本研究以Easton政治支持理論架構，探討不同人口背景與政治態度的政策利害關係人之政策順服影響因素，並就政策執行監測觀點，將順服變數，分從政策認知、政策環境、執行成效滿意度、利害關係人之行為配合度等面向加以剖析，再檢視不同個人對政策順服的差異與其政治信任感有無關連，以獲得理論上驗證。 廉政政策的執行評估或評價，廠商較一般民眾認知更為成熟，對「廉政倫理規範」相關事務的理解能力相對熟悉，故選擇以廠商（即本文政策利害關係人）為研究對象。依照首揭研究目的，假設「認知」與「環境壓力」兩個因素為影響個人對於廉政政策滿意度與行為傾向的主要因素，即個人對於廉政政策所持為正向認知，其所處政策環境會迫使自己遵守廉政政策規範，有助於廉政政策滿意度的提升與行為上的順服。反之，個人對於廉政政策所持為負向認知，且所處政策環境會促使自己規避廉政政策規範者，將使個人不滿意現行政策施行的效果，致滿意度降低與行為上的不順服。 研究結果發現，政策利害關係人的政黨認同對廉政政策順服有影響，其原因可能由於個人的背景不同，使得生活經驗就有所不同，所以形塑每個人的政策認知深度、支持態度、政策滿意度及行動參與意向等表現不同，因此使政策利害關係人在「廉政政策順服」量表的表現強弱也有所差異。此外，在政治信任感方面，與以往的研究結果對照，可以發現政治信任感也是呈現低度水準，並與性別、教育程度、業務類別、政黨認同、所得收入等變項顯著相關。若從廉政政策順服與政治信任感之關聯性探討，發現廉政政策順服與政治信任感呈顯著相關，其中廉政政策順服構面之「環境壓力」、「滿意度」、「行為傾向」等變項的相關程度較高。 最後，本文探求廉政政策執行及成效評估等有關廉政政策推動策略的建議，期能提供作為政策執行的重要參考。 關鍵字：政策利害關係人、政策順服、政策執行、政治信任感、廉政倫理規範 / Based on David Easton's framework of political-system support theory, this study discussed the factors that influence policy compliance of policy stakeholders with different background and political attitudes. From the point of view of policy monitoring , it analyzed the variables affecting compliance from the aspects of policy cognition, policy environment, satisfaction of implementation effectiveness, and cooperation degree of policy stakeholders. Furthermore, it examined the correlations between policy compliance and political trust of each individual in order to get the verification of theory. When it comes to the evaluation and appraisal of the implementation of the anticorruption policy, vendors are ,compared to the general public, more familiar to the affairs concerning Ethics Direction for Civil Servants. This study has selected vendors (i.e. the policy stakeholders) as the research objects. According to the study goal, the "cognition" and the "environmental pressure" were assumed to be two main factors affecting individual satisfaction and behavioral orientation toward the anticorruption policy. When an individual holds a positive cognition toward the anticorruption policy, the policy environment will force the individual to comply with the policy. The satisfaction toward the policy and the behavioral compliance will be fostered. On the contrary, if an individual holds a negative cognition toward the policy, and the policy environment will discourage the individual to comply with the provisions of the anticorruption policy. The individual will not satisfy with the implementing results of the current policy. It will impede the satisfaction and lower the behavioral compliance. The study found that the party identification of the policy stakeholders would influence their compliance to the anticorruption policy. The reason might be that different backgrounds make different life experiences. This molds individual into different level of policy cognition, attitude of support, policy satisfaction and participation orientation, and in turn makes different representation on scale of compliance of the anticorruption policy. In addition, the political trust, when compared to previous studies, was found to be at a low level, and significantly related to gender, education level, job category, party identification and income level. When exploring from the correlation between the anticorruption policy and the political trust, the study found a significant correlation between them. Among variables of anticorruption policy dimension, "environmental pressure," "degree of satisfaction" and "behavioral orientation" have high levels of correlation with political trust. Lastly, this study has explored suggestions to the implementation and evaluation of strategies related to the promotion of anticorruption policy in hope to serve as an important reference to the policy implementation. Key word：policy stakeholder, policy compliance, policy implementation, Political Trust, Ethics Direction for Civil Servants

