Esta tese de doutorado, que se insere no âmbito das pesquisas de comunicação e política, tem como objeto a imprensa regional ou local, a partir de uma questão crucial: teriam os jornais locais deixado de exercer o papel de controle e fiscalização do poder e, portanto, deixado de cumprir a missão de bem informar os cidadãos, acomodando-se a seguir a pauta e o enfoque dos veículos aos quais tomam de empréstimo o noticiário? Por meio de uma investigação da história do jornalismo local, conjugada com estudos empíricos acerca do discurso midiático, o presente trabalho conclui, baseado em estudos de caso e análises quantitativas e qualitativas de uma amostragem significativa de jornais locais e regionais, que a resposta a essa pergunta é \"sim\". O Brasil não conta uma imprensa local forte, o que acarreta implicações negativas para a democracia. O corpus da pesquisa foi recortado de seis veículos locais ou regionais: Comércio do Jahu-SP, Correio do Povo-RS, Diário do Rio Doce-MG, Folha do Estado da Bahia-BA, Jornal do Povo-MS e O Liberal-PA. Foram estudadas edições de cada um desses títulos, publicadas durante as crises políticas de 2015 a 2017. Além disso, profissionais responsáveis por esses conteúdos e representantes de associações de diários dos interiores e agências de notícias foram longamente entrevistados. Os resultados evidenciam o uso excessivo de notícias de segunda mão, isto é, não produzidas por equipes próprias. A análise do discurso aqui empreendida demonstrou que, no caso do impeachment de Dilma Rousseff, os seis jornais reproduziram, com ângulos praticamente idênticos e sem contextualização municipal ou regional, o discurso de Folha de S.Paulo, O Globo e O Estado de S. Paulo. Já sob o governo de Michel Temer, esses jornais procuraram se afastar da narrativa das três grandes publicações, denotando estar a serviço de interesses políticos de suas regiões. / This thesis, which belongs to the field of communication and political research, has as its subject regional or local press. Its crucial question is: would the local newspapers have abandoned their roles as watchdogs and, therefore, failed to properly inform their readers as the free press should do? Have they conformed themselves to the agenda and approach of the national newspapers from which they get the news? We started with a historical investigation of the local journalism, and we continue with empirical studies on media discourse, to conclude, based on case studies and content analysis of a significant sampling of local and regional newspapers, that the response to this question is \"yes\". Brazil does not have a strong local or regional press, which brings negative consequences for our democracy. The corpus of the research focuses on six local or regional vehicles: Comércio do Jahu-SP, Correio do Povo-RS, Diário do Rio Doce-MG, Folha do Estado da Bahia-BA, Jornal do Povo-MS and O Liberal-PA. We studied editions of each of these publications during the Brazilian political crisis of 2015 to 2017. In addition, journalists responsible for these contents and members of newspaper associations and news agencies were interviewed. The complete results show the excessive use of second-hand news, which is not produced by their own teams. The content analysis here showed that, in the case of Dilma Rousseff\'s impeachment, the six newspapers reproduced, with almost identical angles and without local contextualization, the discourse of Folha de S.Paulo, O Globo or O Estado de S. Paulo, the three major national newspapers in Brazil. But under Michel Temer government, these six newspapers sought to distance themselves from the narrative of the three major national titles, giving evidence of serving the political interests of their regions.

