Os Dois tratados sobre o governo, de John Locke, têm um papel de destaque na filosofia política das Luzes. Neles, ao afirmar as idéias de liberdade e igualdade naturais dos homens, o autor mina as bases do pensamento absolutista. Apesar de ser no Segundo tratado que o autor estabelece de modo mais evidente sua teoria política, é importante notar que o pressuposto lógico desta obra é o Primeiro tratado sobre o governo, texto menos conhecido e estudado pela história da filosofia, no qual Locke refuta de forma minuciosa as idéias de Robert Filmer, sistematizador da doutrina patriarcalista e do direito divino dos reis. Ao rejeitar argumentos de Filmer, Locke mostra que o poder político não se constitui apenas de vontade, mas envolve consenso, lei e entendimento. O propósito deste trabalho é apresentar o lado menos conhecido desse debate: os argumentos elaborados por Filmer para criticar a teoria da soberania popular e o contratualismo nem sempre são respondidos com eficácia absoluta por Locke. Além disso, a intenção é também expor o quanto o pensamento lockiano é marcado pelas asserções de Filmer, cujas idéias podem ter mais importância do que história da filosofia lhe tem atribuído. / John Locke\'s \"Two Treatises on Government\" have an important role in the political philosophy of the Enlightenment. By stating the ideas of the natural liberty and equality of men, the author undermines the bases of the absolutist thought. If it is in the Second Treatise that the author establishes his political theory in a more evident way, it is important to notice that the logical presupposition of this work is the First Treatise on Government, a less known text in which Locke refutes in a minutious way the ideas of Robert Filmer, who sistematized the patriarchalist doctrine, as well as the one concerning the divine right of kings. By rejecting Filmer\'s statements, Locke shows that political power is not constituted only by will, but involves consent, law and understanding. This work aims to present an aspect of this debate which is less known: the arguments elaborated by Filmer to criticize the theory of popular sovereignty as well as contractarianism are not always answered with total eficacy by Locke. Besides, we intend to expose how much the Lockean thought is determined by Filmer, whose thought may have a greater importance than what the history of philosophy has attributed to it.

The primary purpose for this research is to examine and identify the social functions of Limón Patwa, a closely related language to Jamaican Patwa spoken by the Afro-Caribbean community of Costa Rica. There is a unique relationship regarding the language contact between Spanish and LP, where the maintenance of this English based language can certainly be complicated by a Spanish language dominant environment. Studying the historical migration of this Afro-Caribbean population to Costa Rica in the 1800s sheds light on the systemic oppression and the lack of integration into Costa Rican society that Afro-Costa Ricans faced in the midst of their arrival to Puerto Viejo (“the old port”). I conducted 8 sociolinguistic interviews with Limón Patwa speakers with efforts to better understand the usage of Limón Patwa, along with valuable information about being of African descent and living in Costa Rica. In addition to interviews with Patwa speakers, a matched guise audio survey was elicited to that involved listening to speakers of Patwa vs speakers of Spanish along with one audio recording of a Patwa speaker using Spanish. A Likert scale was used for participants to rate these voices as trustworthy, intelligent, and friendly, for example, in order to analyze how Patwa speakers are perceived by the general population. Furthermore, this research gives insight to where negative ideologies surrounding Limón Patwa and its speakers may stem from and how it influences the usage of LP. This study takes into consideration the issues of political power and the aspects of language identity, calling to attention the importance of efforts to maintain this minority language among an underrepresented community.

