我國政府採購法第85條第3項規定，針對招標申訴審議判斷指明機關違反法令時，廠商得請求償付其準備投標、異議，申訴之必要費用，該請求權係根據「政府採購協定」所定。但由於政府採購法及相關法規均未規定該條項所定之請求權之法律定性為何，以及何謂必要費用等，而本法主管機關亦不做解釋，加上備標費用證明不易，使法院見解只能趨於保守，並產生許多爭議。 目前國內探討本條項規定之文獻數量極少，相關判決亦不多，因此筆者認為，除了從我國學說及實務見解出發之外，本條項既根據政府採購協定而訂定，則其他協定締約國法院對相似案例之見解，應亦可供我國法院參考。因此本文選擇同為政府採購協定締約國，且政府採購金額於世界名列前茅的美國、歐盟，以及英國作為選擇比較研究之對象，並採取實務判決見解分析、文獻研究，以及比較研究之研究方法。 第一章為序論，說明本研究之動機、目的、範圍以及方法。第二、三、四、五章則分別討論我國、美國、歐盟，以及英國之公共採購相關法規，並分析各國司法實務審理參與政府採購之廠商主張採購機關違反採購法規致其未得標，而請求投標、備標及申訴異議等費用，甚至請求其他賠償時，所可能肯認之請求權基礎、應否賠償之判斷標準、應得賠償之範圍，以及得賠償金額之審酌標準，並於各章提出各國較具代表性之具體案例，以了解各判斷標準之實際操作。第六章則參酌各國實務見解及判決，與我國採購法相關法條及實務見解加以分析比較，以提出筆者認為值得參考的審查標準，並提出修法建議，以為本文結論。 筆者於研究後認為，在程序部份，應放寬政府採購法第75條可提起異議申訴之當事人適格認定，並將同法第85條第1項明定為：「審議判斷或法院確定判決指明原採購行為違反法令者，招標機關應另為適法之處置。」而使第3項所稱之「第一項情形」包含司法判決確定時。關於實體部份，筆者認為政府採購法第85條第3項所規定之請求權似乎可定義為行政法上債務關係之締約過失賠償請求權，而建議將此條項修改為：「第一項情形，廠商得向招標機關請求賠償其準備投標、異議及申訴所支出之合理費用。」以釐清此請求權應屬廣義之國家對人民之賠償，並將賠償範圍由「必要」改為「合理」，以免實務見解過度限縮。此外，筆者並認為，此請求權為違反已經存在之債務關係義務而生之責任，與國家賠償法之賠償係不法行為所生之侵權賠償責任性質應屬不同而可能併存。因此，廠商若因機關違法而受有其他損害，並符合國家賠償法所定之要件，似乎亦可循國家賠償法請求賠償。 / In accordance with Article 85.3 of the Government Procurement Act of Taiwan, an unsuccessful tenderer of public procurement is entitled to recover the “necessary” costs he has incurred in his bid/proposal preparation and protest/complaint process if he has challenged the procuring agency’s relevant decision in time and the decision has been declared to be in breach of statutes and regulations by the review authority, the Public Construction Commission. This article is legislated according to the principle laid down by the Government Procurement Agreement that stipulates challenge procedures reviewing procuring agency’s decision shall provide compensation for the loss or damage suffered by the complaining tenderer. However, there have been a lot of disputes concerning the legal status of the basis of action stipulated in this article and the exact extent of the compensable costs since they have never been defined clearly by any statute or explained by the authority. Along with the difficulties in proving the relevancy and “necessity” of the expenses and costs, these disputes have driven the Administrative Court to take a very restrictive view in deciding the recoverable costs which in many cases may not be appropriate remedies for the complaining tenderers. With very limited literature focusing on the disputes arising from this article and a very small number of judgments of such cases in Taiwan, I attempt to explore the opinions expressed not only by Taiwan’s court and scholars but also by the courts of the other countries that are also parties to the GPA and have similar articles in their statutory law in order to offer a comparative perspective that will help resolving the differences concerning the interpretation of this article. Besides Taiwan, I have chosen to examine the judicial review of such cases in the USA, the UK and the EU since their public procurement budgets are on the top list of the world and they are all members of the GPA. The first chapter states the purpose, the extent and the method of this study. The second, third, fourth and fifth chapters respectively discuss the main public procurement regulations and analyze the judicial review standards concerning the basis of actions, the possible remedies and the extent of damages allowed in Taiwan, the USA, the EU and the UK (including the judicial system of England, Wales and the North Ireland and the judicial system of Scotland). In the final chapter, I try to offer a comparative view and to suggest possible changes to the relevant statues and review standards in Taiwan. After completing the research, I suggest that a prospected bidder should also be recognized as an interested party that has standing in making claims against procuring