This study aims to investigate the political reformation of the psychiatric care in Sweden, that took place 1995. The main purpose is to illuminate the transformation of subjectivity for mentally ill people after the reform 1995. The group of people which are present in the study are those who former were subjects of care in psychiatric hospitals, but with regarding to the reform have moved out from the institutions and instead become clients for community care. This new group of mentally ill people became, in connection with the reform, subjects for a new concept psykiskt funktionshinder. This new label and concept, that were attached to the present group, is the main concept for the investigation in the present study. The method, that was used in the study, develops a textual based analysis of the official documents, that were produced in connection with the political decision to reform the care of mentally ill people. With a theoretical conceptuality taken from Michel Foucault, with concepts such as discourse, power, and subjectivity, are the documents analysed in order to illuminate how the new subjectivity, under the concept of psykiskt funktionshinder arise. The results shows how concepts as time and space are intertwined with strategies of power, that simultaneously function as conditions of possibility for this new subjectivity to exist. The main conclusion, in the study, is that the concept psykiskt funktionshinder must be understood with regard to an analysis of power relations, and that the power, which are latent in the present discourse, is a decisive condition for both clients and social workers to become subjects.

VIEIRA, Márcia Paula Chaves. Os impasses da Reforma Política no Brasil: uma análise sobre o jogo de posições na Câmara Federal (2003-2015). 2016. 237f. – Tese (Doutorado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Sociologia, Fortaleza (CE), 2016. / Submitted by Gustavo Daher (gdaherufc@hotmail.com) on 2016-11-03T16:57:18Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2016_tese_mpcvieira.pdf: 2255402 bytes, checksum: 1d4d5d599ab79527f374c00be084ae98 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-11-07T11:10:38Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2016_tese_mpcvieira.pdf: 2255402 bytes, checksum: 1d4d5d599ab79527f374c00be084ae98 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-11-07T11:10:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2016_tese_mpcvieira.pdf: 2255402 bytes, checksum: 1d4d5d599ab79527f374c00be084ae98 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016 / The objective of this thesis is to understand how the positions set in the Câmara dos Deputados impasses for political reform. Therefore, I analyzed three special committees and a working group that drew up proposals in the period 2003 to 2015. I used shorthand notes and audios of special committees and the Plenário , followed voting procedures in the Plenário - personally and the official channel of the Câmara Federal . Develop the analysis from the criteria listed by Dahl (1997): 1) Cohesion groups; 2) Identify the political decisions that prevail (number of people affected, extension of the benefit of the decision; effectiveness in the daily lives of citizens, caused changes and priority of government decisions). The anal ysis revealed three political reform projects taken up by the PSDB party, PT and PMDB seeking to build consensus around proposals. However, increased party fragmentation hindered the formation of majorities that could approve the proposed changes. Identifi ed one hegemony dispute scenario characteristic of political struggle, which has won the project that legitimizes the individualization of electoral competition. The consequence for the political system is that the changes accepted by consensus by the poli tical field agents are those that strengthen a distant political class they represent. / O objetivo desta tese foi compreender como o jogo de posições na Câmara dos Deputados construiu impasses para a reforma política. Para tanto, analisei três comissões especiais e um grupo de trabalho que elaboraram propostas no período de 2003 a 2015. Utilizei notas taquigráficas e áudios das comissões especiais e dos Plenários, assim como acompanhei os processos de votação em Plenário — pessoalmente e pelo canal oficial da Câmara Federal. Desenvolvo a análise a partir dos critérios elencados por Dahl (1997), a saber: 1) coesão de grupos e 2) identificação das decisões políticas que prevalecem (número de pessoas afetadas, extensão do benefício da decisão, efetividade no cotidiano dos cidadãos, mudanças provocadas e prioridade das decisões governamentais). A análise revelou três projetos de reforma política protagonizados pelos partidos PSDB, PT e PMDB, que buscavam construir consensos em torno de suas propostas. Entretanto, a fragmentação partidária crescente dificultou a formação de maiorias que pudessem aprovar as mudanças. Identifiquei um cenário de disputa de hegemonia característico da luta política, cujo vencedor tem sido o projeto que legitima a individualização da competição eleitoral. A consequência para o sistema político é que as alterações aceitas consensualmente pelos agentes do campo político são aquelas que fortalecem uma classe política distante de seus representados.

