This thesis examines the concept of sovereignty, as developed by the jurist Carl Schmitt, and argues that this concept helps to elucidate the very core of Fear and Trembling, a text that continues to be heavily misunderstood despite its great fame in Western thought today. Through a close examination of Schmitt’s formulation of the concept of sovereignty and the method by which he develops this concept through Kierkegaard’s concept of the exception in Repetition, I show how Kierkegaard influenced Schmitt and also how Schmitt’s interpretation is useful for reading Fear and Trembling. However, I also show how Schmitt’s usage of Kierkegaard, despite its ingenuity, is misleading, and present a more faithful reading of Kierkegaard’s concept of exception. With this reorientation, I in turn critique Schmitt’s methodology and the way he understands sovereignty. Following this reinterpretation of sovereignty, I examine the text of Genesis 22 and Fear and Trembling and examine the theological themes that ground the narrative of the Binding of Isaac. I argue that the problem of the Binding and the arguments set forth in Fear and Trembling cannot be understood adequately without a clear awareness of the image of reality that is presupposed. Here, I make use of Erich Auerbach’s illuminating reading of Genesis 22, and Jacob Taubes’ understanding of eschatology. I then examine the problem of violence as presented in the Binding, and how Kierkegaard departs from both Kant’s and Hegel’s critique of Abraham. Finally, I examine Derrida’s reading of Fear and Trembling in The Gift of Death and the way he challenges the height of sovereignty that is implicit within Kierkegaard’s “absolute relation to the absolute.” / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA)

The theme of the MTh is the research of the Christian political responsibility in terms of an evangelical position. The first step is to examine the historical political background of evangelical engagements, whereas the focus is especially on the German development. The second step analyses theologically where to locate political and social barriers. It creates an overview in what way (or to what extend) the bible shows and discusses socio-political topics. Furthermore the theological base for political actions describes (themetizes) the relation between the (institution) church and the (governing) state, the understanding of salvation and God’s kingdom and also questions of eschatology. Ahead of the evangelical approach of political theology, the last chapter describes the difference from liberation theology and models of contextual theology. / Missiology / M. Th. (Missiology)

“‘King Hereafter’” posits Shakespearean theater as a gateway between Reformation England’s suppressed desire to rid itself of monarchy and that desire’s expression in the 1649 execution of King Charles I. Specifically, I argue that Macbeth darkly manifests a latent Protestant fantasy in which the kings of the earth are toppled in a millenarian coup. Revolution- and Restoration-era writers John Milton and William Davenant attempt to liberate or further repress Macbeth’s apocalyptic republicanism when they invoke the play for their respective causes. Shakespeare’s text resists appropriation, however, pointing up the blind spots in whatever form of sovereignty it is enlisted to support. I first analyze Macbeth (1606) in its original historical context to show how it offers an immanent critique of James I’s prophetic persona. Macbeth’s tragic foreknowledge of his own supersession by Banquo’s heirs mirrors James’s paradoxical effort to ground his kingship on apocalyptic promises of the demise of earthly sovereignty. Shakespeare’s regicidal fantasy would be largely repressed into the English political unconscious during the pre-war years, until John Milton drew out the play’s antimonarchical subtext in The Tenure of Kings and Magistrates (1649). Yet the specter of an undead King Charles, I argue in chapter two, haunts Milton just as Banquo’s ghost vexes Macbeth because Milton’s populist theory of legitimate rule continues to define sovereignty as the right to arbitrary violence. In chapter three, I show how Sir William Davenant’s Restoration revision of Macbeth (c.1664) reclaims the play for the Stuart regime by dramatizing Hobbes’s critique of prophetic enthusiasm. In enlarging upon Macduff’s insurgency against the tyrant Macbeth, however, Davenant merely displaces the rebellious potential of the rogue prophet onto the deciding sovereign citizen. Finally, my fourth chapter argues for Milton’s late-career embrace of Shakespearean equivocation as a tool of liberty in Samson Agonistes (1671). Samson’s death “self-killed” and “immixed” among his foes in a scene of apocalyptic destruction challenges the Hobbesian emphasis on self-preservation and the hierarchical structures on which sovereignty itself depends for coherence. Milton’s mature eschatological vision of the end of sovereignty coincides with his artistic acceptance of the semantic and generic ambiguities of Shakespearean drama. / text