[pt] Este trabalho tem por objetivo refletir acerca de que forma a idéia ou o conceito de legalidade transitou pelo ambiente político do período da experiência democrática brasileira do Pós-II Guerra Mundial. Naquele momento, estar ao lado da legalidade se constituiu em um elemento fundamental do discurso de grupos políticos diversos e com propostas e soluções opostas. No período posterior ao suicídio do presidente Getúlio Vargas, particularmente durante os episódios da intervenção político-militar de novembro de 1955, da crise da renúncia de Jânio Quadros e solução parlamentarista de 1961 e do golpe de 1964, as discussões em torno da legalidade assumiram o primeiro plano. Desta forma, a conquista do argumento da legalidade, para além das conspirações, ameaças e repressões, mostrou-se primordial para o desfecho dos acontecimentos. Este trabalho busca, através da análise dos usos, significados e interpretações expressos pelos editoriais dos jornais Correio da Manhã, Diário de Notícias, Tribuna da Imprensa e Última Hora, da cidade do Rio de Janeiro, afirmar que a necessidade de se manter o país sob a proteção da legalidade norteou a ação dos formadores de opinião da sociedade brasileira, fossem eles militares ou civis. Qualquer ação que não procurasse se sustentar sob o guarda-chuva da legalidade enfrentaria fortes resistências nos mais diversos setores da sociedade. Esta, mesmo sofrendo ressiginificações, se manteve sempre presente no discurso dos atores políticos envolvidos nestes episódios. / [en] This work has the objective to reflect about the ways that the idea or the concept of legality transited by the political environment of Brazilian democratic experience during the period Post-II World War. In that moment, being on the legality side constituted in a fundamental element in the speeches from a diversity of political groups and with opposite proposals and solutions. In the period after the suicide of president Getúlio Vargas, particularly during the episodes of the political-military intervention in November of 1955, the crisis of Jânio Quadros resignation and the parliamentary solution of 1961, and the coup of 1964, the discussions about legality became a priority. This way, the use of the legality argument, beyond the conspirations, threats and repressions, was shown primordial to the happenings outcome. This work seeks, throughout the analysis of the uses, meanings and interpretations expressed by editorials from the newspapers Correio da Manhã, Diário de Notícias, Tribuna da Imprensa e Última Hora, from the city of Rio de Janeiro, to affirm that the need to maintain the country under the protection of legality guided the actions of opinion formers from Brazilian society, military and civil. Any action that wasn t supported by the protection of legality would face strong resistance in the most diverse sectors of society. The concept of legality went through re-significations, but was always present in the speech of political actors involved in these episodes.

The thesis aimed at explaining why some Zimbabwean teachers have migrated to South Africa while others have not despite experiencing the same economic and political crisis. The focus was on external secondary brain drain, which is the movement of human resources from one country to another within the Southern African Development Community region (SIRDIC, 2008). It was premised on the theoretical argument that uneven development in the SADC region sustains the movement of human resources from the poorer countries to the richer or ‘core’ countries in the region particularly South Africa. The thesis reviewed literature on the Zimbabwean crisis and conducted a quantitative field survey, which was supplemented by a qualitative aspect, in order to analyse the determinants of teacher migration to South Africa. The field survey involved the self-administration of questionnaires by 200 Zimbabwean teachers, half of them teaching in South Africa and the other half in Zimbabwe, as well as collected life stories from five migrant teachers, interviewed four school heads, and perused circulars. The research found that Zimbabwe’s reversed economic growth and social development constituted the background on which teacher migration occurred. This brain drain, which mainly involved highly qualified and specialised mathematics and science teachers, coincided with the peak of the Zimbabwean crisis around 2008 indicating its survival significance. Teacher migration continued after 2008 due networks and teachers’ salaries that remained inadequate as they were close to the poverty line. Several recommendations were made including strategies for reducing the brain drain. / Development Studies / D. Litt. et Phil. (Development studies)

