Pourquoi des électeurs membres des classes populaires et socialisés à gauche votent-ils à droite ? Alors que les enquêtes sociologiques portent essentiellement sur l’abstention, le vote à gauche et la présence de l’extrême droite en milieu populaire, cette thèse aborde un phénomène électoral peu étudié : le vote de droite en milieu populaire. Les propriétés sociales des électeurs ne pouvant pas, à elles seules, expliquer ce choix électoral, c’est par une enquête ethnographique associée à une entreprise monographique, menée sur un quartier d’habitat social niçois entre 2014 et 2016 que sont définis les « sens » du vote de droite en milieu populaire. Un suivi au long cours des électeurs dans leur environnement a permis d’établir que ce vote n’est pas simplement le fait d’individus socialisés à droite et/ou appartenant aux franges supérieures des classes populaires et/ou en situation d’ascension sociale. Il concerne aussi des électeurs socialisés à gauche, situés dans les segments les plus précarisés des catégories populaires. La thèse montre qu’ils votent à droite sans exprimer des préférences politiques de droite, mais en cherchant une réponse à leurs demandes sociales. Dans ces conditions, les mêmes attentes sociales peuvent se traduire par des choix électoraux différents, tels qu’un vote à droite à une élection locale et un vote à gauche à l’élection présidentielle. Ces variations électorales, qui font sens pour l’électeur et ne renvoient pas à un déficit de compétence politique, s’expliquent par une entreprise d’ancrage et de travail politiques intenses de candidats situés à droite. Ils endossent leur rôle d’élu de proximité en euphémisant leur affiliation partisane, manifestent des dispositions sociales qui autorisent l’identification des électeurs, redistribuent des biens publics et disposent, sur le terrain, de puissants relais dans le tissu social. Ainsi, une forte dynamique d’encadrement des classes populaires peut produire, localement, une incitation au vote à droite chez les plus précarisés d’entre eux. Le sens qu’ils assignent à ce choix n’est dès lors pas en rupture avec leurs préférences politiques et est ajusté à leurs attentes et dispositions sociales. C’est donc à l’intersection de la sociologie des électeurs et de la sociologie du métier d’élu que se déchiffrent les sens du vote. / Why do working class voters, whose socialization lies on the left, eventually choose right wing candidates? While most of the scholarship on contemporary politics tends to focus either on the growth of the far-right, abstention or the decline of left-wing activism, this thesis studies a phenomenon that has, so far, attracted little attention. A two-year ethnographic inquiry into a working-class district of Nice shows, instead, the many meanings a right-wing vote has for the poor, and how support for conservative candidates is often shaped by dynamics that have little to do with the voters’ social attributes. Studying voters in their social environment attests, as one would expect, that right-wing suffrage within the working classes regards its higher, ascending stratas, whose claims for status and respectability is better defended by conservative candidates. However, this thesis also shows how and why the latter’s campaigns can meet the expectations, representations and standards of the more vulnerable and precarious segments of these classes, sometimes socialized to left-wing values. In such conditions, the same social expectations can translate into contradicting ballots at a local election and for a national poll, such as a presidential election. These electoral variations, which make sense for the electors, are not the result of ignorance or political illiteracy. They can be explained by the long-term rooting of conservative leaders, who embrace their role as representatives and shape their discourses and practices to better answer the expectations of lower class citizens: they perform their roles according to working class standards, share public goods and widen their leadership thanks to strong men on the field. Therefore, a tight control of low-income neighborhoods can locally produce a conservative support among the poor and the most vulnerable, as long as right-wing candidates adjust themselves to the needs and expectations of their clients and do not seem to contradict their immediate interests. It is, therefore, by embracing both electoral and elite sociology that one can decipher and understand the meaning of local polls.

Fashion as a phenomenon was always connected with the human society. In this work I answer the role of men's fashion in politics within the cultural context in the Czech Republic. In this part I use the theory of representation from Hanna Pitkin, concretely the part about symbolic representation. It also uses theories from political marketing. My own research was done through the interviews with politicians from investigated political parties. This paper offers an answer which role plays the fashion in politics and how it is connected with the ideological background of the individual politician. Key words Men's fashion, political representation, political marketing.