The thesis is a theological enquiry into the nature of human affections (or ‘emotions’), their role in morality and their significance for political relations. The argument builds critically on the work of cognitivist theorists of emotion, such as Martha Nussbaum, who oppose both rationalist disavowals of the reasonableness of emotion and empiricist fascination with physical sensation. Nussbaum holds that emotions’ intentional (object-directed), evaluative quality indicates a cognitive aptitude. Using the language of ‘affection’, the argument shows how this aptitude shapes individuals’ and communities’ interrelation with their diverse systems of valuation, the created, vindicated moral order and creation’s God. Drawing on phenomenological and spiritual approaches, the endurance of affection is accounted for through the connection of memory and affection while virtue is assigned a secondary place as a fragmentary and less reliable contributor to such endurance. Affections emerge as the beginnings of attracted understanding concerning the world as it appears, the world as it is and the world as it will be, recognitions of value which are open to intersubjective discussion and initiate moral reflection and deliberation. Jonathan Edwards’ account of affections is found epistemologically and ethically implausible but his doctrine of excellency is adopted to interpret the nature of affections’ endurance and eschatological participation in the moral order. With particular attention to joy, shame, anger and awe, the intersubjective, affective dimension of political life is then explored through consideration of certain institutions, practices and traditions of modern political societies, ancient Israel and the early church as represented in Luke and Acts. Affective wisdom within institutions of political representation and law are considered in light of secular and Christian political eschatologies. Findings from this discussion then guide a conversation between European ‘constitutional patriotism’ and British conservatism which explores the connection between affections and locality. An account of national identity is given which takes localised affective understanding seriously yet relativises it in light of the transnational affective understandings which stem both from the international political system and from Christian faith. Finally, the role of churches’ affections within modern political society are discussed. Resources from the Lutheran tradition are utilised to examine the political significance of churches’ joyful praise of the crucified, risen Jesus Christ.

<p>The Laws is generally regarded as Plato’s attempt to engage with the practical realities of political life, as opposed to the more idealistic, or utopian, vision of the Republic. Yet modern scholars have often felt disquieted at the central role of religion in the Laws’ second-best city and regime. There are essentially the two dominant interpretations on offer today: either religion supports a repressive theocracy, which controls every aspect of the citizens’ lives to such an extent that even philosophy itself is discouraged, or religion is an example of the kind of noble lie, which the philosopher must deceive the citizens into believing—viz., that a god, not a man, is the author of the regime’s laws. I argue that neither of these interpretations do justice to the dialogue’s intricately dramatic structure, and therefore to Plato’s treatment of civil religion. What I propose is a third position in which Plato both takes seriously the social and political utility of religion, and views theology as a legitimate, and even necessary, subject of philosophical inquiry without going so far as to advocate theocracy as the second best form of regime. </p><p>I conclude that a proper focus on the dialogue form, combined with a careful historical analysis of Plato’s use of social and political institutions, reveals an innovative yet traditional form of civil religion, purified of the harmful influence of the poets, based on the authority of the oracle at Delphi, and grounded on a philosophical conception of god as the eternal source of order, wisdom, and all that is good. Through a union of traditional Delphic theology and Platonic natural theology, Plato gives the city of the Laws a common cult acceptable to philosopher and non-philosopher alike, and thus, not only bridges the gap between religion and philosophy, but also creates a sense of community, political identity, and social harmony—the prerequisites for political order and stability. The political theology of the Laws, therefore, provides a rational defense of the rule of law (νόμος) re-conceived as the application of divine Reason (νοῦς) to human affairs.</p> / Dissertation

