<p>Uppsatsens syfte är att undersöka hur elever ser på elevinflytande i praktiken, dvs. var de uppfattar att elevinflytande kommer till uttryck, vilka som agerar i dessa sammanhang, vilka frågor elevinflytandet gäller samt vad elever gör då de upplever att de inte får gehör för sitt inflytandebehov. Dessutom är syftet, mot bakgrund av ovanstående, att utröna om alla elever kan påverka sin skolvardag i samma utsträckning. Uppsatsen bygger på intervjuer med sju kvinnor och sju män, alla elever på tre olika gymnasieskolor.</p><p>Det är framförallt i ett forum, närmare bestämt den elevorganiserade deltagardemokratin i skolornas korridorer, korridorkulturen, som eleverna är aktiva vad gäller elevinflytandearbete. Där sker diskussioner gällande elevinflytande, planering av agerande, liksom agerande i elevgenererade inflytandefrågor såsom veckoschema och examinationssätt. Andra fora där elevinflytande utövas är de personalorganiserade deltagardemokratiska kurssamråden samt klassråden. Kurssamråden utgörs av samråd mellan lärare och elever vad gäller lektionernas innehåll, arbetssätt samt examinationssätt. Klassråden ger elevinflytande i frågor gällande provschema och den fysiska arbetsmiljön. Den dialogpartner som i de allra flesta fallen nämns är läraren. Rektor och övrig personal upplevs som mycket avlägsna i elevinflytandesammanhang. Detta gäller dock inte för de elever som är representanter i personalorganiserat representativt råd. Dessa upplever tvärtom att de har ett reellt inflytande.</p>

Centrée sur le contexte des « longues années 68 », la thèse porte sur les raisons et le déroulement de la protestation juvénile entre les Etats-Unis et l’Europe, à partir du début des années Soixante jusqu’à la moitié de la décennie suivante. Il s’agit d’une période durant laquelle les pays développés connaissent une transformation sans pareil, marquée par l’élargissement de la société de consommation de masse et par le progrès frappant dans le domaine de la communication. La recherche vise surtout à éclairer deux questions principales : définir le rôle joué par la contre-culture dans la vague révolutionnaire et encadrer la dimension internationale du mouvement. Ce travail est donc divisé en deux parties : la première aborde les causes et l’esprit de la contre-culture à partir de ses racines américaines, tandis que la deuxième partie sera centrée sur les agitations étudiantes dans les pays de référence. En ce qui concerne les acteurs de la mobilisation, la recherche porte sur trois sujets principaux : les groupes undergrounds, le mouvement étudiant international et la révolte italienne de Soixante-dix-sept. Il s’agit de trois sujets qui représentent trois phases distinctes dans la chronologie du « cycle de protestation », un cycle qui se déroule dans un récit déchiqueté où on assiste à un changement continu de paradigme. Malgré cette inconstance fondamentale, il subsiste des mots d’ordre qui occupent une place privilégiée dans la mentalité des activistes : anti-autoritarisme, égalitarisme, répression, droit, révolution restent les nœuds théoriques les plus significatifs de la contestation dans le milieu juvénile, étudiant et également ouvrier. / Centred on the political and cultural context of the “long Sixties”, this work examines the reasons and the dynamics of social movements between USA and Europe, focusing on the period from 1960 to the mid-1970s. It was a period of great transformations where the affluent societies witnessed an explosive growth both in social field and in technological domain. This thesis aims above all to understand two main issues: the role counterculture played in the war protest and civil rights movement and the international dimension of this phenomenon. Thus, this research is divided into two parts: the first section concerns with the underground movement beginning with its American roots while the second part is dedicated to the student movement thought an international perspective. Concerning the social actors involved in the mobilisation, this work is focused on three main subjects: the counterculture groups, the several student movements and the militants of Italian 1977 revolt. It means to analyse three different moments in the “protestation cycle” of long Sixties that remains a tumultuous period of paradigm shifts. In spite of this instability, it is possible to indicate some keywords that characterise the spirit of the age: anti-authoritarianism, egalitarianism, repression, rights, and above all, revolution remain the more significant theoretical questions on which this work revolves.