本論文以八０年代以來中共決策過程與政治權力之運作為研究對象，主要分析中共決策者和決策機構的制度上及實際上的職權、結構特徵、基本運作方式，以及決策所需要的關鍵因素，進而探討中共政治權力在決策過程中實際運作的問題。本論文之內容共有六章十五節，均十八萬字，茲簡述內容如下：第一章，緒論：描述從事本研究之動機與目的以及所採取的研究範圍、方法和限制因素，並說明決策和權力等主要概念之涵意，再介紹有關中共決策過程之決策理論，然後提出八０年代以來中共決策之模式。第二章，中共決策之原則與特徵：主要探討中共決策權集中的邏輯性理論基楚上所造成的中共決策系統、方法、程序的特色等中共決策基本情勢。第三章，中共決策之關鍵因素：論述在非制度化的中共決策過程中做為決策框架的意識型態、基本路線和決策者偏好等中共特有的決策關鍵因素，以及其運用上之特性。第四章，中共決策結構內政治權力之運作：著重於中共決策參與者和決策組織，進而探討中共體制內外決策者和決策機構之結構特徵和基本運作方式。第五章，中共決策過程中政治權力之運作：分析在八０年代以來中共決策過程中決策者之實際運作方式和其結果，主要包括漸進決策方式、「互動」決策方式和「非決策」之運用，以及先決策再找意識型態根據式的決策方法等。第六章，檢討前述內容，以下定義為當前中共決策模式之特色。

It is a well-known fact that one way to a better life is through education. Individuals who have a college education will earn significantly higher income that those who only have a high school diploma (McGlynn, 2001). Having a college degree is not only beneficial to an individual, but a community with an educated work force can acquire significant economic and social benefits. If there is no access to higher education, individuals and the community generally cannot advance as well economically. Individuals living in South Texas did not have the opportunity to improve their socio-economic status because of the lack of public institutions of higher education in their region. The South Texas Region is comprised mostly of a Hispanic population. It has the “state’s least educated population, the state’s poorest facilities, and the least capacity to generate local taxes to improve educational opportunities” (Hispanic Association of Colleges and Universities, 1993). This study explored predisposing conditions such as racism and examined critical elements such as economic and political power in San Antonio, and the dynamics that empowered a minority group to take the fight of access to a public university to a higher level. According to the legislators interviewed, the move to create a second UT System campus in downtown San Antonio was a community grassroots effort that had a buy-in from members of the Bexar County delegation. The legislators proposed legislation and followed the bill through the approval process in the Texas House and Texas Senate. Before the bill was approved, a lawsuit had been filed by the League of United Latin American Citizens and the American GI Forum against the Texas governor alleging the State had violated the constitutional rights of Mexican Americans by having unequal access to a comprehensive public university. During a time when tuition has skyrocketed and the cost of gasoline has soared, it is amazing how the adage “Build it and they will come” continues to fulfill the dreams of students who may have never had the opportunity to attend a comprehensive institution of higher education had it not been for the UTSA Downtown Campus. / text

A new curriculum, the Curriculum Assessment Policy Statement (CAPS) was during 2012-2014 introduced in South African schools. The aim of this study was to gain an understanding of how the implementation process of the curriculum was perceived by teachers. The study examined what the teachers’ general opinions about CAPS were, what experiences they had from the training in relation to the implementation, what strategies they used to further their understanding about CAPS and which factors affected their ability to implement the curriculum. Eleven teachers were interviewed in order to answer the research questions. Findings from the interviews showed that a majority of the teachers believed that the training that was supposed to prepare them for the implementation of CAPS had several faults.

O objetivo do presente trabalho é demonstrar as mudanças ocorridas ao longo do tempo no modo de dividir o poder político do Estado. Neste escopo, como condição preliminar, demonstramos os dois modos básicos de divisão do poder político: um, no sentido vertical, com a divisão do poder político entre entes jurídicos diversos; outro, no sentido horizontal, com a divisão do poder entre órgãos pertencentes a um mesmo ente jurídico. A dissertação centra-se na divisão horizontal, procurando apanhar os modos de divisão do poder desde a antiguidade até o Estado contemporâneo. Neste escopo é necessário examinar a forma como são entendidas as funções do Estado no curso do tempo e a forma de atribuição destas funções a diferentes órgãos. Da inexistência de uma autêntica divisão de poderes na antiguidade, passa-se por uma divisão tripartite no Estado Liberal e chega-se a uma divisão do poder entre, pelo menos, cinco diferentes órgãos no Estado contemporâneo. A par desta evolução e para demonstrar a necessidade de ampliar a tripartição do modelo do Estado liberal, procuramos examinar as transformações sociais que vão conduzindo à necessidade de crescente ampliação e especialização das funções do Estado a ensejar novas divisões do exercício do poder. Por outro lado, estas mesmas transformações sociais, além do aprofundamento da divisão do poder, vão exigindo uma mudança nas atribuições dos poderes, afetando sobremaneira a face do Executivo e do Legislativo. / The objective of this paper is to demonstrate the changes that have occurred over time in the way of dividing the political power of the state. In this scope, as a preliminary condition, we demonstrate the two basic means of dividing the political power: one, vertically, with the division of political power between various legal entities, another, horizontally, with the division of power between bodies belonging to the same legal entity. The dissertation focuses on the horizontal division, seeking to capture the ways of dividing power from antiquity to the contemporary state. In this scope, it is necessary to examine how the functions of the state are understood in the course of time and how these functions are attributed to different bodies. From the absence of an authentic division of powers in antiquity, to a tripartite division in the liberal state, arriving to a division of power between at least five different bodies in the contemporary state. Along with this evolution and to demonstrate the need to broaden the tripartite model of the liberal state, we seek to examine the social transformations that are leading to the need for a growing expansion and specialization of the functions of the state, giving rise to new divisions of the exercise of power. On the other hand, these same social transformations, in addition to deepening the division of power, require a change in the attributions of powers, greatly affecting the Executive and the Legislative branches.

