International Legal Aspects of Rebuilding State Structures in Post-Conflict Areas Abstract The dissertation thesis International Legal Aspects of Rebuilding State Structures in Post-Conflict Areas deals with creation, acceptance and implementation of peace agreements. The emphasis is on nature, functions and status of the peace agreements within international law. The second major area of research is a legislation of the implementation of peace agreements in the period between the termination of armed conflict and rebuilding a just and sustainable peace in the country when the armed conflict was undergoing. The implementation process is extremely complex and fragmented, which requires major efforts to ensure an effective and efficient outcome of the process. In a specific section we are focusing on case studies of implementation processes (i.e. solution of legal relations between Sudan and South Sudan). The concept of jus post bellum, which seeks to build on the law of armed conflict, is used for the legislation of the implementation in the doctrine of international law. In addition to jus post bellum we will mention also new approaches to international mediation, Responsibility to Protect, Transitional Justice and lex pacificatoria. As results of the work are findings that the peace agreement, excluding...

International Legal Aspects of Rebuilding State Structures in Post-Conflict Areas Abstract The dissertation thesis International Legal Aspects of Rebuilding State Structures in Post-Conflict Areas deals with creation, acceptance and implementation of peace agreements. The emphasis is on nature, functions and status of the peace agreements within international law. The second major area of research is a legislation of the implementation of peace agreements in the period between the termination of armed conflict and rebuilding a just and sustainable peace in the country when the armed conflict was undergoing. The implementation process is extremely complex and fragmented, which requires major efforts to ensure an effective and efficient outcome of the process. In a specific section we are focusing on case studies of implementation processes (i.e. solution of legal relations between Sudan and South Sudan). The concept of jus post bellum, which seeks to build on the law of armed conflict, is used for the legislation of the implementation in the doctrine of international law. In addition to jus post bellum we will mention also new approaches to international mediation, Responsibility to Protect, Transitional Justice and lex pacificatoria. As results of the work are findings that the peace agreement, excluding...

Résumé Cette thèse examine l’impact de l’octroi de titres miniers sur les dynamiques politiques ayant cours dans des territoires affectés par le conflit armé colombien. Du point de vue théorique, elle reprend les questions classiques que la philosophie politique formule au sujet du rapport entre normes et communauté politique, c.-à-d., autour du rapport dialectique entre politique et droit. Elle les reformule cependant au regard des transformations induites par la globalisation: la multiplication et la superposition de différents régimes normatifs, qui remettent en cause la cohérence de la sphère normative et, par le fait même, le rapport assumé entre droit, démocratie et souveraineté. M’appuyant sur les réflexions de chercheurs de l’École de Bruxelles de philosophie du droit, je propose le modèle « d’écosystème normatif » pour analyser les rapports qui s'établissent entre des régimes normatifs a priori incommensurables, allant du droit aux stratégies contre-insurrectionnelles, de la Responsabilité sociale des entreprises (RSE) à la morale; et des relations contractuelles à la violence politique. Sur la base d’études de cas menées dans deux régions de la province d’Antioquia, cette thèse démontre que l’octroi de titres miniers favorise des configurations particulières de l’écosystème normatif. En d'autres mots, l’octroi de titres miniers induit une certaine stabilisation des relations entre droit public, RSE, contractualité et gouvernementalité, que j'appelle « écosystème normatif minier ». Ma thèse conclut que l’écosystème normatif minier colombien est peu propice à l'articulation de communautés politiques et empêche la conduite délibérée et rationnelle des affaires publiques ainsi que l'organisation démocratique du territoire. L’écosystème normatif minier favorise au contraire des rapports sociaux utilitaires, la corruption, le clientélisme et la violence politique. Cette recherche démontre en outre que les « solutions » normatives mises de l’avant pour traiter les conflits suscités par l’activité minières remettent parfois en cause certaines catégories fondamentales de la pensée politique et juridique moderne. En Colombie, une politique d’institutionnalisation de la RSE, menée conjointement par l’État et les titulaires miniers, induit ainsi des changements profonds dans les rapports entre communautés, entreprises et gouvernements. Ma thèse clarifie ainsi certains des défis que la société colombienne doit surmonter, étant donné les nombreux titres miniers octroyés sur une grande proportion de son territoire, pour mener à bien le processus de paix initié en 2016.   Summary This thesis examines the impact of granting mining titles on political dynamics in the territories affected by the Colombian armed conflict. From a theoretical point of view, it takes up the classic political philosophy interrogations about the relationship between norms and political community, i.e., the dialectical relationship between politics and law. Those questions are updated by taking into account the transformations induced by globalization: indeed, the multiplication and superimposition of different normative regimes undermines the coherence of the normative sphere and, by the same token, the assumed relationship between law, democracy and sovereignty. Based on the reflections of researchers at the Brussels School of Philosophy of Law, I propose the notion of “normative ecosystem” to analyze the relationships that are established between presumably incommensurable normative regimes, from law to the counter-insurgency strategies, from Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) to morality; and from contractual relations to political violence. Based on case studies conducted in two regions of the province of Antioquia, this thesis demonstrates that the granting of mining titles favors particular configurations of the normative ecosystem. In other words, the granting of mining titles induces a certain stabilization of the relations between law, CSR, contractuality and governmentality, which I call the “mining normative ecosystem”. My thesis concludes that the Colombian mining normative ecosystem is not conducive to the articulation of political communities and prevents the deliberate and rational conduct of public affairs as well as the democratic organization of the territory. On the contrary, the mining normative ecosystem favors utilitarian social relations, corruption, clientelism and political violence. This research also shows that the normative “solutions” put forward to deal with conflicts in the mining sector call into question certain fundamental categories of modern political and legal thought. In Colombia, a policy of institutionalization of CSR conducted jointly by the State and mining title holders induces profound changes in the relationships between communities, companies and governments. My thesis thus clarifies some of the challenges that Colombian society must overcome, given the numerous mining titles granted over a large part of its territory, to successfully carry out the peace process initiated in 2016.