Esta tese de doutorado, que se insere no âmbito das pesquisas de comunicação e política, tem como objeto a imprensa regional ou local, a partir de uma questão crucial: teriam os jornais locais deixado de exercer o papel de controle e fiscalização do poder e, portanto, deixado de cumprir a missão de bem informar os cidadãos, acomodando-se a seguir a pauta e o enfoque dos veículos aos quais tomam de empréstimo o noticiário? Por meio de uma investigação da história do jornalismo local, conjugada com estudos empíricos acerca do discurso midiático, o presente trabalho conclui, baseado em estudos de caso e análises quantitativas e qualitativas de uma amostragem significativa de jornais locais e regionais, que a resposta a essa pergunta é \"sim\". O Brasil não conta uma imprensa local forte, o que acarreta implicações negativas para a democracia. O corpus da pesquisa foi recortado de seis veículos locais ou regionais: Comércio do Jahu-SP, Correio do Povo-RS, Diário do Rio Doce-MG, Folha do Estado da Bahia-BA, Jornal do Povo-MS e O Liberal-PA. Foram estudadas edições de cada um desses títulos, publicadas durante as crises políticas de 2015 a 2017. Além disso, profissionais responsáveis por esses conteúdos e representantes de associações de diários dos interiores e agências de notícias foram longamente entrevistados. Os resultados evidenciam o uso excessivo de notícias de segunda mão, isto é, não produzidas por equipes próprias. A análise do discurso aqui empreendida demonstrou que, no caso do impeachment de Dilma Rousseff, os seis jornais reproduziram, com ângulos praticamente idênticos e sem contextualização municipal ou regional, o discurso de Folha de S.Paulo, O Globo e O Estado de S. Paulo. Já sob o governo de Michel Temer, esses jornais procuraram se afastar da narrativa das três grandes publicações, denotando estar a serviço de interesses políticos de suas regiões. / This thesis, which belongs to the field of communication and political research, has as its subject regional or local press. Its crucial question is: would the local newspapers have abandoned their roles as watchdogs and, therefore, failed to properly inform their readers as the free press should do? Have they conformed themselves to the agenda and approach of the national newspapers from which they get the news? We started with a historical investigation of the local journalism, and we continue with empirical studies on media discourse, to conclude, based on case studies and content analysis of a significant sampling of local and regional newspapers, that the response to this question is \"yes\". Brazil does not have a strong local or regional press, which brings negative consequences for our democracy. The corpus of the research focuses on six local or regional vehicles: Comércio do Jahu-SP, Correio do Povo-RS, Diário do Rio Doce-MG, Folha do Estado da Bahia-BA, Jornal do Povo-MS and O Liberal-PA. We studied editions of each of these publications during the Brazilian political crisis of 2015 to 2017. In addition, journalists responsible for these contents and members of newspaper associations and news agencies were interviewed. The complete results show the excessive use of second-hand news, which is not produced by their own teams. The content analysis here showed that, in the case of Dilma Rousseff\'s impeachment, the six newspapers reproduced, with almost identical angles and without local contextualization, the discourse of Folha de S.Paulo, O Globo or O Estado de S. Paulo, the three major national newspapers in Brazil. But under Michel Temer government, these six newspapers sought to distance themselves from the narrative of the three major national titles, giving evidence of serving the political interests of their regions.

[pt] A Frente Parlamentar Nacionalista (FPN) e a Ação Democrática Parlamentar (ADP) foram grupos políticos suprapartidários que protagonizaram o debate no Congresso Nacional no início da década de 1960. A primeira se organizava a partir de uma agenda anti-imperialista; a segunda se autointitulava anticomunista. Esse trabalho procura reconstituir os principais acontecimentos políticos daquele período à luz desses atores. Por meio da análise dos discursos em plenário dos integrantes das duas frentes parlamentares, de sua presença nas comissões permanentes e nas comissões parlamentares de inquérito, na produção legislativa e no seu comportamento em votações nominais, objetiva-se pontuar que os dois blocos acentuaram a radicalização ideológica e a polarização política da Câmara Federal. Discorre-se também sobre as estruturas organizacionais das duas frentes parlamentares, que se mostravam burocratizadas com cargos e funções definidas para seus membros. Nas votações nominais referentes à reforma agrária e regulamentação do capital estrangeiro, conclui-se que a FPN orientava o voto em plenário e a ADP