Previous research has found a diverging trend between utilising social media (web 2.0) and traditional news media (web 1.0) on citizens trust towards democracy and democratic processes. This essay aims to investigate if this trend holds true in a Swedish context during a non-election year, and in doing so hope to advance the understanding of said trend. Thus, the following essay will investigate the change in trust towards the representative bodies within Sweden, with regards to the effects of either using social media or traditional media online as a means to take part of the digital flow of information.                       This is done by utilizing the SOM-survey, which collects information regarding citizen’s attitudes and general opinions towards political, social and medial habits every year. The data from this survey is then transformed into various indexes, with regards to citizens use of either web 1.0 or web 2.0, and their trust towards political institutions, and tested in an MRA-analysis. The findings of this study confirm the diverging trend between using web 1.0 and web 2.0 on citizen’s political trust. However, the positive correlation between web 1.0 and trust loose its statistical significance when a higher level of education is a factor. That is to say, academics tend to be less affected by web 1.0 with regards to their trust in representative bodies within the democracy. However, on the other hand the opposite holds true for web 2.0, where an inclusion of a higher level of education strengthens a negative correlation.

The current thesis extends research in the area of multiple social identities and identity conflict by focusing on both intergroup and intraindividual process underlying structures of identities, namely, religious, ethnic, and societal (national) identifications. In addition, it examined the influence of political trust, and perceived discrimination the relationship between ethnic and societal identification for disadvantaged ethnic groups in Turkey. Two studies were conducted to evaluate the process of identity organization both inter group and in group. While, the first study addresses intergroup differentiations of these identities, second study focused on intraindividual process of these identities&#039 / structure. Supporting hypothesis stemming from Social Identity Theory and Optimal Distinctiveness Theory, political trust and perceived discrimination have roles of mediation in the relationship ethnic and societal identification, by contrast with secular and religious identities in the relationship. Results were discussed for their implications to politic context of the Turkey.

Contextual effects have previously been shown to be related to political attitudes and behaviour. Focusing on the contextual effect of social exclusion, this paper evaluates whether individuals living in areas with higher levels of social exclusion tend to be less trusting of political institutions. Regression analysis was used based on data from the Swedish Citizen Survey 2003 and Small Areas for Market Statistics. The results showed no evidence for a relationship between social exclusion and political trust.

Contextual effects have previously been shown to be related to political attitudes and behaviour. Focusing on the contextual effect of social exclusion, this paper evaluates whether individuals living in areas with higher levels of social exclusion tend to be less trusting of political institutions. Regression analysis was used based on data from the Swedish Citizen Survey 2003 and Small Areas for Market Statistics. The results showed no evidence for a relationship between social exclusion and political trust.

The theory of social capital has been well discussed within the field of Political Science. This paper aims to study how social capital is gender related within gender divided groups in Babati, Tanzania. The study maps out the distribution of social and political trust within these groups. The material consists of 50 interviews with men and women that participate in informal, voluntary groups in Babati. A combination of qualitative and quantitative methods has been used to analyze the trust distribution between men and women. The data that is analyzed through the theory of Robert Putnam and trough) Gidengil and O’Neill’s criticism of Putnam, claiming that social capital is imbued in gender patterns, inequalities and hierarchies. The result shows small variety between men and women’s social and political trust, with the exemption of women possessing stronger trust towards court judges than men do. Gender patterns can be found in the motivations for trust and distrust among the respondents, which suggests that, the assumptions of Gidengil and O’Neill are valid.

The purpose of this essay is to study causes for the lack of political trust in Europe and especially in Sweden. The essay starts with a presentation of two theories about the reasons for low political trust. Robert D. Putnam among others presents a theory that gives social capital an important role when viewing the low political trust. As Putnam sees it a person that participates in any kind of organization, political or not, develop trust for other human beings that in the long run affects political trust. Pippa Norris on the other hand is convinced that political trust is connected to the performance of political institutions. She claims that for example corruption is strongly relates to political trust. The citizens of a country in which corruption is common will not trust politicians as much as the citizens in a nation where corruption is lower. In this essay, I present the current levels of trust in politicians and parliament in the countries that participate in the cross-national public opinion survey European social Survey (ESS). The investigation shows that Denmark, Finland and Switzerland have got the highest levels of political trust and that Poland, Czech Republic and Portugal have got the lowest. My analysis shows that neither gender nor age makes any difference in political trust. The comparison between political trust and participation leads to the conclusion that citizens that participate in politics have more political trust irrespective of which kind of organization they participate in. I also compare political trust and a corruption index. That comparison shows that a high level of corruption is related to a lowlevel of political trust.