The aim of this thesis is to look at all the factors that affect not only the course of the Middle East conflict, but also internal and foreign policy of the United States. The aim is to describe the situation of the Middle East conflict and its links to the unflagging efforts and policies of the United States, especially in the last few years by U.S. President Barack Obama. The term Middle East conflict was for the purpose of this thesis reduced to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the Obama administration's role in the peace process.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-09-25T12:22:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Rochele Karina Costa de Moraes Abumansur.pdf: 1483891 bytes, checksum: e373865c9cd6ef2ba01b81624e3f2177 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-06-19 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This research has as its central objective comparative analysis of defense and security plans adopted by the Colombian government of Alvaro Uribe and Juan Manuel Santos, as well as its political and security agendas. This study considers the common defense and security as State Policy which is part of the common foreign to consider as the main threat to state security to Colombian guerilla activity, production of drug trafficking and human rights abuses suffered by the population. The time frame relevant to the purposes of the research extends the Alvaro Uribe government (2002 - 2010) to half of the first term of the government of Juan Manuel Santos (2010 - 2012), in as much as in the previous period only serves to support historic for understanding of recent events. The main conclusion of this study focuses on detecting differences and / or similarities between the security plans of both governments to resolve the matter then whether there is progress or setbacks in the solution of the Colombian conflict and the search for peace in that country. / Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo central a análise comparativa dos planos de defesa e segurança da Colômbia adotados pelos governos de Álvaro Uribe e Juan Manuel Santos, assim como suas políticas e agendas de segurança. Este estudo entende a política de defesa e segurança como Política de Estado da qual faz parte a política externa para segurança e considera como principal ameaça à segurança estatal colombiana a ação das guerrilhas, a produção do narcotráfico e o desrespeito aos direitos humanos sofridos pela população. O recorte temporal pertinente aos propósitos da pesquisa estende-se do governo Álvaro Uribe (2002 2010) à metade do primeiro mandato do governo de Juan Manuel Santos (2010 2012), na medida em que o período anterior apenas nos serve de suporte histórico para entendimento dos acontecimentos recentes. A principal conclusão deste estudo incide em detectar diferenças e/ou semelhanças entre os planos de segurança de ambos os governos para então solucionar a questão de saber se há progressos ou retrocessos na solução do conflito colombiano e na busca pela pacificação daquele país.