foi fundamental para algumas votações concernentes à temática do parlamentarismo. Ambas fizeram-se presentes na Mesa Diretora da Câmara e em comissões permanentes estratégicas; na produção legislativa, a FPN parecia influenciar seus membros na elaboração de projetos de temáticas afins às do grupo; já na participação em CPIs, a ADP foi mais eficaz, tanto em sua elaboração quanto em seu funcionamento. Encarnando projetos dicotômicos em um contexto de intensa radicalização, as frentes parlamentares foram agentes fundamentais para acirrar a crise política dos anos 1960. / [en] The Frente Parlamentar Nacionalista (FPN) [National Parliamentary Front] and the Ação Democrática Parlamentar (ADP) [Parliamentary Democratic Action] were political groups which led the debate in the Nacional Congress in the beginning of the 1960s. The former was organized based on an anti-imperialist agenda; the latter, named itself as anticommunist. This paper seeks to reconstitute the main political events of that time from their point of view. Through the analysis of the speeches in plenary of the members of the two parliamentary fronts, of their presence in the permanent committees and in the parliamentary committees of inquiry (PCIs), in the legislative production and their behavior in roll-call votes, it is aimed to point out that the two groups enhanced the ideological radicalization and the political polarization of the House of Representatives. Discussed here are also the organizational structures of the two parliamentary fronts, which appeared to be bureaucratic with established positions and functions for their members. In the roll-call votes regarding the agrarian reform and the regulation of the foreign capital, it is concluded that FPN was orienting the voting in plenary and the ADP was essential to some polls concerning the thematic of the parliamentarianism. Both FPN and ADP were present at the Board of Directors and in strategic permanent committees; in the legislative production, FPN seemed to influence its members in the elaboration of projects of its own interest. In the participation in PCIs, ADP had a higher performance, both in its elaboration and functioning. Defending dichotomous projects in a context of intense radicalization, the parliamentary fronts were fundamental to strengthen the political crisis of the 1960s.

This paper explores the Swedish extradition of Balts who fought for the Axis powers in the Baltic eastern front during World War II. While previous research has focused on the fate of the detained, this study examines the political crisis that ensued from the extradition process. By employing a perspective of sovereignty, the study investigates the power struggle between the government, the Swedish press, and the parliament.   The theoretical framework of domestic sovereignty is utilised to analyse the power dynamics involved in the extradition. Drawing upon classical political thinkers, this study defines domestic sovereignty as the exclusive concentration of power within a central authority, without power-sharing among various entities. This concept differs from Westphalian sovereignty, where a central authority is independent from other sovereign states within its territory.   Through the lens of domestic sovereignty, this paper addresses two key questions. Firstly, it demonstrates that the prolonged and intensified extradition process resulted from the government's diminished ability to uphold domestic sovereignty. The press exerted influence over both the government and parliament, thereby creating a shared power structure. Secondly, the investigation suggests that the government proceeded with the extradition when it successfully reclaimed domestic sovereignty and reasserted itself as the sole authority.   To enhance the analysis, a critical discourse analysis is employed. This approach identifies the press as an influential agent capable of shaping public opinion and constituting discourse, rather than merely reflecting it. In this case, the press is recognised as a powerful actor engaged in a struggle for influence. The analysis incorporates text materials from four sources: newspaper articles covering the extradition, An interpellation in the Swedish parliament, documents from the foreign affairs committee of the parliament and government, and the diaries and notes of Swedish foreign minister Östen Undén.   Furthermore, the study investigates the parallels between domestic sovereignty and Westphalian sovereignty. As the government faced pressure from the Soviet Union, its Westphalian sovereignty was challenged, leading to it reclaiming its domestic sovereignty. This finding highlights the interconnectedness between these two forms of sovereignty in the context of the Swedish extradition of Balts during World War II.