abstract: The purpose of this study is to examine if there exists a discrepancy between popular Westernized notions about the role of social media and the notions of those affected by the Green Revolution in Iran in 2009 and assess how this might change the dominant discourse of cyber-utopia. The internet has most certainly transformed our lives in unforeseeable ways having various and unknown shifting effects but the purpose of this research is to view the dominant discourse of liberation in comparison with the perceived meaning and function of the internet and social media within anti-democratic regimes. The awareness of global misconceptions are imperative to move away from the popular norm and scope of research that uses framing tactics of liberation and democratization because the development, adoption and political consequences of any technological tool within any society will always tell a story. The net effect of social media was silenced soon after the Green Revolution and many Iranians are still experiencing the consequences of their actions. The dark side of internet freedom in authoritative governments will assuredly play a role in forming a more comprehensive understanding of the revolutionary narrative that is social media as well as contributing to the overall relationship of how the internet influences the political realm. Iran represents a unique situation to analyze due to its politically closed landscape and historical global misperception about Iranian society and its citizenry. Through the utilization of personal narratives of individual Iranians directly or indirectly involved within the movement and an overview of global trends of suppression of online speech, this research attempts to show that no i universal framework exists when it comes to the discourse about social media because the characteristics of a society will ultimately drive the forces that influence technological manifestation. / Dissertation/Thesis / M.S.Tech Technology 2012

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-10-18T13:31:22Z No. of bitstreams: 1 raquelnocelinevescandia.pdf: 296211 bytes, checksum: d82eea30a385477d7316f4de8db2f3dd (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-10-25T12:09:02Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 raquelnocelinevescandia.pdf: 296211 bytes, checksum: d82eea30a385477d7316f4de8db2f3dd (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-25T12:09:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 raquelnocelinevescandia.pdf: 296211 bytes, checksum: d82eea30a385477d7316f4de8db2f3dd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-09-26 / Neste trabalho, nos dedicamos a analisar se, de fato, a proposta de Reforma Política, ora em tramitação no Congresso Nacional, pode contribuir e de que maneira para o fortalecimento do sistema democrático brasileiro. Para atingir esse objetivo pesquisamos e analisamos diversos modelos de democracia e formas representativas de governo, baseando-nos naqueles que mais se aproximam do sistema brasileiro ou que se apresentam como modelo a ser seguido pela reforma política, ou seja, dois grandes modelos de democracia surgidos com a Idade Moderna – o liberal e o republicano; os modelos derivados da democracia clássica liberal: o Elitista, de Max Weber e Schumpeter, e a Teoria da Escolha Racional, de Anthony Downs; e dos modelos derivados do republicanismo: o modelo Poliárquico, de Robert Dahl, e a Social Democracia. Concluímos que das duas propostas de Reforma Política existentes atualmente no Brasil, uma, que tem origem no Congresso Nacional e caminha para o fortalecimento de uma democracia delegativa, uma vez que foi construída através da linguagem do poder, visando apenas à aquisição e permanência do poder, e aponta mudanças que quase exclusivamente conduzem ao fortalecimento dos partidos políticos diante da sociedade e do Poder Executivo; a outra, da OAB, se aproxima mais do modelo de Democracia Deliberativa de Habermas (1995), e Rawls (2000), já que valoriza as formas diretas de representação e rompe com essa linguagem autopoiética do poder. Embora a proposta da OAB configure o caminho mais promissor em relação ao tema da representação, mesmo a proposta do Congresso Nacional pode ser considerada uma tentativa de avanço, de se fazer algo, frente à insatisfação da sociedade em relação ao sistema de representação. Ambas, no entanto, passam pela aprovação de atores que têm como princípio básico a própria permanência do poder, ou seja, que atuam pela linguagem do poder. Por isso, qualquer tentativa de mudança mais profunda no sistema político atual nos parece distante. Se despir dessa linguagem do poder e envolver o tema da representação e da participação popular, como forma de tornar representantes e representados mais próximos, e cientes de seus deveres e direitos, é o primeiro passo para que possamos ver consolidada uma reforma política que seja sensível à percepção de uma crise do sistema representativo diante das transformações sociais em curso, no mundo e no Brasil. / This work was aimed at analysing whether the Political Reform currently in procedure at the House of Representatives can effectively contribute to the strengthening of the Brazilian democracy. In order to achieve this goal, several democratic models and governmental representative models were analysed, based on those which either were more similar to the Brazilian model or were presented as models to be followed by the political reform; in other words, two major democratic models born out of Modern Age, namely The Liberal Model and Republican Model. The Elitism, of Weber and Schumpeter, and the Rational Choice Theory, of Anthony Downs, derived their models from the classical liberal democracy, whereas the Poliarchy model, of Robert Dahl, and the Social Democracy derived their models from the Republicanism. As for the two political reform proposals currently found in Brazil, one has been strenghtened into a delegating democracy, as it has been built through the language of power, aimed at keeping it, and is geared at changes which often lead to the strengthening of political parties either before society as a whole and before the Executive Body. The other, the Federal Law Council (OAB), approaches the Deliberative Democratic Model of Habermas (1995) and Rawl(2000), as they highlight direct representative models and break away from the self-poietic language of power. Although the proposal by the Law Council appears to be promising as regards representativeness, the House proposal itself can be considered as an attempt to make advancements in the face of society´s dissatisfaction concerning representativeness. Both of them, however, are submitted to the approval of their very players, whose main goal is keeping the power, i.e., they act under the language of power. Thus, any attempt into major changes in the current political system appear to be ineffective. The first step into a thorough political reform is to bear in mind the crisis of the representative system in the face of the social changes either in Brazil and abroad and, devoid of the language of power, make way for representativeness and social participation so that representatives and society are made closer and aware of their rights and duties.