[pt] O objetivo desta dissertação é verificar se o comportamento do mediador no conflito entre árabes e israelenses está de acordo com a definição dada pelo modelo de mediação internacional. As duas vertentes principais desse modelo usadas aqui são a mediação tradicional e a mediação de segunda via, que determinam condutas diferenciadas para seus respectivos mediadores. Três processos foram selecionados para a análise e discussão das atividades e comportamentos de cada tipo de mediador. O primeiro caso trata da mediação feita pelo secretário de Estado americano Henry Kissinger entre Egito, Síria e Israel na década de 70. O segundo processo é a negociação conduzida pelo presidente Jimmy Carter entre Israel e Egito que assinaram os acordos de Camp David em 1978. E a terceira mediação é a feita entre israelenses e palestinos por representantes noruegueses de janeiro a agosto de 1993. / [en] The purpose of this dissertation is to verify whether the mediators behaviour in the conflict between Arabs and Israelis fits the definition of the international mediation model. The two main types of mediation used in this analysis, official mediation and pure mediation, define different behaviours to their respective mediators. Three case studies were chosen to analyse and discuss the activities and behaviours of each type of mediator. The first case refers to the mediation of the American Secretary of State Henry Kissinger between Egypt, Syria and Israel in the 70s. The second case studied here is the mediation of US President Jimmy Carter between Israel and Egypt, which culminated in the signing of the Camp David accords in 1978. And the last mediation studied here is the one of Norwegian representatives between Israelis and Palestinians from January to August 1993.

L’Irish Republican Army (IRA), le principal groupe paramilitaire républicain, fut fondé en 1969. Dès lors, il lutta contre la présence britannique en Irlande du Nord et pour la réunification de l’île d’Irlande. Le désarmement de l’IRA, considéré comme irréalisable jusqu’en 2001, s’accomplit pourtant bel et bien entre 2001 et 2005 dans le cadre du processus de paix. Le 26 septembre 2005, l’IRA avait officiellement déposé les armes. Quels mécanismes avaient alors permis, au sein du processus de paix nord-irlandais, d’aboutir à la "mise hors d’état de nuire" de l’arsenal de l’IRA qui déclarait pourtant encore en 1998 qu’il n’accepterait pas de rendre les armes ? Comme l’annonce le titre de cette thèse, trois questions sous-tendent notre analyse : quels étaient les enjeux de l’abandon de la violence et du désarmement pour l’IRA et le Sinn Féin durant tout le processus de paix ? Quelle était la portée symbolique du désarmement pour le groupe armé clandestin et pour le mouvement républicain dans son ensemble ? Enfin, quels mécanismes, tant diplomatiques que psychologiques, avaient pu convaincre l’IRA d’abandonner la violence puis de désarmer ? À la demande du groupe clandestin, la nature du dispositif de désarmement et le nombre d’armes détruites demeurent confidentiels. Cette étude ne prétend donc pas révéler des secrets d’État, mais bien de mettre en évidence la dynamique du processus qui a mené l’IRA de la violence armée à l’abandon des armes. / The Irish Republican Army (IRA), the main Republican paramilitary group in Northern Ireland was founded in 1969. From then on it fought to put an end to the British presence in Northern Ireland and to achieve the unification of Ireland. The decommissioning of the IRA, which seemed unrealizable until 2001, was indeed accomplished between 2001 and 2005, as part of the Peace Process. On 26 September 2005, the IRA officially laid down its weapons. What mechanisms played a role in the IRA putting its arsenal beyond use during the Northern Ireland Peace Process, despite the armed group’s declaration in 1998 that there would be no disarmament? As mentioned in the title of this thesis, three questions underlie our analysis: What was at stake in the giving up of violence and in decommissioning for the IRA and Sinn Féin during the Peace Process? What was the symbolic significance of decommissioning for the IRA and for the whole Republican movement? Finally, what diplomatic and psychological mechanisms managed to convince the IRA to give up violence and then to disarm? At the clandestine group’s own request, the technical aspects of decommissioning and the number of arms which were destroyed still remain confidential. Therefore, this study does not reveal any State secrets, but rather underlines the dynamics of the process which led the IRA from armed violence to the giving up of arms.

