Este estudo tem como objetivo analisar Voz d´Angola clamando no deserto offerecida aos amigos da verdade pelos naturaes (1901), obra coletiva e anônima composta por onze artigos e publicada por filhos do país que viviam em Luanda e no interior próximo. Grupo de fronteira, produto dos encontros entre os Mbundu e os portugueses, os filhos do país atuaram como traficantes de escravos desde o século XVII, de quando datam os primeiro registros de sua presença na colônia. Após a proibição do tráfico, conseguiram colocações em postos intermediários e baixos da administração colonial por serem letrados, mas principalmente porque o governo português carecia de funcionários. A partir da década de 1880, pressionado pelas disputas territoriais na África com outros países europeus, Portugal passou a incentivar a ida de imigrantes portugueses para Angola, tendo como uma das consequências o gradual alijamento dos filhos do país dos cargos no governo. Nesta mesma época, surgiram os primeiros órgãos de imprensa dirigidos por filhos do país em Luanda, cujas páginas traziam protestos contra a sua situação, críticas ao governo e embates com os colonos portugueses. Em meio a este cenário de confronto, é publicada Voz d´Angola clamando no deserto, tida como expressão máxima dessa geração de filhos do país. Amparado em diversas fontes documentais e através da interpretação dos artigos que compõe a obra, este trabalho procura demonstrar como é feita uma dura crítica às situações de opressão a que os africanos eram submetidos devido à presença colonial portuguesa, trazendo avanços quando comparada a outras publicações dos filhos do país, mas também limitações de sua época. / This study´s purpose is to analyze Voz d´Angola clamando no deserto offerecida aos amigos da verdade pelos naturaes (1901), a collective and anonymous work composed of eleven articles published by the filhos do país who lived in Luanda and surrounding countryside. A frontier group, product of the encounter between the Mbundu and the Portuguese, the filhos do país had operated as slave traders since the seventeenth century, when we find the first registers of their presence in the colony. After the slave trafficking prohibition, they were able to find intermediate and low positions in colonial administration due to their literate education, but only because the Portuguese government was short on employees. Since the 1880´s, pressed by territorial disputes with other European countries in Africa, Portugal started to encourage Portuguese people to immigrate to Angola, and as a consequence, the filhos do país were gradually dismissed from positions in the government. By that same time, the first written press organs were established and directed by filhos do país in Luanda, and in their pages they wrote about protests against the situation, criticism toward the government and confrontations with Portuguese settlers. Amid this confrontation scenario the Voz d´Angola clamando no deserto is published, and is recognized as the strongest expression of the filhos do país generation. Supported by various document sources and through interpretation of the work´s articles, this study seeks to demonstrate how they exert harsh criticism to oppressive situations the Africans were submitted due to the Portuguese colonization, bringing up advances when compared to other publications of the filhos do país, but also bringing up the limitations of its time.

L’objet de ces recherches est d’étudier un moyen d’expression, de communication, de résistance, de mobilisation, de contestation, de revendication et d’affirmation identitaire, qui, dans une Algérie aux multiples facettes et aux diverses attaches où le substrat culturel est massivement investit par l’oralité, a constitué pour une grande partie de la population algérienne, durant les années 1990, un exutoire indispensable au maintient d’un équilibre individuel et collectif fortement compromis par un déferlement de violence sans précédent dans l’histoire de l’Algérie indépendante, une possibilité non négligeable d’affirmation de soi mais aussi et surtout une tribune d’où s’est élevé un discours populaire de substitution au discours dominant du pouvoir et celui dominateur des extrémistes religieux : la chanson. En effet, charriant les sentiments et les ressentiments d’une population prise en étau entre terrorisme et répression et dont la parole est exclue des circuits officiels, transgressant les interdits, réfutant l’uniformisation culturelle officiellement imposée en revendiquant une culture et une identité plurielles, les chansons algériennes des années 1990 se présentent comme un vecteur majeur de contestation et de diversité, un moyen de communication à part entière qu’il s’agit d’appréhender en le reliant à l’ensemble du système dont il participe. / The object of those researches is to study in a country where the cultural substratum is massively invested by the oral character, a way of expression, of communication, of resistance, of mobilization, of contestation, of claiming and affirmation of their identity, that was constituted by a great part of the Algerian population, an indispensable outlet to the maintenance of an individual and collective equilibrium strongly compromised, but also and mostly a non negligible possibility of self affirmation : the song. In deed, carrying feelings and resentments of a population taken between terrorism and repression and whose speech is excluded of the official circuits, denouncing the violence of the religious extremism like the abuses and the deficiencies of the power in place, transgressing the interdicts and the taboos, claiming a plural culture and identity, the Algerian songs of the 1990 are a vector of contestation and diversity, a real way of communication that we have to apprehend by linking it to the whole system of which it participates.

