<p>Chico Buarque de Hollanda, um dos mais influentes representantes da música popular brasileira durante a sua carreira de mais que quarenta anos, muitas vezes foi chamado de ”cantor de protesto”. Foi ou não foi? Em 1968, com a letra de Roda-viva (e a peça, onde a música foi incluído) Chico tornou-se mais crítico com a ditadura militar e a situação no Brasil, mas já houve sugestões de crítica nas suas letras antes? Analisando algumas letras típicos dos primeiros anos da sua carreira, este trabalho tentará mostrar que a obra inicial do Chico Buarque não foi conscientemente política.</p>

Contents: Introduction; The Smell of Revolution and Popcorn; Filling the Gaps: Historical Context; Brazilian Cinema in the Age of Neoliberalism and Political Discourse of the New Brazilian Left; US Films and the Iraq War: This isn’t my America; Epilogue

Les mouvements nationalistes flamands et québécois divergent en concernant leur structure; par exemple le nationalisme flamand s'est développé comme un mouvement chrétien-démocrate, alors que le nationalisme québécois contemporain s’est galvanisé autour d'une idéologie laïque de gauche. Par ailleurs, il existe un contraste entre les poids sociodémographique, politique et économique portés par la région de Flandres en Belgique, et ceux portés dans la province du Québec au Canada. Cependant, malgré les influences divergentes structurelles et systémiques, les mouvements nationalistes flamand et québécois ont développé et maintenu des profils très similaires. Par exemple, les deux mouvements nationalistes se définissent par une distinction ethnolinguistique, les deux ont un discours nationaliste parallèle axé sur la nécessité de préserver et de protéger la langue et la culture de la communauté nationale, et les deux se concentrent sur l'obtention d'une redistribution des pouvoirs culturels et politiques. Dans ce mémoire, nous proposons que le profil nationaliste ressemblant du mouvement nationaliste flamand et québécois puisse être expliqué par le développement d'un « nationalisme ethnolinguistique de contestation », qui était initialement mis en place par les nationalistes flamands et québécois cherchant à corriger les effets d'une « division culturelle du travail ». Ce sentiment d’un nationalisme de contestation ethnolinguistique est instrumentalisé et perpétué par les nationalistes flamands et québécois en évoquant certains « souvenirs partagés », qui sont trouvés dans le récit historique de la communauté nationale. Ces souvenirs partagés, ainsi que leurs représentations symboliques, reflètent les sentiments de protestation, injustice et victimisation, qui sont vitaux pour les nationalistes flamands et québécois dans le maintien de leur expression parallèlement à un nationalisme de contestation ethnolinguistique en Flandres et au Québec. / The Flemish and Québécois nationalist movements diverge in terms of their structural nature; for example, Flemish nationalism developed as a Christian democratic movement, whereas contemporary Québécois nationalism was galvanized around a secular-leftist ideology. There is also a significant contrast in the socio-demographic, economic, and political realities of Flanders in Belgium compared to those of Québec in Canada. However, despite the differing influences on the Flemish and Québécois nationalist movements, they have developed and maintained very similar nationalist profiles. Both nationalist movements are defined by a sense of ethno-linguistic distinctness, both have a paralleling nationalist discourse focused on the need to preserve and protect the language and culture of the national community, and both have been focused on obtaining a redistribution of cultural and political power through constructing an alternative political structure from that of the federal state. This thesis proposes that the mirroring nationalist profiles of the Flemish and Québécois nationalist movements can be traced to the development of a similar type of ethno-linguistic nationalism of protest, which was initially established by nationalists wanting to rectify the effects of a linguistically based ‘cultural division of labour’. As a means of instrumentalizing and perpetuating this sense of ethno-linguistic nationalism of protest, both Flemish and Québécois nationalists have relied on evocating and shaping key ‘shared memories’ found within the historical narrative of the national community. These shared memories, as well as their symbolic representations, reflect sentiments of struggle, injustice, and victimization, and have been vital for Flemish and Québécois nationalists in maintaining their paralleling expressions of an ethno-linguistic nationalism of protest in Flanders and in Québec.