O objetivo do presente trabalho é demonstrar as mudanças ocorridas ao longo do tempo no modo de dividir o poder político do Estado. Neste escopo, como condição preliminar, demonstramos os dois modos básicos de divisão do poder político: um, no sentido vertical, com a divisão do poder político entre entes jurídicos diversos; outro, no sentido horizontal, com a divisão do poder entre órgãos pertencentes a um mesmo ente jurídico. A dissertação centra-se na divisão horizontal, procurando apanhar os modos de divisão do poder desde a antiguidade até o Estado contemporâneo. Neste escopo é necessário examinar a forma como são entendidas as funções do Estado no curso do tempo e a forma de atribuição destas funções a diferentes órgãos. Da inexistência de uma autêntica divisão de poderes na antiguidade, passa-se por uma divisão tripartite no Estado Liberal e chega-se a uma divisão do poder entre, pelo menos, cinco diferentes órgãos no Estado contemporâneo. A par desta evolução e para demonstrar a necessidade de ampliar a tripartição do modelo do Estado liberal, procuramos examinar as transformações sociais que vão conduzindo à necessidade de crescente ampliação e especialização das funções do Estado a ensejar novas divisões do exercício do poder. Por outro lado, estas mesmas transformações sociais, além do aprofundamento da divisão do poder, vão exigindo uma mudança nas atribuições dos poderes, afetando sobremaneira a face do Executivo e do Legislativo. / The objective of this paper is to demonstrate the changes that have occurred over time in the way of dividing the political power of the state. In this scope, as a preliminary condition, we demonstrate the two basic means of dividing the political power: one, vertically, with the division of political power between various legal entities, another, horizontally, with the division of power between bodies belonging to the same legal entity. The dissertation focuses on the horizontal division, seeking to capture the ways of dividing power from antiquity to the contemporary state. In this scope, it is necessary to examine how the functions of the state are understood in the course of time and how these functions are attributed to different bodies. From the absence of an authentic division of powers in antiquity, to a tripartite division in the liberal state, arriving to a division of power between at least five different bodies in the contemporary state. Along with this evolution and to demonstrate the need to broaden the tripartite model of the liberal state, we seek to examine the social transformations that are leading to the need for a growing expansion and specialization of the functions of the state, giving rise to new divisions of the exercise of power. On the other hand, these same social transformations, in addition to deepening the division of power, require a change in the attributions of powers, greatly affecting the Executive and the Legislative branches.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:32:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2011-05-19Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:21:59Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 antonio_emm_dr_fran.pdf: 1363261 bytes, checksum: c3ee0143ff3e6a8467bb55f88929032c (MD5) / O presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar a dinâmica histórica relativa ao processo de autonomia da capitania de Sergipe e as questões políticas inerentes a essa experiência histórica, no conjunto de reflexões e eventos que envolveram o período joanino e a Independência do Brasil. Considerando que a emancipação administrativa da província em relação à Bahia ocorreu no mesmo contexto das lutas e debates políticos sobre a separação do Brasil, vislumbra-se a necessidade de compreender como o processo de autonomia política local entrelaçou-se com o movimento mais geral que levou a separação da colônia e as discussões, tramas e embates que marcaram o período. A análise centra-se em compreender os posicionamentos, a atuação, as polêmicas e as questões que, guardando semelhanças ou divergências em relação à dinâmica em curso nos centros decisórios (Lisboa, Bahia e Rio de Janeiro), ressoam e complexizam as tensões e os dilemas que os diferentes atores e sujeitos políticos locais se viram obrigados a enfrentar no andamento do processo político desse movimento profundo e amplo. Permite explorar como foram construídas as formas de adesão e a construção dos consensos a um projeto de sociedade e formato de Estado. Baseando-se em fontes documentais diversas e bibliografia ampla e pertinente, espera-se contribuir historiograficamente para a elucidação do comportamento e atuação política das elites regionais e os projetos políticos em evidência, diante da desagregação do Império português e a construção de um novo ordenamento político-institucional que atuara para formar o Brasil como nação independente. Estas questões, acreditamos, podem ser captadas através da análise do movimento de constituição e a configuração institucional do Estado imperial na província de Sergipe / The present work has as objective to analyze relative the historical dynamics to the process of autonomy of the captainship of Sergipe and the questions inherent politics to this experience in the set of reflections and events that had involved the joanino period and the Independence of Brazil. Considering that the administrative emancipation of the province in relation to the Bahia the same occurred in context of the fights and debates politicians on the separation of Brazil, it is glimpsed necessity to understand as the process of local autonomy