Cette thèse examine la politisation dans un régime autoritaire à travers l’étude de deux mouvements rock contestataires en Biélorussie. Le rock « national » s’est constitué en tant que mouvement artistique dans les années 1980 autour de la production de la musique contemporaine d’inspiration occidentale chantée en langue biélorusse et de la promotion d’une vision hétérodoxe de l’« identité nationale ». Le tournant autoritaire des années 1995-1996 a provoqué la repolitisation contestataire de ce mouvement artistique. Les acteurs du rock « national » continuent de revendiquer le statut « underground » tout en aspirant à la professionnalisation dans le cadre du système de production commercial. C’est aussi au milieu des années 1990 qu’un autre mouvement contestataire se constitue – le rock anarcho-punk DIY imprégné des conventions du modèle Do it yourself internationalisé. Ce mouvement proche des groupements anarchistes prône l’amateurisme, la production artistique restreinte et le radicalisme des prises de position. Sur l’exemple de ces deux mouvements artistiques, la thèse étudie les logiques de politisation et les modes de contestation. / Based on a study of two protest rock movements in Belarus, this thesis examines the phenomenon of politicisation in an authoritarian regime. The “national” rock emerged in the 1980s as a modern artistic movement inspired by Western music conventions. Singing in Belarusian, this scene aspired to promote a heterodox vision of “national identity”. The authoritarian turn in 1995-1996 provoked protest re-politicisation of this artistic movement. “National” rock musicians continued to claim the “underground” status, while aspiring to professionalisation and commercial production. Against the backdrop of the authoritarian change, another protest movement emerged in the mid-1990s. Following the internationalised Do-It-Yourself model, the DIY anarcho-punk is closely linked to anarchist groups and promotes amateurism, limited artistic production and radical political expression. Based on the example of the two artistic movements, this thesis studies the logics of politicisation and the modes of political protest.

Ce travail cherche à comprendre comment le cinéma d’animation en Tunisie, une pratique artistique « en marge », à la fois dans son monde de l’Art et dans la société dans laquelle elle est produite, puisse s’ériger en tant que vecteur de contestation dans un contexte autoritaire. Il s’agit de tracer l’histoire méconnue de cet art depuis sa genèse et sur toute la période étudiée (1965-1995). Une histoire qui se confond avec celle des changements sociopolitiques du pays sous les deux régimes autoritaires postindépendance. Nous entendons dégager la ou les forme(s) de contestation en interrogeant, d’une part le matériau filmique etd’autre part les sources orales, mémoires vivantes de cet art. Nous confrontons deux discours celui du régime (du centre) et celui de l’art (la périphérie) afin de révéler le mécanisme de formulation du propos contestataire dans le cinéma d’animation tunisien. / This work seeks to understand how animation in Tunisia – an artistic activity on the fringes, both in the art world and in the society in which it is produced - became a vehicle for political protest within an authoritarian context. It recounts the hitherto untold history of this art form together with the socio-political changes under the two post-independence authoritarian regimes. We intend to reveal the form(s) of protest by examining, on the one hand, the cinematic material and, on the other, live testimonials, first-hand memories of the art form. We confront two different types of rhetoric, that of the regime (core values) and the art of animation(marginal culture) to reveal the mechanisms used to formulate the protest statements in Tunisian animation.

M.A. / This dissertation investigates the work of black women poets in South Africa during the period 1970 - 1991, within the context of race and gender politics. The period 1970 - 1991 represents the approximately two decades in which black poetry became recognised as an important development in South African literary studies. Although several studies of the work of black male poets have been written, hitherto no substantial study of the writings of black women poets, in particular, has been undertaken. Although relatively few black women poets published their work during this era, when compared to their male counterparts, this critical survey will attempt to give a broad overview of the poetry black women produced. Focusing on poetry written in English, this dissertation will argue that the majority of black women poets writing during this period harnessed their writing to the anti-Apartheid or liberation struggle in South Africa. Many of these poets regarded their writing as a 'cultural weapon' which could contribute to political transformation, and although few regarded themselves as 'feminist' poets, their poetry reveals a deep concern with gender oppression as well as racial and class oppression. Chapter one, the introduction, focuses on the way in which black South African women poets have been largely ignored, neglected and 'silenced' by the majority of critics. This chapter will also consider some of the factors that may have prevented more black women from producing and publishing poetry: social factors such as education, literacy and access to publication will be explored. The second chapter explores the emergence of South African 'protest poetry', and focuses on the poetry of Jennifer Davids and Gladys Thomas in relation to the 'protest' tradition. It will be argued that while poet Gladys Thomas defined her writing in terms of 'protest' literature, Jennifer Davids produced a more introspective, personal poetry that was primarily concerned with the difficulties of 'finding an individual voice' in the South African environment. The third chapter focuses on the more intensified phase of 'protest poetry' which was produced after 1976 by the growing culture of literary activism in the black townships, and will show how women poets write of the suffering specific to township women. This chapter will also focus on an analysis of gender oppression within the poets' own homes and communities, as well as celebrations of political activities by women. In particular, this chapter concentrates on women's poetry published in the literary magazine, Staffrider, established to promote the work of black writers. The Trade Union Movement was a major influence on literary production during this time, as we shall see from the 'worker poetry' produced by many women in the 1980s. Chapter four will concentrate on the poetry produced by black South African women in exile, most of whom were active in the ANC. It will be argued that rather than producing introspective poetry about the condition of exile, these women harnessed their writing to `the struggle'. This poetry can broadly be defined as 'resistance' or 'liberation' poetry. Some of these poets also explore the issue of gender in relation to liberation politics.