This thesis investigates the factors that affect women's bargaining power within the household, in India. The first chapter introduces the literature on household bargaining mostly by describing how household outcomes like children's health indicators and expenditure pattern change with increase in resources under women's control. The second chapter describes the conceptual framework for intra-household bargaining. It discusses the two broad topics – household bargaining models and gendered institutions, that can be used to identify avenues for increasing women's bargaining power within the household. In chapters three and four, I analyze the factors that determine women's power position, using data on women's involvement in household decision making from a nationally representative longitudinal household survey (India Human Development Survey). The survey was conducted in over 40,000 Indian households, which covers over 200,000 individuals. In the third chapter, I investigate the effect of women's labor force participation on her involvement in household decision making. After addressing the issues of endogeneity using a fixed effects model, I find that her labor market participation significantly increases her involvement in decision making process, which can be seen as a direct outcome of her increased bargaining power. In my fourth chapter I analyze whether the women's bargaining power within the household increases with the presence of female politicians at both state and local level. Studying the causal impact of a variable like female political representation is generally riddled with concerns of endogeneity for existence of voter preference. Using share of seats won by women in man-woman close elections as an instrument for overall female representation in in a fixed effect model, I show that an increase in number of female state legislators can actually lead to an increase in the bargaining power of women. This chapter further shows that increase in women's involvement in decision making process in the household is also associated with the female political representation at local level. The fifth chapter concludes the dissertation by making policy recommendation for strengthening women's bargaining position within the household. / Ph. D.

This thesis examines how former and current Prime Ministers, Theresa May and Boris Johnson are represented in two British newspapers, The Guardian and The Sun, a broadsheet and a tabloid, during the election time, namely July 2016 for May and July 2019 for Johnson. By applying Critical Discourse Analysis, and especially Norman Fairclough’s three-dimensional model of analysis (1989), as well as studies on gender discourse, this study investigates how constructions of gender stereotypes are created. The thesis is performed to study and compare possible examples of inequity in the representation of Theresa May and Boris Johnson, and to seek an answer to whether these representations are based on gender stereotypes or not. By introducing the discursive representation approach, this study has uncovered how the discourses in the articles surrounding Theresa May have shifted focus a day before and on the day of election, whilst for Boris Johnson, the discourses have stayed the same.

Using a cross-national perspective covering all free and partly free countries, this thesis addresses two questions: What factors are associated with levels of gender representation, ethnic group representation, and ideological representation? And what are the relationships between levels of gender, ethnic group, and ideological representation? Ideological representation regards policy positions in different issue domains, whilst gender and ethnic group representation are concerned with the inclusion of women and ethnic groups in parliament. The representation of ethnic groups is approached in a multivariate cross-national analysis for the first time. Cultural rather than institutional factors seem to be the best predictors for the different levels of gender representation and ethnic group representation. Cultural attitudes are measured with survey questions on attitudes to women as political leaders, and tolerance of marginalized groups in society. The thesis finds that on average quotas for women and ethnic groups are not associated with higher levels of representation, perhaps because of issues regarding how quotas are implemented. Broadly speaking, little effect of the electoral system on any form of representation could be observed. Looking at levels of ideological representation, in line with some recent studies, the thesis suggests that the electoral system is not associated with different levels of ideological representation. I show that this is the case across various policy domains. Furthermore, the thesis finds no evidence for a direct relationship between levels of gender representation and levels of ethnic group representation, but levels of gender representation may be associated with levels of left–right representation. The relationship between different forms of representation might be shaped by the salience of ideological domains and awareness of under-representation of ethnic minority groups. Overall, the thesis argues that cultural attitudes are central to understanding levels of political representation, a factor often neglected in the literature.