Esta pesquisa pretende examinar o problema teológico-político da soberania, a partir da ideia de que concepções teológicas de uma época se conectam intrinsecamente com o sentido das instituições políticas. A principal literatura sobre Teologia Política foi produzida na Alemanha do século XX e é ainda pouco debatida no Brasil. A reflexão sobre o lugar da Teologia Política no quadro da Ciência ou da Religião sobre o seu uso como ferramenta hermenêutica de conceitos históricos serve como glossário para as definições gerais e dos autores sobre « Teologia », « Política », « Ciência » e « Religião ». Em Teologia Política (1922), Carl Schmitt escreve sobre o conceito de soberania e seus desdobramentos implícitos na tese da secularização servem de ponto de partida para as discussões posteriores com Erik Peterson sobre a « liquidação » teológica de toda Teologia Política. A soberania em Schmitt é concebida como uma categoria sociológica não-positivista e contrarrevolucionária, na analogia estrutural do estado de exceção como milagre e no paralelo de Deus como o Estado. O levantamento biográfico dos dois autores, bem como a correspondência entre eles, revela detalhes importantes sobre a mudança de interpretação de certos conceitos em seu tempo. Na década de 1930, os tratados teológicos de Peterson não se destinavam apenas às teses teológico-políticas de seu amigo (e rival intelectual), mas representavam um estudo erudito para compreender e refutar a situação excepcional de seu tempo. Apenas muitos anos depois da publicação desses textos de Peterson, Schmitt, em Teologia Política II (1970), tentou rebater os argumentos de Peterson, que já tinha falecido. A tarefa desta investigação é reconstruir esse diálogo, apontando as principais conclusões desses autores e seus pontos de convergência e divergência, com destaque para a relevância dos estudos da Teologia Política como fonte de estímulo intelectual para pensar o presente e, se possível, se precaver dos reveses do futuro. / This research aims to examine the theological-political problem of sovereignty, from the idea that theological conceptions of an era are intrinsically connected with the meaning of political institutions. The main literature on Political Theology was produced in Germany in the 20th century and it is still underestimated in Brazil. The thoughts on the place of Political Theology in the framework of Science or Religion - on its use as a hermeneutic tool of historical concepts - serve as a glossary for the general concepts and author\'s definitions of \"Theology\", \"Politics\", \"Science\" and \"Religion\". In Political Theology (1922), Carl Schmitt writes about the concept of sovereignty - and its implicit ramifications in the thesis of secularization is usefull as a starting point for further discussions with Erik Peterson on the theological \"liquidation\" of all Political Theology. Sovereignty in Schmitt is conceived as a non-positivist and counter-revolutionary sociological category, in the structural analogy of the state of exception as a miracle and in the parallel between God and the State. The biographical survey of the two authors, as well as the correspondence between them, reveals important details about the change of interpretation of certain concepts in their time. In the 1930s, Peterson\'s theological treatises were not only aimed at the theological-political theses of his friend (and intellectual rival), but represented an scholarly study to understand and refute the exceptional situation of his time. Only many years after the publication of these texts by Peterson, in Political Theology II (1970), Schmitt tried to refute Peterson\'s arguments, who though was already dead. The task of this investigation is to reconstruct this dialogue, showing the main conclusions of these authors and their points of convergence and divergence, highlighting the relevance of the studies of Political Theology as a source of intellectual stimulus to think about the present and, if possible, to prevent against the setbacks of the future.

Neste trabalho, apresento num primeiro momento a ars historica como um sub-gênero do epidítico, com disposição e elocução autorizadas pelas poéticas aristotélica e horaciana, no que concerne à ordem natural do discurso (in ordo naturalis) e à imitação da pintura (ut pictura poesis). Suas virtudes discursivas verdade, clareza e juízo articulam decoro e invenção vinculados à utilidade, aos gêneros deliberativo e judiciário. Num segundo momento, examino a especificidade lusa mediante a obra histórica de Manuel de Faria e Sousa: como a origem e escatologia providencialistas regulam as variáveis da ars, a utilidade e a invenção de auctoritas. / The essay presents, in the first part, the ars historica; in the second part, its use in Manuel de Faria e Sousa

Ruína de um projeto histórico monumental, a História do Futuro do Padre Antônio Vieira (naquilo que temos dela) constitui-se como elenco de topoi históricos ordenados como narração em que o diverso temporal se revela semelhante em razão da operação teológica que institui sua participação analógica no Uno, premissa do discurso católico contrarreformista. Neste trabalho, analisamos o Livro Anteprimeiro dessa história, buscando os elementos constitutivos de um gênero de discurso que se afirma no lugar em que se entrecruzam ordens temporais e discursivas diversas, como prática de instauração de uma concordantia fundamental e como instrumento de justificação do poder político constituído como espelho e instrumento de uma doutrina em ação. / As remains of a monumental historical project, Antonio Vieiras História do Futuro (History of the Future) presents a series of historical topoi in a narrative order that reveals temporal diversity as a form of semblance. It results from a theological operation that lies at the core of the catholic discourse: the analogical participation of all creatures in God, which connects all beings and times, and its corresponding escathological conception of time. This work consists of an analysis of the principles of the rhetoric that articulates the Livro Anteprimeiro (Prologue Book) of that History, in order to identify the elements which characterize the historicity of its genre, and its relation to the political theology of the seventeenth century.