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Please read the abstract in the section 00front of this document / Dissertation (MMus)--University of Pretoria, 2010. / Music / unrestricted

Property taxes serve as a vital revenue source for local governments. The revenues derived from the property tax function as the primary funding source for a variety of critical local public service systems. Property tax appeal systems serve as quasi-administrative-judicial mechanisms intended to assure the public that property tax assessments are correct, fair, and equitable. Despite these important functions, there is a paucity of empirical research related to property tax appeal systems. This study contributes to property tax literature by identifying who participates in the property tax appeal process and examining their motivations for participation. In addition, the study sought to determine whether patterns of use and success in appeal systems affected the distribution of the tax burden. Data were collected by means of a survey distributed to single-family property owners from two Florida counties. In addition, state and county documents were analyzed to determine appeal patterns and examine the impact on assessment uniformity, over a three-year period. The survey data provided contextual evidence that single-family property owners are not as troubled by property taxes as they are by the conduct of local government officials. The analyses of the decision to appeal indicated that more expensive properties and properties excluded from initial uniformity analyses were more likely to be appealed, while properties with homestead exemptions were less likely to be appealed. The value change analyses indicated that appeals are clustered in certain geographical areas; however, these areas do not always experience a greater percentage of the value changes. Interestingly, professional representation did not increase the probability of obtaining a reduction in value. Other relationships between the variables were discovered, but often with weak predictive ability. Findings from the assessment uniformity analyses were also interesting. The results indicated that the appeals mechanisms in both counties improved assessment uniformity. On average, appealed properties exhibited greater horizontal and vertical inequities, as compared to non-appealed properties, prior to the appeals process. After, the appeal process was completed; the indicators of horizontal and vertical equity were largely improved. However, there were some indications of regressivity in the final year of the study.

Since Greta Thunberg started her environmental school strike in August 2018 she has become a world famous activist and has been portrayed in news media everywhere. The aim of this bachelor study has been to examine how Greta Thunberg has been portrayed in the Swedish news media through examining two daily press newspapers and two evening press newspapers. This resulted in analyzing articles in Aftonbladet, Expressen, Dagens Nyheter and Svenska Dagbladet. By using a qualitative and a quantitative content analysis we investigated three different events connected to Greta Thunberg through published articles. During 2018 the event that started her journey, which is the school strike, was selected as one of these happenings. During 2019 we chose her UN- speech in New York, and for the last event her speech at the World Economic Forum's Annual Meeting in Davos was chosen. By choosing these specific events we could build a perception of what the media's portrayal of Greta Thunberg has been like during these three years. Therefore this study also aimed to answer the following research questions: - How has Greta Thunberg been portrayed in the daily press and the evening press? - Has the portrayal of Greta Thunberg changed over time? In this study we used the Framing Theory and also the protest paradigms as guidelines and we also applied von Zabern & Tulloch (2020) and Bergmann & Ossewaardes (2020) different frames. This study then led to an identification of a new framing of Greta Thunberg which we named “Speaking without speaking”, mostly consisting of what politicians and celebrities are saying about Greta Thunberg in the press. We also found that by examining these specific events that Greta Thunberg has been portrayed in different ways. Therefore we could also conclude that the framings and portrayals of Greta Thunberg changed throughout time. This means that she went from being portrayed as a young girl skipping school for the climate, to a world famous environmental activist and finally becoming a trustworthy leader. Therefore our study shows that Greta Thunberg was being undermined due to her young age in the ibeginning, but as her status grew the media changed their portrayal of her into the role model that she has become today.