A presente tese se dedicou a investigar, a partir das doações de campanha, a relação entre o setor empresarial e o sistema político, e qual o peso dos partidos políticos nessa relação. O foco da análise recaiu sobre as receitas de campanha, nas eleições de 2006, para a Câmara dos Deputados, considerando tanto as carreiras individuais dos candidatos como sua filiação partidária. Esta última perspectiva revelou padrões de concentração entre os partidos de centro-direita. Entretanto, quando se desagrega as empresas segundo o setor de atividade e os candidatos segundo o distrito eleitoral, a distribuição de fundos tende a ser heterogênea. Quanto às carreiras individuais, a análise identificou forte influência do capital político dos candidatos, destacando-se a relevância de uma longa trajetória política aliada à experiência em secretarias e ministérios, bem como o estabelecimento de vínculos anteriores com associações patronais. Além dessas evidências empíricas, a presente tese buscou levantar importantes tensões teóricas e dilemas suscitados pelo debate sobre o financiamento de campanha. / This dissertation attempted to investigate the relationship between the corporate sector and the political system and the role parties play on it by examining private donations to political campaigns. The analysis focused on campaign expenditures in the 2006 election for the Chamber of Deputies, accounting both for the candidates career individually and for their party affiliation. The latter perspective revealed patterns of concentration among right wing and center parties. However, when disaggregating the companies by sector of activity and the candidates by electoral district, the share of funds tends to be heterogeneous. Concerning individual careers, the analysis identified marked influence of political capital, especially long-term political trajectories allied with prior experience in secretaries, as well as previous links with employers\' associations. Besides these empirical evidences, this dissertation aimed to raise relevant theoretical tensions and dilemmas brought by the debate on campaign finance.

Este trabalho é dedicado à análise do fenômeno partidário brasileiro. Mais especificamente, apresenta maiores detalhes de algumas de suas feições degeneradas e busca identificar, no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro, as possíveis principais causas normativas que expliquem este processo para, em seguida, propor alternativas possivelmente capazes de combatê-lo. O foco do estudo é essencialmente jurídico, visto que, os partidos políticos, após longa e deliberada omissão dos legisladores (constitucionais, principalmente), desde meados do século XX, vêm afirmando sua presença nos ordenamentos jurídicos de todo o mundo. Hoje, portanto, os partidos políticos são amplamente reconhecidos como um dos principais players do cenário político e, como tal, têm merecido uma atenção cada vez maior dos juristas. Pois se o direito em geral e o constitucional em particular - interessa-se por todos os principais aspectos que envolvem o processo de aquisição, exercício e perda do poder político dentro do Estado, nada mais natural que também passe a interessar-se em regular o funcionamento destas associações especificamente constituídas para este propósito. Entretanto, apesar de reconhecido e regulado pelo direito legislado, o fenômeno partidário está sujeito à incidência de uma série de dinâmicas próprias que só podem ser investigadas sob o prisma sociológico ou político. Esta é uma realidade que não pode ser ignorada pelo jurista que se aventurar em apontar a necessidade de realização de ajustes normativos nas regras do jogo político. Por este motivo, o trabalho, apesar de seu enfoque jurídico, busca na ciência política evidências empíricas que apontem para a adequação ou inadequação das normas vigentes e das propostas ao final formuladas. O primeiro capítulo focalizará, principalmente, a evolução histórica dos partidos políticos brasileiros. O segundo enumerará algumas das principais características degeneradas de nosso sistema partidário. Finalmente, o terceiro procurará apontar as causas normativas para as deficiências encontradas e proporá, quando necessários, ajustes na regulamentação partidária, eleitoral e institucional vigentes. / This work is dedicated to the analysis of the Brazilian partisan phenomenon. More specifically, it presents greater details of some of its depraved features and tries to identify, in the Brazilian legal system, the main possible normative causes that explain this process for, after that, to consider altematives possibly capable to fight it. The focus of the study is essentially legal, since, the political parties, afier long and deliberated omission of the legislators (constitutional, mainly), since middle of century XX, come affirming its presence in the legal systems of the whole world. Today, therefore, the political parties are widely recognized as one of the main players of the politician scene and, as such, have deserved more and more attention from the jurists. Therefore, if the law in general - and specially the constitutional law - are interested for all the main aspects that involve the process of acquisition, exercise and loss of the politician power within the State, nothing more natural than also interest itself in regulating the functioning of these associations specifically constituted for this intention. However, although recognized and regulated for the legislated law, the partisan phenomenon is put under the incidence of a special dynamic series that only can be investigated under the sociological or politician prisms. This is a reality that cannot be ignored by the jurist who ventures himself in pointing the necessity of accomplishment of normative adjustments in the rules of the politician game. For this reason, the work, although its legal approach, searches in science politics empirical evidences that indicates the adequacy or inadequacy of the effective norms and of the proposals formulated at the end. The first chapter will focus, mainly, the historical evolution of the Brazilian political parties. The second will enumerate some of the main depraved characteristics of our partisan system. Finally, the third will try to point the normative causes related to the joined deficiencies and will consider, when necessary, adjustments in partisan, electoral and institutional effective rules.

