the European Union" examines the impacts of the European integration on the national parliaments - the limitation of their functions and powers, measures undertaken to compensate these limitation in both the EU and the national law and the new roles of national parliaments in the context of European integration. The point of departure of the thesis is the notion of representative democracy as a still unsurpassed concept of a legitimate exercise of public authority. National parliaments mainly fulfil the controlling and legitimising function in the EU affairs. To this end, they have various legal instruments at their disposal. The fulfilment of these functions is limited by political and legal factors stemming from the nature of parliaments as political, not professional bodies and from their role in the national constitutional systems. Special attention is paid to the role of national parliaments in the evolving economic and monetary union. The general findings are confronted with the legal regulation and practice in the Parliament of the Czech Republic.

Disertacinis darbas pirmą kartą išsamiai sistemiškai nagrinėjamas parlamentinės kontrolės institutas kaip konstitucinės teisės dalis, sudaranti parlamentinės teisės pošakį ir disertaciniame darbe, remiantis Didžiosios Britanijos, Vokietijos, Jungtinių Amerikos Valstijų ir Prancūzijos parlamentinės kontrolės modelių analize, vertinamas Lietuvos parlamentinės kontrolės modelis ir jo įgyvendinimas. Disertacinio darbo tikslas - išnagrinėti ir įvertinti parlamentinės kontrolės institutą kaip konstitucinės teisės institutą. Darbas sudarytas iš įvado, darbo metodologijos ir tyrimų apžvalgos, keturių dėstomosios dalies skyrių, išvadų ir pasiūlymų. Pirmojoje disertacinio darbo dalyje analizuojama tautos suvereniteto doktrinos ir valdžių padalijimo principo įtaka parlamentinės kontrolės instituto, vystymuisi. Antrojoje - nagrinėjamas parlamentinės kontrolės ir priežiūros sąvokų įvairovės ir specifinių bruožų klausimas ir parlamentinės kontrolės sąvokos turinio aspektai: sensu stricto ir sensu largo. Trečiojoje darbo dalyje analizuojami parlamentinės kontrolės įgyvendinimo modeliai senosios demokratijos valstybėse. Nagrinėjant parlamentinės kontrolės institutą, analizuojama ir parlamentinė praktika, „tipiniai“ modeliai demokratinėse valstybėse, šių modelių įgyvendinimo ypatumai. Ketvirtojoje disertacinio darbo dalyje nagrinėjamas Lietuvos Respublikos Vyriausybės veiklos parlamentinės kontrolės įgyvendinimo modelis. Nagrinėjama ne tik Konstitucinio Teismo doktrina, bet ir parlamentinė... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The doctoral for the first time it systematically studies the institute of parliamentary control as a part of the constitutional law forming a sub-branch of the parliamentary law and the doctoral dissertation provides the evaluation of the Lithuanian model of parliamentary control and its implementation based on the analysis of such models in Great Britain, Germany, the United States of America and France. The aim of the doctoral dissertation is to analyze and assess the institute of parliamentary control as the institute of constitutional law. The dissertation includes the introduction, methodology and research reviews, four chapters of the body, conclusions and recommendations. The first part of the doctoral dissertation analyses the influence of the Nation‘s sovereignty doctrine and the principle of separation of power on the development of the institute of parliamentary control. The second part establishes problem of variety in definitions specific features of parliamentary control and supervision and content dimensions of the parliamentary control definition: sensu stricto and sensu largo. The third part of the doctoral dissertation analyses models of parliamentary control implementation in the countries of the old democracy. Together with the institute of parliamentary control, the parliamentary practice is also studies, as well as “typical” models in the democratic countries and peculiarities of implementation of these models. The forth part of the dissertation... [to full text]