The purpose of the thesis is to analyze the role of the EU as a foreign and security policy actor in the post-9/11 international security environment. The thesis investigates the congruity between the role that the EU aspires to play as a foreign and security actor (role conception) and its actual foreign and security policy actions and decisions (role performance) in a specific case of the Middle East Peace Process (MEPP) in the post-9/11 era. The role conceptions of the EU are identified by analyzing the content of the general foreign policy speeches delivered by the principal EU foreign policy officials and the EU official documents concerning foreign and security policy of the EU. The congruity between EU&rsquo / s self-defined role conceptions and its actual role performance is tested in the case-study of the MEPP. As a result of the analysis, it is concluded that although the EU encountered some constraints when performing some of its self-proclaimed roles, this moderately weakened its effectiveness and international credibility as a foreign and security policy actor in the post-9/11 era, all in all, as observed in the case of the MEPP, the decisions and actions carried out by the EU while enacting its self-identified roles outweighed its deficiencies in its role performance. Despite some inconsistency problems the EU has encountered while performing its self-identified roles, its overall balance sheet as a foreign and security policy actor in the post-9/11 era is fairly positive.

2006年1月25日巴勒斯坦舉行立法議會(PLC)選舉，哈馬斯(Hamas)出乎意料贏得議會過半席次，擊敗執政黨法塔(Fateh)，並依法律組成新政府。 以美國為首的西方國家對哈馬斯勝選感到十分震驚，因為西方國家迄今仍將哈馬斯列入恐怖組織名單。美國表示除非哈馬斯宣布永久放棄暴力及承認以色列生存權，否則拒絕與哈馬斯接觸。 哈馬斯勝選將衝擊以巴和平進程(peace process)的發展。1991年馬德里和會（Madrid Conference）後，以巴之間開啟談判大門，並於1993年雙方簽訂奧斯路協議(Oslo Accord)。然而，哈馬斯不但堅決反對奧斯路協議，更多次在以色列境內發動自殺炸彈攻擊，導致以巴之間衝突不斷，而哈馬斯則被國際社會認為是以巴和平進程的障礙。 事實上，哈馬斯並不完全是西方媒體所描述的恐怖組織。哈馬斯以伊斯蘭作為其政治理念，在各地設立醫院、學校與活動中心等社會福利設施，並強調結束以色列佔領的重要性，獲得多數巴勒斯坦人民認同與支持，以及受到阿拉伯國家與伊斯蘭世界的援助。 本文將先探討哈馬斯成立背景、組織結構、理念與發展經過，再深入分析哈馬斯對以巴和平進程的認知與策略。 本文認為，未來以巴和平進程必須將哈馬斯納入其中。若國際社會一味的排斥與孤立哈馬斯政府，不僅不能促進以巴和平進程，反而使巴勒斯坦社會更趨於孤立與激進，造成以巴局勢動盪不安，進而影響中東區域安全與穩定。 / On January 25, 2006, Palestine held a legislative election; unexpectedly, Hamas won more than half of the seats in the council and defeated the Fateh which dominated the Palestinian Council in the last decade. As s result, a new government was formed by Hamas. Western countries, especially the United States, were astonished at Hamas’s victory. Since the United States still lists Hamas as a terrorist group, Washington insists that Hamas must denounce violence and recognize the Israel’s right to exist, otherwise the U.S. would refuse to deal with Hamas. Hamas’s victory seems to undermine the Israeli-Palestinian peace process. After the Madrid Conference in 1991, Israel and Palestine signed the Oslo Accord in 1993. However, Hamas strongly opposed the Oslo Accord, and launched many suicide attacks within Israel that resulted in the bloody confrontations. In fact, Hamas is not a terrorist group. Hamas uses Islam as the political value to establish hospitals, schools and centers for activities in the occupied Palestinian territory and emphasize the importance of ending Israel’s occupation. Hamas is supported by the most Palestinian as well as by the Arab countries and the Islamic World. This paper first examines Hamas’s background, organizational structure, and its development. Then Hamas’s position toward the Israeli-Palestinian peace process and its peace strategy will be analyzed. This paper argues that if the international community deliberately excludes the Hamas government from the peace process, it will neither promote the peace process nor result in peace.

The objective of this thesis is to analyze the place of Syria in the Arab-Israeli conflict and in the Middle East peace process in the period between the 1948 war and 2000. In this context, the aim is to find out an answer to the question of how Syria acquired its central place in the conflict and a critical role in the peace process. Accordingly, the thesis consists of three main parts. In the first part of the study, the central place of Syria in the wars against Israel is examined. In the second part of the study, the challenges Syria faced during the 1980s and 1990s, and how these challenges affected the Syrian position in its relations with Israel are discussed. In the third part, the critical role of Syria in the bilateral negotiations between Syria and Israel is scrutinized. Finally, this thesis is concluded in with the developments occured in the Middle East in the period between 2000 and today.