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La problématique de cette thèse se centre sur la manière dont plusieurs textes de fiction, évoquant des événements emblématiques des années 1976-2001, représentent la loi à travers ses effets discursifs. Lors de l’analyse des effets discursifs de la représentation de la loi dans les textes de fiction certaines questions s’imposent : de quelle manière le discours littéraire configure-t-il les frontières entre l’espace public et l’espace privé, caractérise les espaces rendus visibles ou invisibles, fait apparaître les énoncés refoulés, décrit les individus auxquels il confère la légitimité d'exercer le pouvoir et ceux qui s'y trouvent marginalisés ou définis en tant que criminels. Tous ces éléments sont les effets discursifs de la loi qui non seulement la représentent mais dénotent les intérêts qui l'ont dictée. Nous centrons notre étude sur la représentation de la loi qui dicte la limite interne de l’État évoquée par Michel Foucault dans son concept de biopolitique. Nous analysons différents romans qui abordent les moments les plus représentatifs de la période de notre recherche : la répression militaire, la guerre des Malouines, le retour à la démocratie, l’instauration du néolibéralisme et enfin la crise de 2001. Les romans de Daniel Moyano, El vuelo del tigre, de Rodolfo Fogwill, Los pichiciegos, de Juan Martini, El fantasma imperfecto, de Claudia Piñeiro, Las viudas de los jueves, de Juan Martini, Colonia, et de Pedro Mairal, El año del desierto, guident notre recherche car ils représentent, à travers ses effets discursifs, l’exception de la loi en place. Sur le plan théorique, les conceptualisations de Walter Benjamin, Michel Foucault, Giorgio Agamben et Andrea Cavalletti sur la violence, la biopolitique, l’état d’exception et la sécurité nous permettent d’analyser le lien entre le texte littéraire et le moment historique. / The central issue of this dissertation focuses on the manner in which several fictional texts, evoking events emblematic of the years 1976-2001, represent the law through their discursive effects. In the process of analyzing the discursive effects of the representation of the law in these fictional texts, certain questions must be posed: in which way does literary discourse configure the borders between public and private space, how does it characterize the spaces made visible or invisible, bring repressed statements to the surface, describe the individuals to whom it bestows the right to exercise power and those who there find themselves marginalized or defined as criminals. All of these elements are the discursive effects of the law that not only represent the law, but also denote the interests that have dictated it. We are centering our study on the representation of the law that dictates the internal boundary of the State evoked by Michel Foucault in his concept of biopolitics. We will analyze different novels that address the most representative moments of the period of our research: the military repression, the Falklands War, the return to democracy, the establishment of neoliberalism and finally the crisis of 2001. The novels of Daniel Moyano, El vuelo del tigre, Rodolfo Fogwill, Los pichiciegos, Juan Martini, El fantasma imperfect, Claudia Piñeiro, Las viudas de los jueves, Juan Martini, Colonia, and Pedro Mairal, El año del desierto, will guide our research since they represent, through their discursive effects, the exception to the law in place. The theoretical ideas of Walter Benjamin, Michel Foucault, Giorgio Agamben and Andrea Cavalletti regarding violence, biopolitics, the state of exception, and security will allow us to analyze the relationship between literary text and historical moment.

Since 1990s of the twentieth century to the present, the so called caretaker governments have served as a political crisis solution in the Czech Republic as well as in Italy. Caretaker government is an institute of temporary cabinets with a non-partisan prime minister. Other members of this type of government are usually non-partisan as well (but not necessarily all of them). This is the main feature that distinguishes the caretaker government from the traditional government led by political parties. The thesis aims to identify common points and circumstances leading to the establishment of caretaker governments on the example of two relatively close parliamentary republics from the institutional design's point of view. It focuses mainly on the status of political parties as it is their failure that leads to the fall of the previous cabinet and to the situation when it is impossible to form a parliamentary majority in order to establish new government led by political parties. Special attention is also paid to a role of the president of the republic. Face to face with weakened political parties, he executes his powers in a more autonomous way in accordance with a presidential accordion theory described by Mauro Tebaldi, especially his powers to appoint the prime minister which fundamentally works...