authority for damages in order to ensure judicial review of important procuring decisions. Besides, Article 85.1 of the Government Procurement Act of Taiwan should be revised as “where a review decision or an unappealable court judgment specifies that the procuring entity is in breach of Acts and Regulations, the procuring entity shall proceed with a lawful alternative,” so that the protesting bidder will have the right for damages endowed by Article 85.3 of the same act if the procuring decision in question has been declared in breach of law only by the court but not by the Public Construction Commission. The right for compensation of tender preparation and protest costs stipulated by article 85.3 of the Government Procurement Act should be defined as a right arising from the procuring authority’s liability based on culpa in contrahendo in administrative law. Therefore, this article should be revised as “where the circumstance set forth in paragraph 1 occurs, the supplier may request the procuring entity to reimburse the reasonable expenses incurred by the supplier for the preparation of tender and the filing of protest and complaint.” Besides, just as the liability based on culpa in contrahendo is different from the liability arising from tort and the former does not substitute for the later, an unsuccessful tenderer’s claim for compensation based on Article 85.3 of the Government Procurement Act should not exclude his right in making other claims for other loss or damage according to the State Compensation Law.

This thesis answers the question how and why do individuals specialise in different types of political participation? By examining the degree to which individuals concentrate their political activities within one type of political participation, or spread them out across many. This thesis complements previous research on rates of political participation; and adapts and extends existing theories of political participation to explain differences in the degree of specialisation between different groups in society and between countries. Using data from the European Social Survey, covering as many as 21 European countries, and applying a range of different statistical methods, I distinguish four types of political participation: voting, conventional and unconventional political participation and consumer politics. I show that in countries with higher levels of socio-economic development, more democratic experience, and an increased presence of mobilising agents, the degree to which individuals concentrate their political activities within one type of political participation is higher, regardless of the accessibility and responsiveness of their political institutions. This is partly due to the fact that these countries have a higher educated population and that higher educated individuals specialise more. Specialisation also varies along the lines of other socio-demographic divisions, such as those based on gender. Moreover, I show that in contexts in which political issues are salient, such as during an election year, individuals are more likely to engage in non-electoral types of political participation if they also vote. This implies that specialisation is reduced during times of country-wide political mobilisation. The final finding of my thesis is that non-Western immigrants tend to concentrate their political activities less within one type of political participation than the majority population in Western Europe. Western immigrants specialise quite differently, suggesting differences in the way in which they are mobilised. As well as providing an important contribution to the study of political participation, these findings are relevant to discussions regarding citizen engagement and representation.