Ce travail constitue une réflexion sur la chanson contestataire contemporaine aux États-Unis à travers les chansons et l’engagement politique et social de Bruce Springsteen. Nous défendons la thèse que Springsteen renouvelle le genre de la protest song en s’adaptant à l’époque contemporaine. Pour ce faire, le chanteur adopte quatre stratégies artistiques. Elles consistent à chanter sur les gens ordinaires et leur quotidien, aborder le désenchantement et le désespoir des plus exclus, composer des chansons qui remplissent une fonction cathartique en ayant recours à l’imitation et enfin à militer dans la sphère politique et sociale en soutenant des candidats lors des élections présidentielles américaines tout en offrant des dons aux organisations caritatives qui aident les plus démunis. La thèse démontre que Springsteen arrive à se hisser au sommet du classement des meilleures ventes aux États-Unis et à travers le monde grâce à ces stratégies. Elles lui ont permis de mobiliser un public et d’avoir des millions de fans. Nous proposons d’appeler les chansons engagées de Springsteen des chansons méditatives (reflective songs). La chanson méditative de Springsteen est, sans doute, l’outil culturel de contestation le plus adapté à l’époque contemporaine où il est difficile pour un artiste engagé de protester efficacement du fait de la marchandisation de l’acte même de sa contestation. Il se peut que la reflective song de Bruce Springsteen ne change pas le monde, mais elle peut en revanche permettre aux gens de croire en un monde meilleur et donc de les dissuader de se révolter. / This work is a study of contemporary protest song in the USA through the songs and social and political activism of Bruce Springsteen. It contends that Springsteen has been able to reexamine American protest songs and frame a new genre under the umbrella of rock music by adapting his music to the social and political context of contemporary America. The thesis that I defend shows that the reason behind the commercial success of Springsteen can be explained by the fact that he has adopted several artistic strategies which have brought him an audience composed of dedicated fans who admire him. I argue that Springsteen adopts four main strategies: firstly, singing about ordinary people and reporting their daily hardships; secondly, composing somber songs that deal with the despair of blue collars and marginalized Americans; thirdly, adopting mimesis (imitation) which has a cathartic effect on Springsteen’s audience; and finally, getting involved in social and political activism. The thesis contends that Springsteen is among the top selling rock singers in the USA and several other countries thanks to these four strategies. Springsteen has reinvented protest song as a genre and has become a reference in a world where everything is co-opted including the very act of rebellion. I, therefore, suggest a new term, reflective songs, to describe the songs of Bruce Springsteen when they reflect on the condition of the socially excluded instead of protesting pointlessly. Springsteen’s reflective song is undoubtedly the most relevant artistic medium to shed light on the most deprived people of contemporary America. Perhaps, the reflective song of Bruce Springsteen will not change the world, but at least it gives people a reason to hope for a better future.

Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka om Storbritanniens utträde ur den Europeiska Unionen (Brexit) har förändrat inställningen till EU:s försvars- och säkerhetspolitik i den nuvarande regeringen (2014-2018) och i allianspartierna. Uppsatsen berör EU:s försvars- och säkerhetspolitik mellan 2014 till 2018 uppdelat i två perioder: oktober 2014 till juni 2016 samt juni 2016 till mars 2018. För att analysera om en förändring skett har Albert O. Hirschmans teoretiska koncept sorti, protest och lojalitet applicerats på det insamlade materialet. Det insamlade materialet bygger på en omfattande genomgång av propositioner, motioner, utrikesdeklarationer, skrivelser, fakta- promemorior, debattartiklar, tal samt övriga säkerhetspolitiska dokument kopplat till EU:s gemensamma försvars- och säkerhetspolitik. Som ytterligare komplement till detta material har två intervjuer med riksdagsledamöter från Socialdemokraterna och Moderaterna genomförts. Resultatet indikerar en tydligare svensk EU-lojalitet efter Brexit-omröstningen, där partierna mer explicit välkomnat den försvars- och säkerhetspolitiska utvecklingen inom EU. Resultatet visar att regeringen särskilt betonar sammanhållning efter Brexit-omröstningen, vilket tydligt märks i och med att regeringen framhäver det som ett nationellt intresse i den svenska säkerhetsstrategin från 2017. Från allianspartierna har särskilt Moderaterna stuckit ut, där både textmaterialet och intervjun visade en förändrad och mer positiv inställning till EU:s försvars- och säkerhetspolitik. Slutsatsen efter Brexit kan sammanfattas av att partierna tydligare betonar sammanhållning inom EU, är mer öppna för utökat samarbete inom EU:s försvars- och säkerhetspolitik samt är mer positiva till den samtida utvecklingen inom detta politikområde.