politics was interlaced with the general movement that took to the separation of the colony and the quarrels, trams and strikes that they had marked the period. The analysis was centered in understanding the positioning, the developed opinion, controversies and questions that, keeping to similarities or divergences in relation to the dynamics in course in the power to decide centers (Lisbon, Bahia and Rio de Janeiro), had influenced the action of the different actors and citizens local, involved politicians in a process deep and ample politician. Its analysis allows that if it explores with more elements of analysis as to the forms of adhesion and the construction of the consensuses to a society project and format of State had been constructed. For the analysis of diverse documentary sources and ample and pertinent bibliography, one expects historiography to contribute for the briefing of the behavior and performance politics of the regional elites and the projects politicians in evidence, ahead of the disaggregating of the Portuguese Empire and the construction of a new politicianinstitutional order that acts to form Brazil as independent nation. These questions, we believe, can be caught through the analysis of the constitution movement and the institutional configuration of the imperial State in the province of Sergipe / El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo analizar la dinámica histórica relativa al proceso de autonomía de la capitanía de Sergipe y las cuestiones políticas inherentes la esa experiencia en el conjunto de reflexiones y eventos que envolvieron el periodo joanino y la Independencia de Brasil. Considerando que la emancipación administrativa de la provincia en relación a Bahia ocurrió en el mismo contexto de las luchas y debates políticos sobre la separación de Brasil, se vislumbra la necesidad de comprender como el proceso de autonomía política local entramado con el movimiento general que llevó a la separación de la colonia y las discusiones, tramas y embites que marcaron el periodo. El análisis se centró en comprender los posicionamientos, la opinión, las polémicas y las cuestiones desarrolladas que, guardando semejanzas o divergencias en relación a la dinámica en curso en los centros decisivos (Lisboa, Bahia y Río de Janeiro), influenciaron la acción de los diferentes actores y sujetos políticos locales, envueltos en un proceso político profundo y amplio. Su análisis permite que se explore con más elementos de análisis como fueron construidas las formas de adhesión y la construcción de los consensos a un proyecto de sociedad y formato de Estado. Por el análisis de fuentes documentáis diversas y bibliografía amplia y pertinente, se espera ayudar historiograficamente para la elucidación del comportamiento y actuación política de las élites regionales y los proyectos políticos en evidencia, delante de la disgregación del Imperio portugués y la construcción de un nuevo ordenamiento político - institucional que hube actuado para formar Brasil como nación independiente. Estas cuestiones, creemos, pueden ser captadas a través del análisis del movimiento de constitución y la configuración institucional del Estado imperial en la provincia de Sergipe

Os Dois tratados sobre o governo, de John Locke, têm um papel de destaque na filosofia política das Luzes. Neles, ao afirmar as idéias de liberdade e igualdade naturais dos homens, o autor mina as bases do pensamento absolutista. Apesar de ser no Segundo tratado que o autor estabelece de modo mais evidente sua teoria política, é importante notar que o pressuposto lógico desta obra é o Primeiro tratado sobre o governo, texto menos conhecido e estudado pela história da filosofia, no qual Locke refuta de forma minuciosa as idéias de Robert Filmer, sistematizador da doutrina patriarcalista e do direito divino dos reis. Ao rejeitar argumentos de Filmer, Locke mostra que o poder político não se constitui apenas de vontade, mas envolve consenso, lei e entendimento. O propósito deste trabalho é apresentar o lado menos conhecido desse debate: os argumentos elaborados por Filmer para criticar a teoria da soberania popular e o contratualismo nem sempre são respondidos com eficácia absoluta por Locke. Além disso, a intenção é também expor o quanto o pensamento lockiano é marcado pelas asserções de Filmer, cujas idéias podem ter mais importância do que história da filosofia lhe tem atribuído. / John Locke\'s \"Two Treatises on Government\" have an important role in the political philosophy of the Enlightenment. By stating the ideas of the natural liberty and equality of men, the author undermines the bases of the absolutist thought. If it is in the Second Treatise that the author establishes his political theory in a more evident way, it is important to notice that the logical presupposition of this work is the First Treatise on Government, a less known text in which Locke refutes in a minutious way the ideas of Robert Filmer, who sistematized the patriarchalist doctrine, as well as the one concerning the divine right of kings. By rejecting Filmer\'s statements, Locke shows that political power is not constituted only by will, but involves consent, law and understanding. This work aims to present an aspect of this debate which is less known: the arguments elaborated by Filmer to criticize the theory of popular sovereignty as well as contractarianism are not always answered with total eficacy by Locke. Besides, we intend to expose how much the Lockean thought is determined by Filmer, whose thought may have a greater importance than what the history of philosophy has attributed to it.