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-04-26T15:39:40Z No. of bitstreams: 1 lucaslisboapeths.pdf: 1429132 bytes, checksum: bf043cdc53d83e1506e19ef7d57ea4b2 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-05-02T00:54:08Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 lucaslisboapeths.pdf: 1429132 bytes, checksum: bf043cdc53d83e1506e19ef7d57ea4b2 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-05-02T00:54:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 lucaslisboapeths.pdf: 1429132 bytes, checksum: bf043cdc53d83e1506e19ef7d57ea4b2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-26 / A presente dissertação objetiva buscar e analisar evidências de personalização da política, ou seja, a valorização de características pessoais em detrimento de ideias ou ideologias partidárias, no contexto do parlamentarismo britânico. Apesar de não ser um conceito novo, a personalização se amplia na atualidade, em uma sociedade altamente mediada pelos meios de comunicação. O que vertebra o trabalho é a hipótese de que o parlamentarismo tende a uma “presidencialização”, assumindo, como já comprovado neste sistema de governo, características cada vez mais personalistas, contrariando sua essência de foco nas estruturas e na ordem partidárias. Neste contexto, é seguro dizer que fatores comunicacionais interferem e podem ser determinantes na condução de um processo eleitoral – mesmo no parlamentarismo – com os veículos de comunicação direcionando sua cobertura a elementos personalizados. Assim, os media se comportariam ora como palcos, ora como atores políticos, favorecendo a tendência de americanização das campanhas ao redor do mundo, com a desideologização das disputas e a declínio da identificação partidária como consequências comuns, elementos da chamada “nova ambiência eleitoral”. A metodologia utilizada foi a análise de conteúdo categorial, que englobou 66 publicações dos periódicos britânicos The Times e The Guardian durante a semana anterior às Eleições Gerais ao Parlamento britânico em 2015. As matérias foram classificadas em quatro categorias: ênfase em pessoas, com a personalização sendo evidenciada no lugar de outros conteúdos; ênfase nos partidos, destacando os textos que priorizaram tratar de temáticas partidárias e ideológicas; ênfase em políticas públicas, ressaltando notícias que abordaram tópicos de interesse geral da população, como saúde ou educação; por fim, foram agrupadas as matérias que tiveram ênfase na própria disputa eleitoral, com a publicação de resultados de pesquisas eleitorais ou possibilidades. Conjuntamente adotou-se a metodologia desenvolvida pelo Laboratório de Pesquisa em Comunicação Política e Opinião Pública (Doxa) do atual IESP-UERJ. O modelo leva em consideração a valência, ou seja, a orientação positiva, negativa ou neutra das coberturas jornalísticas, o que permitiu identificar o posicionamento de cada um dos jornais em cada categoria. / This dissertation intends to seek and analyze evidences of personalization of politics, that is, the enhancement of personal characteristics rather than ideas or party ideologies, in the context of the British parliamentary system. Despite of not being a new concept, personalization is extended today in a highly mediated society by the media. What guides the work is the hypothesis that the parliamentary system tends to a "presidentialization", assuming, as already checked in this system of government, increasingly personalistic characteristics, contradicting its core focus on the structures and the party order. In this context, it is safe to say that communication factors interfere and can be decisive in the conduct of an electoral process – even in parliamentarism – with the media coverage targeting personalized elements. Thus, the media would behave sometimes as stages, sometimes as political actors, encouraging the americanization trend in campaigns around the world, with the lack of ideologization of disputes and the decline of party identification as common consequences, elements of the called "new electoral ambience". The methodology applied was the categorical content analysis, which included 66 publications of the British newspapers The Times and The Guardian during the preceding week to the general elections to the British Parliament in 2015. The publications were classified into four categories: emphasis on people, with customization being shown instead of other content; emphasis on the political parties, highlighting the texts that prioritized dealing with partisan and ideological issues; emphasis on public policies, highlighting news that address topics of general interest of the population, such as health or education; finally, the subjects who had an emphasis on the electoral dispute itself, with the publication of results of opinion polls or possibilities, were grouped. At the same time it was adopted the methodology developed by Research Laboratory of Political Communication and Public Opinion (Doxa) of the current IESP-UERJ. The model takes into account the valency, that is, positive, negative or neutral orientation of news coverage, which allowed us to identify the position of each of the newspapers in each category.

This diploma thesis presents a model of minority governments. In the theoretical part is the analysis of the political parties in parliament. Then there is a comparation of selected European countries in terms of how the governments are formated. The main part is given to the countries in which the minority governments are very frequent. In conclusion is mentioned the experience with minority governments in the Czech Republic.