Les mouvements nationalistes flamands et québécois divergent en concernant leur structure; par exemple le nationalisme flamand s'est développé comme un mouvement chrétien-démocrate, alors que le nationalisme québécois contemporain s’est galvanisé autour d'une idéologie laïque de gauche. Par ailleurs, il existe un contraste entre les poids sociodémographique, politique et économique portés par la région de Flandres en Belgique, et ceux portés dans la province du Québec au Canada. Cependant, malgré les influences divergentes structurelles et systémiques, les mouvements nationalistes flamand et québécois ont développé et maintenu des profils très similaires. Par exemple, les deux mouvements nationalistes se définissent par une distinction ethnolinguistique, les deux ont un discours nationaliste parallèle axé sur la nécessité de préserver et de protéger la langue et la culture de la communauté nationale, et les deux se concentrent sur l'obtention d'une redistribution des pouvoirs culturels et politiques. Dans ce mémoire, nous proposons que le profil nationaliste ressemblant du mouvement nationaliste flamand et québécois puisse être expliqué par le développement d'un « nationalisme ethnolinguistique de contestation », qui était initialement mis en place par les nationalistes flamands et québécois cherchant à corriger les effets d'une « division culturelle du travail ». Ce sentiment d’un nationalisme de contestation ethnolinguistique est instrumentalisé et perpétué par les nationalistes flamands et québécois en évoquant certains « souvenirs partagés », qui sont trouvés dans le récit historique de la communauté nationale. Ces souvenirs partagés, ainsi que leurs représentations symboliques, reflètent les sentiments de protestation, injustice et victimisation, qui sont vitaux pour les nationalistes flamands et québécois dans le maintien de leur expression parallèlement à un nationalisme de contestation ethnolinguistique en Flandres et au Québec. / The Flemish and Québécois nationalist movements diverge in terms of their structural nature; for example, Flemish nationalism developed as a Christian democratic movement, whereas contemporary Québécois nationalism was galvanized around a secular-leftist ideology. There is also a significant contrast in the socio-demographic, economic, and political realities of Flanders in Belgium compared to those of Québec in Canada. However, despite the differing influences on the Flemish and Québécois nationalist movements, they have developed and maintained very similar nationalist profiles. Both nationalist movements are defined by a sense of ethno-linguistic distinctness, both have a paralleling nationalist discourse focused on the need to preserve and protect the language and culture of the national community, and both have been focused on obtaining a redistribution of cultural and political power through constructing an alternative political structure from that of the federal state. This thesis proposes that the mirroring nationalist profiles of the Flemish and Québécois nationalist movements can be traced to the development of a similar type of ethno-linguistic nationalism of protest, which was initially established by nationalists wanting to rectify the effects of a linguistically based ‘cultural division of labour’. As a means of instrumentalizing and perpetuating this sense of ethno-linguistic nationalism of protest, both Flemish and Québécois nationalists have relied on evocating and shaping key ‘shared memories’ found within the historical narrative of the national community. These shared memories, as well as their symbolic representations, reflect sentiments of struggle, injustice, and victimization, and have been vital for Flemish and Québécois nationalists in maintaining their paralleling expressions of an ethno-linguistic nationalism of protest in Flanders and in Québec.

No description available.

Pourquoi certains crimes d’État ou de masse sont-ils jugés au sortir d’un régime autoritaire ou d'une guerre civile, tandis que d'autres épisodes de violence voient leur traitement judiciaire en suspens ? Pourquoi passe-t-on parfois par des procédures ou institutions dites de « réconciliation » ? Ces dernières constituent-elles des formes de contournement de la justice ? La thèse tente de répondre à ces questions à l'aune d'un cas de violence survenu en 1984 en Indonésie. Tranchant avec un climat national souvent qualifié d'impunité des auteurs suspectés de violations graves passées, la « tragédie de Tanjung Priok » n'est pas restée sans suites. En 2003, cinq années après la démission de Suharto, quelque quinze militaires qui avaient été déployés sur les lieux lors du massacre furent jugés pour « crimes contre l'humanité » devant un tribunal national ad hoc des droits de l’homme. Or, une charte de « réconciliation », dite charte d'ishlah, se référant au droit islamique, signée avant le procès par les accusés et une partie des victimes, a déclenché une controverse et suscité l'embarras des acteurs institutionnels. Pour comprendre les enjeux de cette « réconciliation », ce travail fait dialoguer une revue comparative des mécanismes de justice transitionnelle