The debate between the Power Resource Approach and the New Politics thesis has been ongoing for decades. The PRA claims that the labor movement continues to be the most prominent defender of the welfare state. The NP-thesis, on the other hand, claim that the welfare state in itself has created new interest groups, clients of specific welfare state programs, that have largely taken over as the most prominent welfare state upholder. In an attempt to empirically evaluate the usefulness of these two theories, quantitative data on protests against cuts in the sickness benefit program in Sweden during the years of 2006-2019 have been collected through investigating newspaper ma- terial. The results show that the protest engagement among client groups is greater than the engagement among the labor movement when looking at protests directed specifi- cally against cuts in the sickness benefit program. This result lends credibility to the NP- thesis while it questions the PRA. When including protest events directed against cuts in the sickness benefit program among other welfare retrenchment related grievances, the results show that the labor movement continues to be a prominent defender of the welfare state. Additionally, the PRA/NP literature is criticized for failing to acknowledge the possibility of protest coalitions between client groups and the labor movement or- ganizations. The results show that coalitions of protest exist, but more research is needed to conclude how coalition building relates to the theoretical debate regarding the welfare state upholders.

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This diploma thesis examines the image of Hong Kong's pro-democracy protests in 2019 in the Czech and Chinese media. The framing of these protests in selected media is compared using the method of quantitative content analysis, with the aim of revealing similarities and differences both between the individual Czech media in the context of the Czech public debate on China and between the Czech and Chinese media. The theoretical part of this thesis presents the concepts of media theory such as framing, agenda setting and social construction of reality and characterizes the specifics of given media systems. Furthermore, the work describes the previous findings of the protest paradigm, which are then employed in analytical part of this study. At the same time, the concept of soft power with Chinese characteristics and its specific manifestations in the efforts of the People's Republic of China to influence the Czech public debate on China is introduced. The methodological part then presents the research goal, research questions and hypotheses, defines the research sample and the research method used, including the characteristics of individual variables. The analytical part of the work presents the results of the research, which are then discussed in the framework of previous findings of the protest...

Resistance movements have become one of the most visible signs of advocating for social change, challenging an unjust system, and changing the status quo. This study aims to enhance our understanding of why some resistance movements choose a non-violent strategy, while others choose a violent one, by answering the research question: what explains the choice of violent or non-violent strategy in resistance movements? This thesis argues that when there is a presence of leaders or organisers, a movement becomes more cohesive, coordinated and able to provide protesters with an outlet for their emotions. In contrast, in the absence of a leader or organiser, a movement is expected to remain fragmented and the outbreak of violence being closer. Using the method of structured focused comparison, the hypothesis is tested on two protest movements in Tirana, Albania. Data was collected through interviews with protesters and archive research. The findings indicate that coordinated measures taken by leaders and organisers result in a cohesive resistance movement where there is a viable platform for protesters to phrase their grievances and claims for social change without resorting to violence.

Social inequality as a threat - Securitization with reference to Šluknovsko events Bc. Nelly Dederová Master's thesis Social inequality as a threat - Securitization with reference to Šluknovsko events deals with construction of so called "problem" of Šluknov region in connection to Šluknovsko events (two physical clashes in towns Nový Bor and Rumburk which happened in August 2011 and following series of protests, demonstrations and rallies which were lingering in Šluknov region towns until 2012), using theory of securitization made by Barry Buzan, Ole Wæver and Jaap de Wilde, who are representatives of Copenhagen school of security studies. The fact that participants of political and security discourse were referring to Šluknovsko events using securitization language (marking specific referent object as endangered, proposing exceptional measures and demanding their legitimized adoption) represents author's underlying premise.

The tradition of protest songs in the United States is a continuum, which began in colonial times with the British Broadside Ballads, was nurtured in the 19th century through the Negro spirituals, and throughout the 20th century by performers such as Joe Hill, Woody Guthrie, Pete Seeger, and Bob Dylan. Out of necessity, blacks developed strategies of veiled protests to a fine art during the 19th century. The perennial cause of the black protest was the status forced on them by white supremacists. The spirituals encouraged them to persevere in their efforts to free themselves from the shackles of slavery. Many of the spirituals were modified in the 1950s to accommodate the needs of the Civil Rights Movement. This appropriation of the Southern rural folk music tradition was the genesis of a phenomenon which has become known as the American folk music revival. The foremost figure of the movement was Woody Guthrie, the author of "This land is Your Land." Guthrie is cited as major influence on his disciple Bob Dylan, who was pronounced the folk messiah of the folk circles. This paper seeks to determine whether Dylan was, in contrast to his assertions, a topical songwriter writing about particular events or whether he was in fact an apolitical artist, whose personal insight and feelings simply happened to fit the...

Etwa 100 Personen besuchten am 4. April 2011 die Veranstaltung der GRÜNEN Landtagsfraktion zu den Nazidemos und den Gegenaktionen am 19. Februar 2011. Sie stand unter dem Titel 'Protest der Bürger unerwünscht?': denn obwohl sich neben der Menschenkette und den Mahnwachen ca. 20.000 Menschen an diesem Tag den Nazis aktiv entgegenstellten und den Naziaufmarsch undurchführbar machten, stand in den nächsten Tagen nicht dieser Erfolg, sondern gewalttätige Ausschreitungen von 'links' im Mittelpunkt der Berichterstattung. Tatsächlich prägte diese Gewalt aber keineswegs den Tag. Und auch das neue Ausmaß der Nazigewalt war kein Thema. Die Wahrnehmung vieler Demonstrierender von unverhältnismäßiger Polizeigewalt fand ebenfalls kaum ein Echo in den Medien.

El presente trabajo de investigación tiene como finalidad analizar el uso como herramienta política del perfil de Instagram “memoriaenaccioncix” y del canal de Telegram “Chiclayo marcha” que surgieron en la ciudad de Chiclayo en el contexto de las marchas realizadas en noviembre de 2020. Los peruanos se movilizaron convocando a marchas a través de las diferentes redes sociales que iniciaron en la ciudad de Lima, pero que se extendieron a las diferentes regiones del país. La defensa de la democracia motivó las marchas, debido al golpe de estado parlamentar en el Perú. Las redes sociales jugaron un papel fundamental en la organización, viralización y descentralización del movimiento social, debido a su público heterogéneo, pluricanalidad, organización horizontal e inmediatez, que lograron la propagación del movimiento en todo el territorio nacional. / This research paper aims to analyze the use as a political tool of the Instagram profile “memoriaenaccioncix” and the Telegram channel “Chiclayo march” that emerged in the city of Chiclayo in the context of the November 2020 protests. Peruvians mobilized by calling for protests through the different social networks that began in the city of Lima but spread to different regions of the country. The defence of democracy motivated the protests, due to the parliamentary coup d’état in Peru. Social networks played a fundamental role in the organization, viralization and decentralization of the social movement, due to their heterogeneous audience, multichannelity, horizontal organization and immediacy, which succeeded in spreading the movement throughout the national territory. / Trabajo de investigación

Digital Repression: Backlash or Deterrence of Dissent? is a quantitative analysis of the MENA region between the years 2000 and 2020. By distinguishing, theoretically as well as empirically, between nonphysical and physical aspects of state repression, this study aims to fill an identified research gap and contribute to the literature on the repression-dissent puzzle. To answer the research question; how does digital repression affect dissent?, this study uses digital repression as the independent variable and looks into whether this nonphysical form of state repression has a positive or negative effect on dissent, aggregating between violent and nonviolent forms of the dependent variable. In connection to logistic regression, the main finding is that digital repression seems to have a positive (backlash) effect on dissent, no matter the type of dissident tactic.

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