Le blasphème est, depuis ses origines, un concept politique qui n’intéresse le religieux que marginalement. Jérusalem, Athènes, Rome, les morts fondatrices de Socrate et de Jésus-Christ, tous deux condamnés à la peine capitale, le premier pour impiété, le second pour blasphème, ainsi que la Torah, l’Évangile et le Coran témoignent que l’histoire de l’interdiction du blasphème est avant tout celle de sa fonction politique, qui est d’éliminer celui qui nuit à la communauté. Avec l’apparition de la modernité, l’invention de la tolérance et la proclamation de la liberté d’expression comme droit fondamental, le blasphème aurait dû disparaître. Il s’est en fait transformé. De Salman Rushdie à Charlie Hebdo, il est même devenu l’enjeu de crises planétaires répétées. Dans le monde musulman, son interdiction est aujourd’hui un outil redoutable de répression des minorités au niveau national et d’accélération de choc des civilisations au niveau international. À ce défi, l’Europe prétend répondre par la liberté d’expression, bien que la majorité des pays occidentaux continue à condamner le blasphème, compris non plus comme une offense à Dieu, mais aux croyants, signe d’une sécularisation dévoyée. C’est particulièrement le cas en France où la prolifération des lois venant limiter la liberté d’expression a fini par réinstaurer un délit de blasphème tout en multipliant les délits d’opinion. / Blasphemy is since the beginning of its recorded history not only a religious but also a political concept. Jerusalem, Athens, Rome, the founding deaths of Socrates and Jesus Christ, both sentenced to death, the first for impiety, the second for blasphemy, but also the Torah, the Gospel and the Quran show that the prohibition of blasphemy has above all a political function, which is to eliminate whoever harms the community. With modernity, the invention of tolerance and the proclamation of freedom of expression as a fundamental right, blasphemy should have disappeared. Instead, it metamorphosed. From Salman Rushdie to Charlie Hebdo, it became a worldwide issue. In the Muslim world, its prohibition has become a fearsome tool of repression of religious minorities on a national level and of acceleration of a clash of civilizations on an international level. To face this challenge, Europe pretends to answer with freedom of expression, but the majority of European countries still forbid blasphemy, understood no more as an offense to God but an offense to the believers, which is the sign of a rogue secularization. This is especially true in France where the proliferation of laws limiting freedom of expression ended up in a re-introduction of the prohibition of blasphemy and more generally of crimes of opinion.

Ruína de um projeto histórico monumental, a História do Futuro do Padre Antônio Vieira (naquilo que temos dela) constitui-se como elenco de topoi históricos ordenados como narração em que o diverso temporal se revela semelhante em razão da operação teológica que institui sua participação analógica no Uno, premissa do discurso católico contrarreformista. Neste trabalho, analisamos o Livro Anteprimeiro dessa história, buscando os elementos constitutivos de um gênero de discurso que se afirma no lugar em que se entrecruzam ordens temporais e discursivas diversas, como prática de instauração de uma concordantia fundamental e como instrumento de justificação do poder político constituído como espelho e instrumento de uma doutrina em ação. / As remains of a monumental historical project, Antonio Vieiras História do Futuro (History of the Future) presents a series of historical topoi in a narrative order that reveals temporal diversity as a form of semblance. It results from a theological operation that lies at the core of the catholic discourse: the analogical participation of all creatures in God, which connects all beings and times, and its corresponding escathological conception of time. This work consists of an analysis of the principles of the rhetoric that articulates the Livro Anteprimeiro (Prologue Book) of that History, in order to identify the elements which characterize the historicity of its genre, and its relation to the political theology of the seventeenth century.