à l'échelle internationale, avec un portrait de l'Indonésie en transition et une reconstitution historique des scènes-clés et polémiques ayant marqué l'ensemble d'une l'affaire qui s'étend sur plus de vingt ans. La thèse se démarque des descriptions surplombantes des lendemains de violence en insistant sur les dynamiques locales à l’œuvre sur une temporalité longue, à partir de sources variées (entretiens, tracts, procès, presse), depuis la contestation souterraine de la violence sous Suharto jusqu'aux années 2000. L'approche ici développée se distingue néanmoins des analyses centrées sur le déterminisme des structures pour mettre en lumière les effets de concaténation générés par la mondialisation des pratiques de justice transitionnelle. / Why are some state or mass crimes judged in courts after a civil war or the fall of an authoritarian regime, while other episodes of violence see their judicial treatment suspended ? Why do they sometimes go through so-called “reconciliation” procedures or institutions? Are these forms of circumvention of justice ? This thesis is an attempt to answer these questions in the light of a case of violence in 1984 in Indonesia. In full contrast with a national climate often referred to as impunity of suspected perpetrators of serious past violations since the transition, the “tragedy of Tanjung Priok” has not remained without judicial consequences after the fall of Suharto in 1998. In 2003, about fifteen soldiers who were deployed on the scene during the bloody events were charged and tried for “crimes against humanity” before a national ad hoc human rights court. However, a charter of “reconciliation”, called ishlah charter, referring to Islamic law, signed before the trial between suspected perpetrators and some of the victims sparked off a controversy and the embarrassment of institutional actors. To understand the stakes of this “reconciliation”, this work makes an extensive review of the evolutions of transitional justice mechanisms on an international scale dialogue with a portrait of Indonesia in transition and a historical reconstitution of the key scenes and the controversies that have arisen over the course of this whole affair, which extends over more than twenty years. Thus, this thesis departs from disembodied descriptions of post-violence in order to insist on local dynamics at work on a long temporality, this being based on manifold sources (interviews, tracts, trials, press), from underground contests of State violence during Suharto's era up to the 2000s. Yet, it should also be distinguished from analysis in terms of determinism of structures and, conversely, puts the stress on the concatenation effects generated by the globalization of practices of transitional justice.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:24:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Giane Alvares Ambrosio Alvares.pdf: 1179597 bytes, checksum: f4d37e0df5ae94cd603b72b28c776f58 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-07 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / In Brazil, although the right to protest is protected by the expressed rule of freedom of expression of the thought, of assembly and of association (5º article, items IV, XVI and XVIII of the 1988 Constitution), on some ocasions the states uses your punitive power against the protesters, wich are accused of common crimes and National Security Law crimes. Based on doctrinal and jurisprudencial analysis of the brazilian Democratic State components, on constitutional principles that limits and guides the use of the state punitive power, and also on the understanding that the right to protest is a fundamental right and the perception that the protesters are accused of commiting crimes just because they were part of a protest act, the goal of this scientific wok is to consider the relations e tensions between criminal proceedings, the right to protest and democracy. It is argued in this work that on the situation exposed the state punitive power was revealed as a censorship tool against the right to protest, blemishing constitutional principles of criminal proceedings and weakening the requirements of the Democratic State / No Brasil, não obstante o direito ao protesto estar protegido pela previsão expressa das liberdades de expressão do pensamento, de reunião e de associação (art. 5º, incisos IV, XVI e XVIII da Constituição da República de 1988), verifica-se ocasiões em que se dá a intervenção da atividade punitiva estatal contra participantes de manifestações, a quem são imputadas práticas de crimes comuns e de crimes constantes da Lei de Segurança Nacional. Com base na análise doutrinária e jurisprudencial dos elementos constitutivos do Estado Democrático de Direito brasileiro, nos princípios constitucionais que limitam e orientam a atuação do poder punitivo estatal e nos entendimentos que caracterizam o direito ao protesto como um direito fundamental e constata a realidade em que, em razão da participação em atos de protestos, indivíduos são acusados da prática de crimes, o objetivo do presente trabalho é o de refletir sobre as relações e tensões que se estabelecem entre processo penal, direito ao protesto e democracia. Sustenta-se que, nas ocasiões apontadas, a atividade punitiva estatal revelou-se como instrumento de censura contra o direito ao protesto, ferindo princípios constitucionais relativos ao processo penal e ocasionando a fragilização de pressupostos do Estado Democrático de Direito