Doctor of Philosophy / Department of Economics / E. Wayne Nafziger / This dissertation explores the relationships between three groups of variables in the transition economies of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) and Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), from 1989 to 2003. The first group consists of output level and output growth as measured by gross domestic product index (GDPI) and gross domestic product growth (GDPG). The second group consists of two categories of institutional development (INST), and the third group of variables is structural policy reforms (SPR), often known as liberalization policies. This dissertation’s theoretical and empirical framework explicitly account for the endogeneity between output performance variables, the measures of institutional development and SPR. Several empirical specification models of the theoretical simultaneous system of three equations are estimated. In the first group of specification models the dependent endogenous variables are GDPG, SPR and INST, while in the second group the dependant endogenous variables are GDPI, SPR and INST. Moreover, two datasets are used. The first dataset has data from 1989 to 2003, thus covering the whole transition period, while the second dataset is a subset of the first one, containing data for the recovery stage of transition only. The empirical methods used in this dissertation include panel data analysis, principal component analysis, two stages least squares approach and three stage least squares approach in the presence of a SUR modeling procedure. With respect to the output performance equation, the findings of this research indicate that institutional reform (INSTREF), and property rights and contract enforcement institutions (PCINST and ROLINST) are very important determinants of output levels when the whole transition period dataset is used, and very important determinants of both the output levels and output growth rates when the recovery stage dataset is used. While the effect of current SPR is ambiguous, the effect of lagged SPR on output and output growth is positive. Moreover, SPR continue to affect output performance via their indirect effect on institutional development. With respect to the institutional reforms, and property rights and contract enforcement institutions, two sets of determinants were found to be important. On the side of the demand factors, SPR, and especially lagged SPR is found to be an important determinant of both institutional reforms and property rights and contract enforcement institutions. On the side of supply factors, macroeconomic stabilization, a measure of the state’s capacity to implement institutional reform, resulted very important in explaining the variation in institutional reform and property rights and contract enforcement institutions. Political reform, in terms of a shift from the autarkic political regime to a democratic political regime, is found to positively affect institutional development in the recovery stage. With respect to the structural policy reforms’ equations, this dissertation’s main finding is that political reform positively affects SPR in both datasets. Moreover, lagged SPR is found to positively affect SPR, which is an indication of transition governments’ maintained commitment to a package of SPR-s.

This thesis discusses the life of Winston Churchill. It explores his adventures and political reform prior to 1913.

No description available.

本文第一章介紹研究背景與問題意識與研究架構，從相關研究成果中爬梳政治腐敗的定義與其在社會主義國家中的特殊性。並探討兩個主軸：中國大陸市場轉型過程中所面臨的腐敗問題與政府、以及中共領導人如何看待之。 　　第二章從國家與政府的角度觀察中共的貪腐問題，變化中的產權、中央與地方關係。第三、四代領導人如何面對市場經濟帶來的變化，憲法賦予全國人大、政協的監督權有所不足之處，但通常未能充分發揮。並分析中共第三、四兩代領導人所進行的機構改革與法制建設。 　　第三章從黨的組織結構切入。紀委是黨內主要的監督機制，但黨紀處分最高只能開除黨籍，由於市場化使官商不分，意識型態的約束鬆弛，使得黨紀的約束能力下降。「三個代表」號召企業家入黨使得黨員身分不再是最可靠的的資本政治。第三、四兩代領導人都曾發起政治運動宣揚理想的幹部形象，例如江澤民的「三講」、胡錦濤的「保持黨員先進性」。 　　第四章引入非正式制度的層面探討貪腐問題，包括傳媒、文化與市民社會等層面。首先，中共缺乏開放的輿論監督，使人民與政府都無法獲得充分的訊息，雖然可以暫時掩蓋真相，但長遠而言是不利的。其次中國傳統文化講究人際關係的經營，計畫經濟時期的單位制都造成對關係網絡的重視，破壞公平性。最後作者分析是否能寄望藉由成熟的市民社會來促使非正式制度的監督發揮功能。 　　第五章歸納指出中國政治未來可能的發展與改革侷限，包含民主化與多元防腐機制的建構。並未來貪腐問題是否繼續困擾中共提出幾個思考方向。 / In chapter 1, I introduce the background of this study and review correlative research. I want to discriminate the character of political corruption in post-communism states, especially based on China’s market transformation. What situation the leaders faced and how they consider dealing with are two main viewpoints. Next, I analyze this issue from the government structure in chapter 2, such as the relation between central and local bureaucrats. In view of monitor institution setting is not sufficient, I want to explain the institution reform of PRC’s government and the regularization in law. Although the constitution gives the National People Congress and the Political Consultative Conference the authority to supervise, but the power is usually not elaborated well. In chapter 3, I want to observe this issue from the party-state perspective. The discipline committee is the main system in party organization each level. But as the marketization arises, the role of an official and an entrepreneur is often blurred. The leaders of the third and the fourth generation have taken some propagandas or political mobilizations to describe their desirable cadres. Such as Jiang Zemin’s “Three Emphasis” and Hu Jingtao’s “Keep the Party Members’ Advancement”. Then, I lead into the cause of informal institution to discuss the corruptive phenomenon in China. First, there are multiple restrictions on media to reveal the truth, so not only people, but also the government can’t get sufficient information. Second, there are some customs from Chinese culture tradition that make people rely on interpersonal network and guanxi. Third, I analyze whether a mature civil society could constraint these behaviors. Finally, I will indicate that there are still some restrictions on China’s political reform in my conclusion, and provide some directions for more thinking.