« Accident de l’histoire » selon les termes du rapport Warsmann, réalisé au moment de la réforme constitutionnelle de 2008, l’interdiction faite au chef de l’État de se présenter devant le Parlement, comme plus largement la question de la communication entre les deux organes, méritent d’être reconsidérées. La faculté du chef de l’État de s’adresser au Parlement s’insère dans une mécanique des pouvoirs que son étude contribue à éclairer notamment dans le cadre parlementaire où la Ve République réalise un agencement dont l’originalité doit être soulignée. Parce que la communication parlementaire de l’Exécutif apparaît tout à la fois comme un outil pour celui-ci de direction du travail du Parlement, et, pour ce dernier, comme un instrument de contrôle de l’action exécutive, cette question se situe déjà au cœur des préoccupations révolutionnaires relatives à l’organisation de la séparation des pouvoirs. La synchronisation qu’opère le régime parlementaire entre responsabilité politique et communication vient renouveler l’interrogation et singulariser celle relative à la communication du chef de l’État. L’irresponsabilité de ce dernier va impliquer qu’il ne s’adresse au Parlement que par des messages écrits et sous le contrôle des ministres responsables. La Ve République provoque une rupture dans la conception parlementaire de la faculté du chef de l’État de s’adresser au Parlement qui accompagne la redéfinition de la fonction présidentielle. Elle s’observe tant au niveau de l’émetteur que du récepteur de la communication. Au niveau de l’émetteur, une disjonction s’opère entre pouvoir et responsabilité à travers, dans un premier temps, la suppression de l’exigence de contreseing pour l’exercice du droit de message malgré le maintien de l’irresponsabilité présidentielle, puis, dans un second temps, par la reconnaissance à son profit d’un certain droit d’entrée et de parole dans l’hémicycle parlementaire. Au niveau du récepteur, la communication parlementaire du chef de l’État subit le contrecoup d’une évolution de la conception de la représentation qui paraît amener le Président à faire du peuple son interlocuteur privilégié. / « Accident of history » according to the Warsmann report, executed at the time of the 2008 constitutional reform, the ban of the Head of State to appear before the Parliament, as the broader matter of the communication between the two bodies, deserve to be reconsidered. The ability of the Head of State to address the Parliament fits into a mechanical of powers which study contributes to enlighten notably through the parliamentary framework where the Fifth Republic carries out an arrangement whose original feature must be emphasized. For the parliamentary communication of the Executive appears all at once as a tool, for this one, to conduct the Parliament’s work, and, for the latter, as a tool to control the executive action, this issue already is at heart of the revolutionaries’ concerns relating to the organisation of the separation of powers. The synchronization operated by the parliamentary system among political responsability and communication comes to renew the query and distinguish the one relative to the Head of State communication. The irresponsability of the latter will entail a prohibition to appear before the Parliament and an obligation to address them through written messages, under the control of the accountable ministers. The Fifth Republic causes a break in the parliementary design of the Head of State’s ability to address the Parliament which accompanies the redefinition of the presidential office. This break manifests itself both on the issuer and on the receiver’s levels. At the issuer’s level, a disjunction appears between power and responsability, first, through the abolition of the countersignature requirement for the exercise of the right to send messages despite the maintenance of the presidential irresponsability, then, secondly, through the acknowledgment of a certain right to enter and speak in the parliamentary hemicycle. At the receiver’s level, the parliamentary communication of the Head of State is affected by the repercussions of the evolution of the representation’s notion that seems to lead the President to make of people his favored interlocutor.

Le concept de rationalisation du parlementarisme fait aujourd’hui partie des concepts marquants du droit public français. Tout semble avoir été dit sur les techniques de rationalisation consacrées par la constitution de 1958. Pourtant, force est de constater que le concept de rationalisation reste mal connu. Inventé à la fin des années vingt par le juriste d’origine ukrainienne Boris Mirkine-Guetzévitch pour décrire la dynamique de constitutionnalisation à l’œuvre dans les nouveaux Etats d’Europe centrale et orientale au lendemain de la Première Guerre mondiale, le concept de rationalisation du parlementarisme dérive du concept général de rationalisation du pouvoir qui renvoie à l’idée d’une société entièrement régie par le droit. Quelles sont les sources d’inspiration du concept de rationalisation ? Comment se traduit son implantation et son évolution dans la pensée constitutionnelle française des années trente à nos jours ? « Dépoussiérer » le concept de rationalisation du pouvoir implique d’identifier ses soubassements théoriques et de déterminer sa portée idéologique. L’étude de l’acclimatation du concept mirkinien (ainsi que de son idéologie sous-jacente et de ses techniques de réalisation) permet de souligner les adaptations et les réinterprétations dont il a été l’objet en accord avec la pensée juridique dominante et les grandes orientations du droit positif. / The concept of rationalization of parliamentarism is nowadays part of the significant concepts of the French public Law. Everything seems to be said about the techniques of rationalization established by the constitution in 1958. However, we are forced to notice that the rationalization concept remains badly knows. Invented at the end of the twenties by the jurist Boris Mirkine-Guetzévitch to describe the dynamic of constitutionalization in action in the new eastern and central Europe states, just afeter the first World war, the concept of rationalization of parlementarism results from the general concept of rationalization of the authority which refers to the idea of a society entirely ruled by law. What are the sources of inspiration of the rationalization concept? How are converged its presence and its development int the french constitutional thought from the thirties up to now? To dust the concept of rationalization of the authority implies to identify its theorical basis and determine its ideological impact. The study of the acclimatatization of the mirkinian concept (as well as its underlying ideology and its techniques of realization) allows to underline the adaptations and reinterpretations it has been the subject in harmony with the main juridical thought and the great trends of positive law.

Parliamentary system of government demands parliamentary competent parties. Dissension within parties can block the entire political system; the government cannot rely on its majority and fails in processing its proposals on the agenda of the parliament. From the analytical perspective, inquiry in dissension in the parliamentary majority is one of basic questions. The thesis deals with dissension at the theoretical level. Using the Czech Chamber of Deputies as an example, the thesis conceptualizes forms of dissension (a disapproval of a governmental proposal at the first reading as the absolute dissent). The thesis conducts voting unity tests of Czech political parties that forge government. According to the empirical inquiry, the dissension that leads to the disapproval of governmental proposals stems from the dissent within the political parties, not from the dissent among parties.