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-04-24T12:29:26Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Matheus da Silva.pdf: 3407081 bytes, checksum: 71f2b1c2003155bdc6e43f36ec1bfbd9 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-24T12:29:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Matheus da Silva.pdf: 3407081 bytes, checksum: 71f2b1c2003155bdc6e43f36ec1bfbd9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-27 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The objective of this research is to understand the demonstration organized by a mass of unemployed people in Santo Amaro, São Paulo between April 4th and 6th, 1983. The protest was a direct, unorganized, heterogeneous, violent action from the point of view of tactics of struggle and based on causes considered legitimate, which contributed to the demonstration of the unemployed to demonstrate logic; in short , a movement against the military dictatorship. Although in 1983 there was a process of political openness and a serious economic crisis, there were several reactions in civil society and political power. In this way, we also tried to talk about the Civilian Police Dossier and the indictment of those accused of participating in the demonstrations, as well as the representations elaborated in the news “Folha de São Paulo and Estado de São Paulo”, analyzing all the sections and issues of April 1983. As for the representations, we note the predominance of inconvenient and unchanging arguments about protest, as well as associations of it with social disorder. So, we hope to understand the practices and experiences of struggle of a marginalized social group, the political significance of the action and the reason for the elaborated representations about the manifestation and its evidences / Esta dissertação tem como objetivo compreender a manifestação organizada por uma multidão de desempregados em Santo Amaro, zona sul da cidade de São Paulo entre os dias 04 e 06 de abril de 1983. Partindo da especificidade do protesto, constatamos que o mesmo se constituiu como uma ação direta, não organizada, heterogênea enquanto composição social, violenta do ponto de vista da tática de luta e fundamentada em causas consideradas legítimas, o que contribuiu para que o motim dos desempregados se constituísse como uma manifestação repleta de coerência e lógica; enfim, uma arma contra a ditadura militar. Embora em 1983 estivesse em curso um processo de abertura política – e de uma grave crise econômica, o motim despertou reações na sociedade civil e no poder público. Deste modo, também buscamos problematizar as representações do protesto elaboradas nos documentos policiais, a saber, o Dossiê sobre a manifestação elaborado pela Polícia Civil e os Autos de Inquérito dos acusados de participação nos saques e quebra-quebras, bem como as representações elaboradas nos jornais Folha de S. Paulo e O Estado de S. Paulo, analisando todas as seções e edições do mês de abril de 1983. A respeito das representações, constatamos nas fontes a predominância de argumentos desairosos e estereotipados sobre o protesto, assim como associações do mesmo com a desordem social. Em suma, esperamos compreender as práticas e experiências de luta de um grupo social marginalizado, o significado político da ação e o porquê das representações elaboradas sobre a manifestação nas evidências arroladas para esta dissertação

Submitted by Silvana Teresinha Dornelles Studzinski (sstudzinski) on 2015-03-24T20:00:35Z No. of bitstreams: 1 MariaMouraComunicacao.pdf: 2463422 bytes, checksum: 2229eefc7bfd3a7cd3456f54aa31eec4 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-24T20:00:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 MariaMouraComunicacao.pdf: 2463422 bytes, checksum: 2229eefc7bfd3a7cd3456f54aa31eec4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2001 / Nenhuma / A dissertação “Telejornal dos 500 Anos: Frames de Protesto e Violência” consiste em uma leitura de matérias televisivas relativas ao protesto e à violência presentes nas comemorações dos 500 Anos de Descobrimento do Brasil. O objetivo inicial era pesquisar acerca do gênero telejornal, mas, à medida que se aprofundou o tema, observou-se que somente os telejornais das duas datas, 22 e 26 de abril de 2000, relativas respectivamente ao Descobrimento e à Primeira Missa Rezada no Brasil, eram insuficientes para entender o que havia ocorrido naquele momento histórico e naqueles frames. Buscou-se o auxílio da mídia impressa, observando-se a intertextualidade das mídias. A leitura da mídia impressa e dos telejornais possibilitou uma reconstituição do processo histórico do que ocorria no momento de contestação às comemorações pelos 500 anos. Através das matérias dos telejornais, analisaram-se seus roteiros de edição e neles as vozes, os