This thesis is a critical examination of the poetry of S. M. Bums-Ncamashe. In his poetry Bums-Ncamashe handles poems of different categories; namely praise poetry, elegiac poetry, didactic poetry and protest poetry. He also employs a number of devices that determine amongst others, the form and imagery of his poetry. They are also used to add clarity to the meaning of his poetry. All this is discussed in the chapters numerated below: Chapter one outlines the basic guidelines to be followed in this study. It presents the aim of the study, scope of the work and method of research. A definition of the concept poetry is also provided in this chapter. The biography of Bums-Ncamashe and the influence of his background on his poetry are also part of this first chapter. Chapter two discusses the characteristics of Bums-N camashe' s praise poetry and the functions this poetry fulfils. Chapter three is a discussion ofBums-Ncamashe's elegiac, didactic and protest poetry. Chapter four discusses the devices that determine the form ofBums-Ncamashe's poetry. These include repetition, contrast, compounding, ideophones, and interjectives. Chapter five concentrates on imagery and other aspects of Bums-Ncamashe's poetry. Imagery is discussed from the viewpoint of simile, metaphor, personification and symbolism. Also included in this chapter is euphemism, hyperbole, idiomatic expressions, humour, satire and adaptation. Chapter six is a concluding chapter in which some findings and recommendations from the entire study are reflected upon. / African Languages / D.Litt. et Phil. (African Languages)

Submitted by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná (dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-05-06T14:46:38Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TESE de Cleide Magali dos Santos.pdf: 4558894 bytes, checksum: b843633dd38586742d3f139018981ccc (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná (dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-05-11T13:32:40Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 TESE de Cleide Magali dos Santos.pdf: 4558894 bytes, checksum: b843633dd38586742d3f139018981ccc (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-05-11T13:32:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TESE de Cleide Magali dos Santos.pdf: 4558894 bytes, checksum: b843633dd38586742d3f139018981ccc (MD5) / Este trabalho trata da segurança pública no estado democrático de direito brasileiro, os estudos se concentram nos sentidos e significados que compõem as ações de manutenção da ordem pública nos momentos de protestos em espaços públicos. Em um recorte histórico mais detalhado, centra-se nos protestos protagonizados por jovens nos dez primeiros anos do século XXI, nas ruas de Salvador-Bahia. A tese defendida é que a repressão de ações coletivas de protestos por parte da policia militar não pode ser explicada exclusivamente pelo passado ditatorial (ainda com impactos na atuação das forças de segurança pública no país) como expressão de uma política de controle social, mas também como expressão de uma noção de ordem (e desordem) decorrente de julgamentos ideológicos pautados em estereótipos e preconceitos sobre a conduta (in)desejada de determinados indivíduos - julgamentos estes, constituídos pelo intercruzamento de variáveis relacionadas aos valores quanto às questões raciais/étnicas, geracionais, de classe e gênero. Valores socioculturais também expressos quando do uso do poder discricionário do policial para definição de quem, quando e como se provoca a des(ordem), na margem deixada pela Constituição Brasileira. Aqui, não se trata de desonerar (ou desculpabilizar) a estrutura ou uma instituição nela inserida para onerar indivíduos por “atos mal feitos”, antes, a questão é alcançar as variáveis e seus intercruzamentos nos momentos de ações e assim contribuir para reflexão sobre uso e abuso da força, ampliando a compreensão do fenômeno. Assim, a investigação enfrenta uma permanente tensão entre estrutura e situação, entre explicação de ordem estrutural e explicação de ordem situacional - de um lado, está o campo da segurança pública que expressa a própria estrutura com uma dinâmica mais resistente às mudanças sociais e, por outro lado, está o campo dos movimentos sociais, que expressa na maioria das vezes o questionamento das estruturas e organizações sociais e por isso são inovadores, indicadores de mudanças sociais e pulsadores da sociedade. Como tema que ainda carece de um campo próprio constituído, tomam-se como fluídas as fronteiras das disciplinais (ciência política, sociologia, antropologia, história, direito) e recorre-se às teorias e teóricos agregados em quatro grandes grupos não unanimes nas abordagens e visões, mas que orientaram a investigação, a saber: teorização sobre estado democrático de direito; teorização sobre o sistema cidadão de segurança pública no estado democrático de direito; teorização sobre a criminalização das ações coletivas de protestos em espaços públicos no estado democrático de direito e, por fim, a teorização sobre os ciclos de protestos. A pesquisa empírica adotou a abordagem metodológica qualitativa, analisando representações sociais, cujo acesso se deu através da captura de discursos oficiais apreendidos via documentos; discursos mediáticos e discursos dos próprios agentes policiais militares. This paper discusses public security of the democratic state in Brazil. Our studies focus on the senses and meanings of actions for the maintenance of law and order during protests in public spaces. At a certain historic moment, it focuses on the protests led by young people in the first years of the 21st century on the streets of Salvador-Bahia. We argue that the suppression of protests by the military police cannot be explained only by the dictatorial past (it still presents impacts on the actions of the public security of our country) as expression of a policy of social control, but also as expression of a notion of order (or disorder) that results from ideological judgments based on stereotypes and prejudices about (not) desired conduct of some individuals – judgments that are based on the mixing of variables related to values of racial/ethnic, generational, class and gender. Sociocultural values are also expressed by the use of arbitrary power by the police for definition of who, when and how to provoke (dis)order, according to the margin left by the Brazilian Constitution. It is not a about exonerating (or excusing) the