People in society with high levels of generalized social trust and political trust are more likely to engage in civic activism and participation. Therefore, people involved in social and political groups will likely have higher levels of generalized social and political trust than the general public. What lacks in this realm of scholarship is a solid comparison of trust among people involved in social and political groups. This case-study analysis of generalized social trust and political trust among social and political groups shows the trust that is not only generated within each group, but also which types of groups are more effective at developing citizens that participate in society. Using a researcher-designed survey instrument, two social groups and two political groups have been evaluated and compared to demonstrate members' propensity to trust others in society and those in political office at all levels of government. Sample size is 115 respondents. Among other demographic data analyzed and compared to a larger population data set in the World Values Survey, six hypotheses have been tested. Typical analysis shows demographic data or group membership as the independent variable with trust values acting as the dependent variable. Graphic and cross-tabular data show that social groups recorded higher levels of political trust than political groups. This is probably due to the ideological leanings of the political groups. Political groups showed higher levels of generalized social trust than social groups. Political group members probably feel that their actions are benefiting the greater good. Additionally, participation variables showed that not only are political group members more interested in politics than social group members, but they also have higher levels of registering to vote and to participate in the voting process. They are probably seeking to make significant change in the political system through their actions. The research conducted does not seek to provide a comprehensive analysis of trust among members of social and political groups. However, it is intended to promote the analysis of trust among people in society that have a predisposition to trust as they have shown through the act of participating in a social or political group. As foci for the development of trust, analysis of social and political groups provides a shortcut for scholars interested in the development and proliferation of trust in society. This research provides analysis of four case-study groups at one point in time. Further research using larger sample sizes and time-series analysis could advance trust analysis among social and political groups.

Natural disasters are social and political phenomena. Social structures create vulnerability to natural hazards and governments are often seen as responsible for the effects of disasters. Do social trust, political trust, and government satisfaction therefore generally change following natural disasters? How can media coverage explain change in political attitudes? Prior research suggests that these variables are prone to change, but previous studies often focus on single cases, whereas this dissertation adopts a broader approach, examining multiple disasters. It investigates the social and political impact of natural disasters by examining their effect on social and political attitudes and by exploring media coverage as a mechanism underlying political consequences. The results reveal that natural disasters may have a comparatively frequent, although small and temporary, effect on social trust. Substantial effects are less likely. Social trust was found to decrease significantly when disasters cause nine or more fatalities (Paper I). Political attitudes were expected to be prone to change after natural disasters, but Paper II illustrates that political trust and government satisfaction among citizens are generally hardly affected by these events. Finally, media framing and the political claims of actors explained the variation in political consequences after disasters of similar severity. Paper III also illustrates the importance of the political context of natural disasters, as their occurrence can be strategically exploited by actors to further criticism towards the government in politically tense situations. This dissertation contributes to existing disaster research by investigating more cases than disaster studies typically do. It also uses a systematic case selection process, and a quantitative approach with a, for disaster research, unique research design. Hence, it offers methodological nuance to existing studies. A broader analysis, factoring in the variation of disaster severity and the increased number of cases offers new answers and tests assumptions about underlying patterns. The main contribution of this thesis is that it examines how common political and social effects of disasters are. Furthermore, this dissertation contributes to existing disasters research by emphasizing contextual and explanatory factors, e.g., properties of disasters and the political context that affects the media coverage of natural disasters.

This study investigated the perceptions of election stakeholders with regard to the management of the 2011 electoral processes in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The involvement of civil society organizations, electoral experts and academia, including party agents as domestic observers and stakeholders in Congolese electoral processes, is crucial as they help electoral and participatory democracy to take root in the DRC. This study was underpinned by political trust, political support and neopatrimonial theories. Furthermore, a mixed methods research design was used in order to understand the perceptions of stakeholders on the management of the 2011 electoral processes in the DRC. The findings of the study showed that stakeholders‟ perceptions on the management of the 2011 electoral processes in the DRC were driven by both internal and external factors pertaining to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) that have the potential to affect the electoral processes as well as the level of trust in the INEC and other institutions involved in the electoral processes. / Political Sciences / M.A. (Politics)