textos e as imagens, procurando mostrar o papel da linguagem cinematográfica no texto da TV. Num segundo momento, extraíram-se as imagens consideradas mais significativas em termos de protesto e violência e fez-se uma leitura a partir de conceitos da linguagem cinematográfica, que se destacavam na estrutura da narrativa. Os conceitos permitiram nortear a análise integradora da informação televisiva, resgatando seu sentido como um todo. / The master’s thesis “Telejornal dos 500 Anos: Frames de Protesto e Violência” (Television News Broadcast of the 500 years of Discovery: frames of protest and violence) consists of an study of frames and instances of protest and violence broadcast on television during the celebration of 500 years of Discovery of Brazil. The initial aim of this study was to work only with the television news broadcast genre, but the television news instances broadcast on April 22 and 26 - the Discovery and the First Mass in Brazil, respectively – were insufficient to understand what happened in those specific events of celebration. Therefore, itwas necessary to also examine the printed media and establish the intertextuality between these two genres. The reading of both the television and the printed media enabled the reconstruction of protest episodes during the celebration events. The television news articles were looked at from the point of view of the script , the editing and voices, the written text and its images with the intent of showing the role the cinematography language plays on the television text. On a second stage, just the most significant images of protest and violence were extracted and an analysis was made by means of the elements from cinematographic language which stood out the most in the narrative structure. The cinematographic language allowed a rather integrative analysis of television information in as much as it helped rescue its meaning as a whole.

Située au croisement de plusieurs disciplines – anthropologie, sociologie, histoire de l’art,études féministes et sur le genre – cette thèse s’intéresse aux oeuvres, aux pratiques, aux parcours et aux discours des femmes artistes maori néo-zélandaises s’inscrivant dans le champ de l’art contemporain et vivant en milieu urbain. Ces artistes sont à l’origine de revendications politiques et d’affirmations identitaires singulières du fait de leurs multiples appartenances : leurs productions recèlent des références simultanées à leurs histoires individuelles, à leur statut de membres d’une minorité autochtone et d’une tribu, à leur condition de femmes et de citoyennes au sein de la nation néo-zélandaise.L’analyse des données obtenues après avoir mené une enquête de terrain d’un an en Nouvelle-Zélande en 2012-2013, des recherches complémentaires sur Internet et des échanges avec les artistes au retour du terrain permet de montrer comment ces dernières s’inscrivent dans le mouvement actuel d’affirmation maori. En effet, suite à la colonisation britannique du XIX e siècle, les Maori luttent toujours pour affirmer leurs droits. Dans ce contexte, l’art est utilisé par certaines femmes comme un puissant moyen de contestation et de promotion d’un changement social visant à la reconnaissance du mana wahine (pouvoir, prestige féminin). Ce travail révèle également que la pratique artistique leur offre l’opportunité de réaffirmer les liens les unissant au monde maori tout en leur permettant d’accéder à une certaine autonomisation et émancipation. Elles développent des stratégies originales pour affirmer leur créativité sans transgresser des règles toujours importantes pour les Maori. / At the intersection of several disciplines – anthropology, sociology, art history, and feminist and gender studies, this thesis deals with the works, practices, careers and discourses of New Zealand Maori women artists active in the field of contemporary art and living in an urban environment. Due to their many forms of belonging, these artists are behind specific political demands and identity affirmations: their work contains simultaneous references to the individual histories, their status as members of an indigenous minority and a tribe, and their condition as women and citizens of the New Zealand nation. The analysis of the data obtained after a fieldwork investigation in New Zealand carried out over a year from 2012 to 2013, of complementary research on the Internet and exchanges with artists when back from the field makes it possible to show how these artists are part of today's Maori assertion movement. For since British colonization in the 19th century, the Maori have continued to assert their rights. In this context, some women use art as a powerful means of protest and of promoting social change aimed at the recognition of mana wahine (women's power or prestige). This work also reveals that their artistic practice affords them the opportunity to reassert the ties linking them to the Maori world while at the same time enabling them to attain a certain empowerment and emancipation. They develop original strategies for asserting their creativity without transgressing the rules which remain important for the Maori people.