For many years, election results from the countryside have been a big impact for the whole nation in Thailand. In the country or sub-urban side, Chao Pho (Godfather) manipulates the elections, leaving political parties meaningless. In order to take advantages from the election, political parties have to depend on Chao Pho because they are very close to ordinary citizens. Even though Chao Pho can operate local politics and can make country area for further development, they in the meantime have made degeneration and corruption in Thailand¡¦s politics. In addition, this thesis carefully studies Chao Pho¡¦s impact from both economic and political perspectives. In theory, economic development and political reform should generate impact on Chao Pho. But in Thailand¡¦s economic development, Chao Pho has gained enormous benefits, which in return help Chao Pho to gain political power, this means that Thailand¡¦s economic development is good for the Chao Pho. From point view of political reforms, the 1997 Constitution is designated to eliminate Chao Pho¡¦s influence. In fact, from the two elections after the 1997 Constitution, money politics is still popular in Thailand and Chao Pho is still influential. The Thai Rak Thai Party had successfully echoed the needs of the lower level people, but it still needs supports from Chao Pho during the elections, due to their abundant resources. Finally, this thesis argue that Chao Pho¡¦s political influence has not been weakened by the economic development and political reform, rather, Chao Pho continually becomes the most important political force in Thailand.

L'économie chinoise a connu une croissance économique importante depuis 30 ans, mais celle-ci n'a pas bénéficié aux travailleurs chinois, qui supportent toujours des conditions de travail très éprouvantes, avec un niveau de protection très insuffisant. Pourquoi les travailleurs chinois ne profitent-ils pas de ce développement économique ? Les causes sont multiples : outre le facteur démographique, la recherche prioritaire des intérêts économiques constitue la raison principale. Pourquoi faut-il améliorer la protection des travailleurs en Chine ? Et par quels moyens cette amélioration peut-elle se produire ? La thèse montre, d'une part, l'évolution et les mouvements de la classe ouvrière dans l'histoire chinoise, en comparant sa situation avant et après 1949, et les raisons, historiques et politiques, qui ont conduit le gouvernement chinois à négliger la protection des travailleurs, bien que ces derniers aient bénéficié d'une place privilégiée dans le système communiste. D'autre part, sont envisagés les moyens, politiques et législatifs, pour initier l'amélioration de cette protection. Pour cela, une réforme politique serait la solution radicale, impliquant une démocratisation à long terme et mettant l'accent sur la protection des droits de l'homme, et sur les droits des travailleurs en particulier Ce qui suppose notamment que soit garantie l'indépendance des syndicats. La protection des travailleurs est donc indissociable de la construction de l'Etat de Droit. / Chinese economy has made significant progress for more than thirty years, but the Chinese laborers still benefit very little from the economic growth, who have to endure difficult working conditions with insufficient working protection. Why can the Chinese laborers not profit from the economic development? The pursuit for the economic interests as the highest priority is the main cause in addition to a large population. Why must the laborers' working protection be improved? By what means can this working protection be improved? This paper describes the history of the development of Chinese working class and workers' movement, especially the difference between before and after 1949 and analyzes the reasons why the Chinese government ignored the workers' protection from the point of history and politics, even the working class has preferential position in the Communist system. On the other, it analyzes the ways to improving the laborers' protection from the political and judicial points of view. In the long term, the political reform is the fundamental approach, which means the democracy and the protection of human rights, especially protecting the legitimate rights and interests of workers, which requires guaranteeing the independence of trade unions. The protection of workers' rights cannot be separated from the realization of a state under the rule of law as well.