"Populisme", "abstentionnisme", "rupture de confiance", "défiance des politiques", "médiacratie", "affaiblissement de l’État", "perte de contenu de la citoyenneté", la liste n’est pas close. Tous ces phénomènes sont parfois ramenés sous le mot commode de crise ; crise de la représentation, crise de la démocratie, crise du politique. Phénomènes complexes et multiformes qui peuvent être saisis, dans de multiples lieux et par des disciplines diverses. Cette recherche part d’abord d’une situation, celle de l’Argentine contemporaine. Connaissant, depuis 1983, une période de relative stabilité politique répondant aux critères basiques du "régime démocratique" elle a connu un moment critique sur les plans politique, économique et social en 2001. Cet événement a été marqué par un profond rejet de la classe politique exprimé dans la consigne "que se vayan todos" [qu’ils s’en aillent tous] scandée dans les manifestations. Si à l’époque les assemblées de quartier, les "usines récupérées", les réseaux de troc, les organisations de chômeurs ont attiré l’attention pour ce qu’elles portaient de rupture avec le passé, apparaissant comme des lieux de réinvention du politique, il a été très vite évident que les "vieilles" institutions politiques seraient les vraies actrices du "retour à la normale". Le chercheur choisit alors un point d’entrée ; ce sera le Parlement. Considérant cette institution comme une sorte de négatif que viendraient impressionner les changements de la société. Sur la photo, nous percevons la réalité, mais selon la mise au point, la quantité de lumière, le cadre choisi, la photo est avant tout une des représentations possibles de la réalité. Dès lors, il s’agit moins de s’intéresser à l’institution qu’à la pratique représentative, c’est-à-dire à l’activité des représentant(e)s et au Parlement comme "espace public". S’intéresser d’abord à la représentation en train de se faire, à ce qui se construit entre "un dedans" de l’institution et "un dehors" de la société parce que la représentation est, avant tout, coupure entre le représentant et le représenté. Lorsque les représenté(e)s s’agitent et s’organisent, cela perturbe la pratique représentative plus habituée à figurer les absent(e)s. Le gouvernement représentatif est pris dans une contradiction ; entre désertion des urnes et surinvestissement de la sphère publique ; désintéressement et interruption ; entre logique de la police et démocratie. Fondée sur une recherche en sociologie, cette thèse s’attache, dans un domaine habituellement réservé à la science politique, à comprendre la représentation politique comme une pratique sociale. / “Populism”, “abstaining”, “loss of trust”, “mistrust of politicians”, “mediacracy”, “weakening of the State”, “shallow citizenship” – and the list goes on. Such phenomena are sometimes mistakenly defined by the useful term of “crisis” – crisis of representation, crisis of democracy, crisis of the political institution – but they are complex, many-sided phenomena which can be analyzed through a variety of geographical places and subjects. The starting-point of this research is a situation – that of present-day Argentina. The country, which had known a period of relative political stability since 1983 (reflecting the basic rules of a “democratic regime”) experienced a critical phase in 2001 on a political, social and economic level. This event showed a deep rejection of the political community as expressed through the motto “que se vayan todos” (may they all go away) chanted in demonstrations. Special attention was then paid to neighborhood gatherings, recovered factories”, barter networks, and organizations of unemployed workers, because they represented a rupture with the past and appeared as places reinventing politics – but it also soon became clear that the “old” political institutions would be the actual means to “get back