Various researches across the world have established that graffiti writing is a universal social practice. The actual occurrence or manifestation of graffiti is however far from being universal cross-culturally. It varies based on a wide array of social variables. This research therefore set out to interrogate the occurrence of graffiti writing as a unique social practice in Zimbabwean urban areas. Three Zimbabwean urban areas (Harare, Chitungwiza and Gweru) were specifically sampled for the collection of graffiti inscriptions on various surfaces which included toilet walls, durawalls as well as road signs. Graffiti data collected from the various surfaces was complemented by reader feedback contributions from The Herald and Newsday. Focus group discussions provided a third tier of data aimed at establishing participants’ multiple reactions towards the practice of graffiti. Analysis of data was done based on three significant sections of participants’ attitudes towards graffiti, urban street protest graffiti as well as educational graffiti collected from various toilet surfaces in urban areas. Participants’ attitudes towards graffiti revealed varied reactions towards the practice of graffiti. The reactions were partly influenced by the participants’ ages as well as levels of education and maturity. Age and maturity proved to be predictors of the extent to which participants were willing to be pragmatic in so far as the appreciation of graffiti writing is concerned. Older and more experienced and mature participants were thus willing to look past the ‘deviant’ nature of graffiti writing to consider the various pressures that force writers to take to the wall. Urban street protest graffiti is a term coined in this research to capture the unique type of graffiti that is written on various surfaces along streets in urban areas. This highly textual graffiti is drastically different from the post-graffiti commonly found in Western urban cities and is aptly referred to as street art. Urban street protest mainly manifested itself in Zimbabwean urban areas in two main themes of protest inscriptions directed towards the operations of Zimbabwe’s electrical energy supplier (commonly referred to by its former name of the Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority - ZESA) as well as through political inscriptions. Political inscriptions expose a high degree of nuances that have not been hitherto discussed in literature on political graffiti inscriptions. The research analysed how graffiti writing can be employed for both pro-hegemonic and anti-hegemonic purposes. Inscriptions in high schools and tertiary institutions highlighted a differential construction of discourse on a gendered basis. Inscriptions in female toilets indicated a tendency of graffiti writers to perpetuate dominant educational, health, traditional and religious discourses which assert male dominance. The inscriptions show a major preoccupation with restricting or policing of female sexuality by fellow students mainly through the discursive usages of social corrective Shona labels such as hure (prostitute) and gaba ([big] tin). These are labels that are virtually absent in graffiti inscriptions in male toilets which is suggestive of a situation whereby female inscriptions are conservative. A consequence of such conservatism in inscriptions in female toilets is that no new sexualities are reconstructed and negotiated through discourses in discursive spaces provided by the inherently private nature of toilets in general. Thus, cultural and religious normative expectations are regarded as still weighing heavily on female high school writers in the construction and negotiation of sexuality and gendered behaviours, attitudes, norms and values through discourses constructed through graffiti. In contrast, male inscriptions highlight a major subversion of dominant discourses on abstinence and responsible sexual behaviours and attitudes. Corrective social labels such as ngochani (gay person) are mainly employed to pressure males into indulging and engaging in heterosexual behaviours. Discourses constructed through graffiti inscriptions in male toilets also demonstrate how sexuality is constructed through debate on the appropriateness of marginalised sexualities such as masturbation and homosexuality. / African Languages / D. Litt. et Phil. (African Languages)