This thesis explores what Telford Taylor called the “ethos of Nuremberg” and how it shaped antiwar resistance during the Vietnam War in the United States. The Vietnam War was a monumental event in the twentieth century and the conflict provided lawyers, academics, activists, and soldiers the ability to question the legality of the war through the prism of the Nuremberg Principles, the various international treaties and U.S. Constitutional law. As many legal scholars and historians have lamented, the Cold War destroyed hopes for the solidification of an international court empowered to preside over questions of war crimes, crimes against humanity and crimes against peace. In the absence of cooperation among the international community, the antiwar movements in the United States and around the world during the Vietnam War utilized these legal instruments to form what I call a war crimes movement from below. A significant component of this challenge was the notion that individual citizens – draft noncooperators, military resisters, tax resisters, and the like – had a responsibility under the Nuremberg Principles to resist an illegal war. In the numerous United States military interventions after World War II, none had been challenged as openly and aggressively as the war in Vietnam. As this thesis will demonstrate, the ideas that crystallized into action at Nuremberg played a major role in this resistance.

This thesis presents a critique of counterhegemony, arguing that imperatives of unity and coherence in social movement theory and practice tend to limit potentials for transformation. I use the 'new social movement theory' of Alberto Melucci and Alain Touraine in order to foreground the problem of intelligibility. Laclau and Mouffe’s conception of articulation is used to develop the problem of intelligibility, and helps to avoid reification. However, I argue that their concept of counterhegemony presents a blackmail where social movements either represent themselves in universal terms, or are cast as merely fragmented and particular. The Deleuzo-Guattarian concepts molarization and molecularization are used to argue that social movements that appear fragmented or vague may in fact be transformative in unexpected ways. The final chapter focuses on a recent guerilla garden at the University of Victoria, and I argue that it is significant in its capacity to foreground problems and suspend commonsense habits, without presenting a coherent and unified programme.

L’objectif de cette étude est d’analyser l’inetto contemporain dans le roman italien, à savoir un personnage inapte, aboulique et velléitaire dont l’existence s’entremêle à la littérature italienne depuis désormais plus de cent ans. Notre hypothèse est que le sentiment de mal-être qui l’accompagne peut être lu comme une contestation de la société. Nous nous concentrons sur les dernières vingt années du XXe siècle qui voient une réactualisation de ce personnage né à la fin du XIXe siècle. La première partie trace une possible généalogie du personnage. C’est un détour nécessaire, l’inetto étant un personnage peu étudié et sa définition fluctuante. Partant du sentiment de crise qui affecte la littérature européenne au tournant du siècle, on esquisse un portrait du personnage inapte pour lequel l’œuvre de Svevo s’avère être déterminante. Par la suite, lors de la deuxième partie, nous nous focalisons sur les inetti des années quatre-vingt. Après un chapitre de mise en contexte, nous analysons : Vita standard di un venditore provvisorio di collant (Busi), Diario di un millennio che fugge (Lodoli), Per dove parte questo treno allegro (Veronesi), Casa di nessuno et Gli sguardi cattivi della gente (Piersanti). La troisième partie se focalise sur la décennie suivante ; après avoir tracé le panorama de l’Italie de l’époque, nous analysons quatre romans : Tutti giù per terra, (Culicchia) Eccesso di zelo et Denti (Starnone) et Di questa vita menzognera (Montesano).Cette recherche démontre la charge contestataire qui se cache en ce personnage dont l’incapacité et le déphasage dévoilent les incongruences et les hypocrisies de la société. En particulier l’inetto – qui est toujours un personnage masculin – s’avère être porteur d’un type de masculinité alternative à celle hégémonique. / This dissertation investigates the abulic, and weak character of the contemporary inetto, with the aim of showing how this figure’s feeling of unease and disquiet can be read as protest directed at modern-day society. The analysis focuses on novels published in the last two decades of the 20th century, the period in which the figure of inetto becomes a significant presence.The first part of this study reconstructs a possible genealogy of the character. The point of departure here is the general feeling of crisis, which permeated European Literature at the turn of the 20th century. With this broader literary context in mind and highlighting the decisive role of Svevo’s oeuvre, this part of the study delineates the traits of the character of inetto. The second part of the study is devoted to the inetti represented in the novels written in the 1980s. This part is composed of an introductory chapter providing contextualisation for the five novels analysed: Vita standard di un venditore provvisorio di collant (Busi), Diario di un millennio che fugge (Lodoli), Per dove parte questo treno allegro (Veronesi), Casa di nessuno et Gli sguardi cattivi della gente (Piersanti). The third part of the study starts with the depiction of Italian society in the 1990s, followed by the analysis of four selected novels: Tutti giù per terra, (Culicchia) Eccesso di zelo and Denti (Starnone) et Di questa vita menzognera (Montesano).The investigation shows how the presence of inetto can be read in the light of this character’s potential to counter hegemonic social models in an attempt to disclose the hypocritical and contradictory nature of contemporary society. More specifically, in this reading of inetto, this traditionally exclusively male character can be said to embody a new alternative mode of masculinity. / L’obiettivo della tesi è analizzare l’inetto contemporaneo, cioè un personaggio abulico, velleitario e debole. La nostra ipotesi è che il sentimento di malessere che lo accompagna possa essere letto come una contestazione della società a lui contemporanea. Ci concentreremo sugli ultimi vent’anni del Novecento, che presentano una ritualizzazione significativa di questo personaggio nato alla fine dell’Ottocento. La prima parte traccia una possibile genealogia del personaggio. Si tratta di un momento necessario visto che l’inetto è un personaggio poco studiato e difficile da definire, le cui caratteristiche non mettono d’accordo tutti. Partendo dal sentimento di crisi che caratterizza la letteratura europea tra Otto e Novecento, delineeremo un possibile ritratto dell’inetto, per il quale l’opera di Svevo sarà determinante.In seguito, nella seconda parte, ci focalizzeremo sugli inetti degli anni Ottanta. Dopo un capitolo di contestualizzazione, analizzeremo: Vita standard di un venditore provvisorio di collant (Busi), Diario di un millennio che fugge (Lodoli), Per dove parte questo treno allegro (Veronesi), Casa di nessuno et Gli sguardi cattivi della gente (Piersanti). La terza parte si concentra sul decennio seguente: dopo aver tracciato un panorama dell’Italia dell’epoca, analizzeremo quattro romanzi: Tutti giù per terra, (Culicchia) Eccesso di zelo et Denti (Starnone) et Di questa vita menzognera (Montesano).La nostra ricerca dimostra la capacità di contestazione che si nasconde nella scelta di un personaggio inetto, la cui sfasatura rispetto ai modelli considerati vincenti svela le ipocrisie e le incongruenze della società stessa. In particolare l’inetto – che è sempre un personaggio maschile – si fa portatore di un tipo di mascolinità alternativa a quella egemonica.