A obra de Pierre Bayle colaborou decisivamente para a formação do discurso filosófico sobre o conceito de tolerância, noção central nas sociedades modernas. Uma das principais teses defendidas por Bayle é que a liberdade de consciência e de opinião deve ser garantida aos indivíduos. A conseqüência é o estabelecimento de uma tolerância irrestrita, que deve se estender a todas as confissões religiosas e até mesmo aos ateus. Paradoxalmente, Bayle afirma a utilidade de um absolutismo político. O soberano tem o dever de elaborar as leis e o súdito tem a obrigação da obediência. Trata-se, portanto, de investigar a teoria política de Pierre Bayle, algo negligenciada pelos comentadores, e, além disso, propor que, na sua reflexão, a ideia da tolerância é motor de sua teoria política, intimamente associada à garantia daquela noção fundamental. Ao investigar a construção e a medida da tolerância em Pierre Bayle, bem como suas implicações especialmente para a política e para o direito, a intenção é mostrar que a obra bayliana contém uma teoria política que não está sistematizada, mas, como quase todos os grandes temas dos escritos de Bayle, disseminada por vários textos. É uma constante a expressão de certas teses de várias formas, a utilização de várias vozes para compor um argumento. A metáfora da tolerância como polifonia, utilizada no Comentário filosófico, pode ser iluminadora e mesmo uma chave para a compreensão de seu pensamento. Apesar da obra de Bayle situar-se em um horizonte clássico, e inserir-se em debates político-teológicos específicos, não se pretende examinar a sua obra como peça de circunstância ou como curiosidade histórica; antes, trata-se de analisar as teses e argumentos em defesa liberdade de consciência, relacioná-las com a sua noção de poder político e, por conseguinte, mostrar a contribuição e importância daquele autor para a história do pensamento político e jurídico, o que permitirá revelar a sua atualidade. / Pierre Bayle\'s work contributed decisively to the development of philosophical discourse concerning the concept of tolerance, a central notion in modern societies. One of Bayles main theses is that freedom of conscience and opinion should be guaranteed to individuals. The consequence is an unrestricted tolerance, which should extend to all faiths and even atheists. Paradoxically, Bayle argues for the utility of political absolutism. The ruler has the duty to establish laws, and the subject the obligation to obey. The aim of this work, therefore, is to investigate the political theory of Pierre Bayle, which has been largely overlooked by commentators. It will also be shown that in its reflection, the idea of tolerance is the driving force behind his political theory, which is closely bound up with the guarantee of this fundamental notion. In examining the theory construction and extent of tolerance in Pierre Bayle, and in particular its implications for politcs and law, I aim to show that his work contains a political theory that is not systematic, but, like almost all the major themes in his writings, is spread across several texts. The use of \"many voices\" to compose an argument is a constant in Bayles writings. The metaphor of tolerance as polyphony that appears in the Commentaire philosophique, can be illuminating and may even hold the key to understanding his thought. Although Bayles writings are located in a classic horizon and engage in specific political-theological debates, my purpose is not to examine his work as a work of circumstance, much less a historical curiosity, but rather to examine his theses and arguments for liberty of conscience and to relate them to the notion of political power. The result will be to demonstrate Bayles important contribution to the history of political and legal thought, which will underscore its continuing relevance.