structure or an institution to be a burden on individuals for “bad behaviors”. The question is to achieve the variables and their interbreeding in times of action, contributing to the reflection on use and misuse of force in a way we can understand the phenomenon. Thus, the investigation faces a permanent tension between the structure and the situation, between the explanation of the structural order and the explanation of the situational order – on one hand there is the public security, which expresses its own structure according to a more resistant dynamics to social changes, and on the other hand there are the social movements, which usually expresses the questioning of structures and social organizations, and therefore they are innovative, indicators of social changes and motivators of society. Being a theme which needs a proper field, it is possible to see the shared borders among disciplines like political science, sociology, anthropology, history, law, and we use theories and authors from four large groups which do not share the same approaches and visions, but which are the base of our investigation: theorization of the democratic state; theorization of the citizen system of public security in the democratic state; theorization of criminalization of collective actions of protests in public spaces in the democratic state; and theorization of the protests cycles. Our empirical search is based on a qualitative methodology, and we analyze social representations through the capture of official discourses from documents, media discourses and military discourses.

In recent decades, the Swedish welfare system has been characterized by the increasing occurrence of market solutions. One example of this development is the introduction of voucher systems in the elderly care. With the purpose to contribute empirically based knowledge about elderly caretaker’s ability to act in a voucher system, interviews have been conducted with eleven relatives to someone who lives in a residential home. By further focusing on the unique features of the elderly care and putting these in relation to Albert O. Hirschman's concept of exit and voice, several conclusions have been made about the individuals strategies towards the voucher system. The study shows that the individuals relation to the voucher system is characterized by emotions and social relations witch complicates the ability to act rationally towards the market.  The unique character of the elderly care also means that the possibilities for exit (to change residential home when not content) are limited, as it implies a heavy burden for both relatives and caretakers to change residential home. Lack of information about what other options are available also limits the individuals ability to exit. The possibilities of voice (to protest and try to improve the quality of the care) are also limited to the individual as this is an option that takes a lot of energy and dedication. The study shows that protracted voice without improvement ultimately makes the individual give up his attempts to influence the quality of the care. The only option that remains when neither voice or exit is available is for the relative to personally take over the care of the caretaker.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-14T12:23:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 3900209 bytes, checksum: b1e2ed8dcb2d322a9cfab6ad1b784a8e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-10-20 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This Master Dissertation is linked to the Research Line: Regional History , of Post-Graduation Program in History of the Paraíba Federal University, which has Historical Culture and History as its Area of Concentration. Our research have as objective to analyze above all, the use of the political censorship on protest music during the called shot years of the military dictatorship in Brazil. With this intent we have focused mainly on the judgments elaborated by the censors themselves, between 1969 and 1974, during the censure practice, to justify the vetos on the protest songs, censureds for having political protests opposite the political regime in vigour, established in Brazil by the militaries with the stroke of 1964. Therefore, we have tried to demonstrate that, besides the moral censorship which held in the country during the military dictatorship and that had been applied since the mid 40 s, also during that military regime themselves, there was a political censorship on the Brazilian popular music, wich acted with more vigour during the shot years and mainly on the protest music, which directioned more its contestations for the political situation in Brazil at that moment. Besides, no refuse wich happened in that period themselves a moral censorship on the popular music made in Brazil. Though, we have tried to show too that there was, at certain moments, an interconnection between the political and moral motivations for the censorship of determinates songs. / Esta Dissertação de Mestrado está vinculada à Linha de Pesquisa: História Regional , do Programa de Pós-Graduação em História da Universidade Federal da Paraíba, o qual tem como Área de Concentração: História e Cultura Histórica . Nossa pesquisa teve como objetivo analisar, sobretudo, o uso da censura política sobre a música de protesto durante os chamados anos de chumbo (1969-1974) da ditadura militar no Brasil. Com esse intuito nos detemos mais sobre os pareceres elaborados pelos próprios censores entre 1969 e 1974, quando da prática censória, para justificarem os vetos sobre as canções de protesto, censuradas por conterem protestos políticos contra o regime político vigente implantado no Brasil pelos militares com o golpe de 1964. Portanto, procuramos demonstrar que, além da censura moral que vigorava no país durante a ditadura militar, e que já vinha desde meados da década de 1940, também ocorreu, durante esse mesmo regime militar, uma censura política sobre a música popular brasileira, a qual atuou com mais vigor durante os anos de chumbo e principalmente sobre a música de protesto, que direcionava mais suas contestações para a situação política do Brasil naquele momento. Além disso, não negamos que tenha ocorrido nesse mesmo período uma censura moral sobre a música popular produzida no Brasil. Não obstante, também procuramos mostrar que havia, em certos momentos, uma interconexão entre as motivações políticas e morais para a censura de determinadas canções.