No description available.

This thesis examines the political activism of Hong Kong youths known as the Post-80s. In contrast to dominant discourse in Hong Kong claiming that these youths are driven by economic concerns, based on 18 months of fieldwork, I suggest that the Post-80s are instead striving to reimagine what politics means as a part of life in the postcolonial city. It is emphasised that youths are 'protesting' as an act of rejecting mainstream politics, and as a means to realise their desire for a different form of politics to emerge in the city. By bringing youth voices to the forefront, this thesis addresses two broad themes - why and how the Post-80s protest. The thesis first provides an overview of Hong Kong politics, arguing that youths express a deep sense of dissatisfaction towards the political culture in society dictated by financial interests, and towards the hierarchical structures within the political domains that stifle the public voice. The thesis then reviews how the Post-80s challenge these conditions by positing a form of alternative politics predicated on individualistic self-representation manifesting through the self, body, and space. I look at youth claims that becoming political is an 'individual choice', and the ways in which their strong sense of individuality interacts with/counteracts the limitations on their political participation imposed by familial ties and gender roles. I then explore Post-80s attempts to dispel bodily passivity in protests through the incorporation of performance art into their political actions to empower the individual activist, and analyse youth attempts to reconfigure urban space into political sites of individualistic experimentation. The conclusion reviews the impact Post-80s activism has had on the realpolitik of the city, noting the inherent contradictions within the political efforts of the Post-80s and their limited ability to inflict widespread structural changes in Hong Kong politics.