to normal”. The researcher then picks one angle of approach – the Parliament. This institution will be viewed as a sort of negative exposed to the changes of society. On the snapshot, reality is perceived, but as the focusing, the amount of light or the frame vary, such snapshot is only one possible representation of reality. The focus will thus be less on the institution than on the practice of representation – i.e. on the activity of the ones representing and on the Parliament seen as a “public space”. What is mainly highlighted is the action of representation itself – what is being built between the “inside” of the institution and the “outside” of society, because representation is above all a rupture between those representing and those being represented. When the represented show their presence and get organized, the practice of representation is disrupted. The representative government faces a contradiction – between voting disinvestment and overexposure in the public sphere, between lack of interest and interruption, between the logic of the police and democracy. The research carried out in this dissertation is sociology-based, even though its topic traditionally belongs to the field of political science, and intends to understand political representation as a social practice. / «Populismo», «abstencionismo», «quiebra de confianza», «desconfianza de los políticos», «mediacracia», «debilitamiento del Estado», «vaciamiento de la ciudadanía», la lista continúa. Todos estos fenómenos se reúnen a veces bajo el cómodo rótulo de crisis; crisis de la representación, crisis de la democracia, crisis de lo político. Fenómenos complejos y multiformes que pueden ser aprehendidos en múltiples lugares y por diferentes disciplinas. Esta investigación toma como punto de partida una situación, la de la Argentina contemporánea. Transcurriendo, desde 1983, un período de estabilidad política relativa según los criterios básicos del «régimen democrático», vivió un momento crítico en los planos político, económico y social en 2001. Este suceso se caracterizó por un profundo rechazo de la clase política expresado en la consigna «que se vayan todos» coreada en las manifestaciones. Si en esa época las asambleas de barrio, las «fábricas recuperadas», las redes de trueque, las organizaciones de desocupados atrajeron la atención por lo que significaban como ruptura con el pasado, apareciendo como lugares de reinvención de la política, muy pronto quedó claro que las «viejas» instituciones políticas serían las verdaderas protagonistas del «retorno a la normalidad». El investigador elije entonces un punto de entrada; será el Parlamento. Considerando a esta institución como una especie de negativo en el que se imprimirían los cambios de la sociedad. En la foto percibimos la realidad, pero según el enfoque, la cantidad de luz, el cuadro que se elija, la foto es una de las representaciones posibles de la realidad. A partir de allí, se trata menos de un interés por la institución que por la práctica representativa, es decir, por la actividad de los representantes y del Parlamento en tanto «espacio público». Concentramos la atención en la representación en acto, a lo que se construye entre una interioridad de la institución y una exterioridad de la sociedad, porque la representación es, ante todo, un corte entre el representante y el representado. Cuando los representados se agitan y se organizan, ello perturba la práctica representativa, habituada a representar a ausentes. El gobierno representativo enfrenta una contradicción; entre deserción de la urnas e sobrecarga de la esfera pública; desinterés e interrupción; entre lógica de la policía y democracia. Fundada en una investigación sociológica, esta tesis se empeña, en un dominio reservado habitualmente a la ciencia política, en comprender la representación política como una práctica social.