The purpose with this essay is to examine how arts and politics integrate to raise urgent messages and call upon social changes. Performance art as an artistic manifestation against the surveillance society has been studied to clarify this integration and through an empirical examination of the anarchistic performance group The Surveillance Camera Players. This group formed in New York City 1996 as a manifestation against the increased use of surveillance cameras in public places in Manhattan. Through performance in front of these cameras, The Surveillance Camera Players are able to express their protest against the surveillance society which, occurring to them, violates citizens constitutionally right to privacy. The development and signification of the surveillance society are examined through theoretical perspective by foremost Michel Foucault, but also by contemporary scientist in that field. Theories about political art have been studied for the understanding of the work of The Surveillance Camera Players. / Uppsatsens syfte är att undersöka hur konst och politik integreras i syfte att föra fram ett budskap och på så sätt försöka påverka till samhällsförändringar. För att tydliggöra detta studeras performancekonst som ett konstnärligt motstånd mot övervakningssamhället och detta exemplifieras genom en empirisk undersökning av den anarkistiska teatergruppen The Surveillance Camera Players, SCP. Denna grupp bildades i New York City 1996, som en manifestation mot det ökande användandet av övervakningskameror på offentliga platser på Manhattan. Genom performance, framför dessa kameror, ger SCP uttryck för sitt motstånd mot övervakningssamhället, som enligt dem, kränker medborgarnas konstitutionella rätt till privatliv. I uppsatsen studeras övervakningssamhällets utveckling och betydelse genom ett teoretiskt perspektiv av framförallt Michel Foucault och även samtida forskare inom området. För förståelsen av The Surveillance Camera Players verksamhet studeras teorier kring politiskt medveten konst.

O presente trabalho tem por objetivo discorrer sobre o protesto notarial de títulos e outros documentos de dívida, por meio da sistematização da literatura existente sobre o assunto. A parte inicial contempla breves linhas sobre a função notarial e o estudo do tema sob a perspectiva histórica e de Direito Comparado. Em seguida, é delineado o panorama atual do instituto no Brasil. Ao final do trabalho, o autor traz reflexões sobre o tema, incluindo a análise econômica, o cotejo com o Direito Comparado e o estudo dos desafios e perspectivas. Ao longo do estudo verifica-se que o protesto se caracteriza como meio célere e eficaz para a comprovação do inadimplemento e do descumprimento de obrigações, propiciando ao devedor o conhecimento da apresentação feita em caráter oficial pelo credor, com a possibilidade de pagamento ou oferecimento de resposta, no prazo de três dias úteis. O ato é de incumbência de um tabelião, profissional do Direito aprovado em concurso público e dotado de fé pública, que atua sob a fiscalização do Poder Judiciário. O protesto exerce relevante função econômica no Brasil, servindo como confiável parâmetro para a concessão do crédito no mercado, meio de estímulo à pontualidade no cumprimento das obrigações e instrumento para recuperação do crédito. Dessa forma, o instituto tem contribuído para a construção de um ambiente institucional favorável ao desenvolvimento da atividade econômica no Brasil. / The purpose of this study is to present an analysis of the notarial protest of negotiable instruments, contracts and other types of documents, based on a compilation of knowledge on mentioned subject. The initial part is dedicated to the notarial activity, followed by the study of the theme from a historical and Comparative Law perspective. The next chapter provides an overview of the current regulation of notarial protest in Brazil. Finally, there are some personal reflections regarding the theme, including economic analysis, a Comparative Law approach and the study of current challenges and future perspectives on the subject. The notarial protest is a fast and effective procedure used to obtain formal proof of dishonor. Moreover, it gives the debtor an opportunity to pay or to declare the reason why it is excused, in three business days. The act is drawn up by a public notary, an independent legal professional appointed by the State, who acts under the supervision of the court. The notarial protest plays a relevant economic role in Brazil, providing reliable information to the credit market and encouraging prompt payment. Furthermore, it is a useful debt recovery tool. In conclusion, the notarial protest is an important element in the Brazilian legal system that contributes to improve the quality of the institutional environment.