The censorship of popular music in South Africa during the 1980s severely affected South African musicians. The apartheid government was directly involved in centralized state censorship by means of the Directorate of Publications, while the South African Broadcasting Corporation exercised government censorship at the level of airplay. Others who assisted state censorship included religious and cultural interest groups. State censorship in turn put pressure on record companies, musicians and others to practice self-censorship. Many musicians who overtly sang about taboo topics or who used controversial language subsequently experienced censorship in different forms, including police harassment. Musicians were also subject to anti-apartheid forms of censorship,such as the United Nations endorsed cultural boycott. Not all instances of censorship were overtly political, but they were always framed by, and took place within, a repressive legal-political system. This thesis found that despite the state's attempt to maintain its hegemony, musicians sought ways of overcoming censorship practices. It is argued that the ensuing struggle cannot be conceived of in simple binary terms. The works of Antonio Gramsci, Michel Foucault and Pierre Bourdieu, in particular, are applied to the South African context in exploring the localized nuances of the cultural struggle over music censorship. It is argued that fragmented resistance to censorship arose out of the very censorship structures that attempted to silence musicians. Textual analysis brought to light that resistance took various forms including songs with provocative lyrics and titles, and more subtle means of bypassing censorship, including the use of symbolism, camouflaged lyrics, satire and crossover performance. Musicians were faced with the challenge of bypassing censors yet nevertheless conveying their message to an audience. The most successful cases negotiated censorial practices while getting an apparent message across to a wide audience. Broader forms of resistance were also explored, including opposition through live performance, counter-hegemonic information on record covers, resistance from exile, alignment with political organizations and legal challenges to state censorship. In addition, some record companies developed strategies of resistance to censorship. The many innovative practices outlined in this thesis demonstrate that even in the context of constraint, resistance is possible. Despite censorship, South African musicians were able to express themselves through approaching their music in an innovative way.

Submitted by Barbara Cavalcanti de Albuquerque Rust (barbaradealbuquerque@gmail.com ) on 2015-01-18T20:01:04Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao_BarbaraRust_20150106.pdf: 1271095 bytes, checksum: 4ba6fe396a3128bf28b4022c9a08adca (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by ÁUREA CORRÊA DA FONSECA CORRÊA DA FONSECA (aurea.fonseca@fgv.br) on 2015-01-19T12:42:05Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao_BarbaraRust_20150106.pdf: 1271095 bytes, checksum: 4ba6fe396a3128bf28b4022c9a08adca (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2015-01-30T12:29:49Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao_BarbaraRust_20150106.pdf: 1271095 bytes, checksum: 4ba6fe396a3128bf28b4022c9a08adca (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-01-30T12:30:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao_BarbaraRust_20150106.pdf: 1271095 bytes, checksum: 4ba6fe396a3128bf28b4022c9a08adca (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-12-04 / In the past few years, the World witnessed several protests taking place in countries ranging from traditionally developed democracies to developing nations under dictatorships. These social movements gained ground simultaneously to a global explosion in Information and Communication Technology (ICT) over these years, notably mobile phones and the Internet (ITU, 2013; CETIC, 2013), facilitating information diffusion and bypassing traditional media. While some studies argue that different nations contexts are the true responsible for protests, others consider both the context and ICT access as relevant. The research purpose is to identify explanatory variables for protest through a panel data approach, considering its technological, social and political aspects. For this goal, World Bank, ITU and World Economic Forum data were used on a sample of 124 countries. The research results points to the proportion of Internet users as positively influencing protest occurrence, and developed countries most prone to them / Nos últimos anos, o mundo vem assistindo a um maior número de mobilizações sociais, que ocorrem em todo o espectro de regimes de governo e níveis de desenvolvimento econômico: de países tradicionalmente democráticos e desenvolvidos, a países em desenvolvimento sob regimes autoritários. Tais mobilizações vêm ocorrendo simultaneamente a uma expansão acelerada das Tecnologias da Informação e Comunicação (TIC), mais notadamente o avanço da Internet e dos telefones celulares (ITU, 2014; CETIC, 2013), tornando mais rápido e fácil o acesso e difusão de informações sem o intermédio dos meios de comunicação de massa tradicionais; há os que defendem que o contexto de cada nação é o grande responsável por tais manifestações, enquanto outros citam a importância tanto das TIC quanto dos fatores contextuais como influenciadores. O objetivo desta pesquisa é identificar as variáveis explicativas da ocorrência de protestos, considerando aspectos tecnológicos, sociais e políticos, por meio da construção de modelos utilizando dados em painel. Para tal são utilizados dados do Banco Mundial, Fórum Econômico Mundial e ITU, desenvolvendo uma amostra de 124 países. O resultado desta análise revela que o percentual de usuários de Internet influencia positivamente a ocorrência de protestos e que países desenvolvidos possuem maior a chance de apresentarem manifestações.