Essa dissertação tem dois objetivos. O primeiro é fazer uma genealogia da mais popular concepção de representação na ciência política: a do accountability eleitoral. A teoria do accountability eleitoral é um produto da reflexão teórica e normativa da ciência política de meados do século XX em diante, especialmente de duas literaturas. Uma é a de congruência ou responsividade, que adota a congruência entre as preferências por políticas ou a ideologia do representante e aquelas do representado como ideal normativo. A outra é a do voto retrospectivo, que encontra sua versão mais sofisticada nos modelos de agência política. Para essa literatura, normativamente atraente é a seleção de representantes competentes, que entreguem bons resultados. Ambas especificam a relação entre eleições e representação: por meio das eleições, o representado consegue fazer o representante lhe entregar o que ele quer. A primeira parte do trabalho reconstrói a trajetória dessas duas literaturas, ressaltando seus impasses. O principal desses impasses envolve a bem documentada desinformação do eleitor: como eleitores desinformados podem controlar seus representantes? O segundo objetivo é avaliar a teoria do accountability eleitoral à luz das evidências empíricas pertinentes. Para tanto, o trabalho investiga as evidências sobre o problema da desinformação do eleitor, e de sua competência em geral. O saldo das evidências recomenda ceticismo a respeito do accountability eleitoral. Diante disso, o que podemos então esperar da representação política? O trabalho sugere que um caminho é inverter a perspectiva do accountability eleitoral e enxergar a representação política como uma relação em que o representante é quem mobiliza, de cima para baixo, o representado. O apoio político do representado é um recurso que o representante tenta angariar para perseguir seus próprios objetivos políticos. Esse pode ser um caminho para reconciliar a teoria da representação com o fenômeno da liderança política. / This thesis has two goals. The first one is to put together a genealogy of the most popular conception of representation in political science: that of electoral accountability. The theory of electoral accountability is a product of theoretical and normative reflection of political science from mid-20th century on, and especially of two different literatures. One is the literature on policy congruence or policy responsiveness, which takes congruence between the representatives and the constituents policy preferences or ideology as a normative ideal. The other one is the retrospective voting literature, which finds its most sophisticated version in political agency models. For this literature, what is normatively appealing is the selection of competent representatives, who are able to deliver good results. Both literatures specify the connection between elections and representation: through elections, constituents can get representatives to deliver what they want. The first part of this work retells these literatures trajectories, point out their impasses. The main one regards voters well documented lack of information: how can uninformed voters control their representatives? This works second aim is to assess the theory of electoral accountability in light of the pertinent empirical evidence. In order to do so, the work investigates the evidence on the problem of voters lack of information and voter competence in general. The balance of the evidence suggests skepticism towards electoral accountability. Given this, what can we expect from political representation? The thesis suggests that a possible path is to reverse the point of view of electoral accountability and see political representation as a top-down relationship in which representatives mobilize constituents. Constituents political support is a resource that representatives try to gather in order to pursue their own political objectives. This can be a way to reconcile the theory of representation with the phenomenon of political leadership.

A presente tese se dedicou a investigar, a partir das doações de campanha, a relação entre o setor empresarial e o sistema político, e qual o peso dos partidos políticos nessa relação. O foco da análise recaiu sobre as receitas de campanha, nas eleições de 2006, para a Câmara dos Deputados, considerando tanto as carreiras individuais dos candidatos como sua filiação partidária. Esta última perspectiva revelou padrões de concentração entre os partidos de centro-direita. Entretanto, quando se desagrega as empresas segundo o setor de atividade e os candidatos segundo o distrito eleitoral, a distribuição de fundos tende a ser heterogênea. Quanto às carreiras individuais, a análise identificou forte influência do capital político dos candidatos, destacando-se a relevância de uma longa trajetória política aliada à experiência em secretarias e ministérios, bem como o estabelecimento de vínculos anteriores com associações patronais. Além dessas evidências empíricas, a presente tese buscou levantar importantes tensões teóricas e dilemas suscitados pelo debate sobre o financiamento de campanha. / This dissertation attempted to investigate the relationship between the corporate sector and the political system and the role parties play on it by examining private donations to political campaigns. The analysis focused on campaign expenditures in the 2006 election for the Chamber of Deputies, accounting both for the candidates career individually and for their party affiliation. The latter perspective revealed patterns of concentration among right wing and center parties. However, when disaggregating the companies by sector of activity and the candidates by electoral district, the share of funds tends to be heterogeneous. Concerning individual careers, the analysis identified marked influence of political capital, especially long-term political trajectories allied with prior experience in secretaries, as well as previous links with employers\' associations. Besides these empirical evidences, this dissertation aimed to raise relevant theoretical tensions and dilemmas brought by the debate on campaign finance.