The diploma thesis focuses on representation of protest in the official periodical of Czech Anarchist federation. It looks into the protest strategies which influence the level of personal lifestyle of an individual. This practice is connected to the issue of devaluation of the anarchist programme and more prominent emphasis on the form of the activities rather than the content. On the example of anarchist review Existence the thesis investigates how the practice is treated at the discursive level in Czech context. It poses a question whether the accent of a particular lifestyle results in shaping a required normative ideal of social identity. At the theoretical level, the thesis reflects how mainstream media tend to represent protest events. Simultaneously, it describes alternative media as the instrument to oppose the dominant media practice. Using the method of discourse analysis based on Norman Fairclough's linguistic approach, the text looks into the similarities between the mainstream and the alternative. The analysis focuses especially on modern tactics of the anarchist movement, politicization of everyday life, reflection of these phenomena within the movement and possible above-mentioned impact on the anarchist programme.

Dans les années 1990, le rock britannique revient sur le devant de la scène, porté par des groupes tels Blur, Oasis, Pulp et Suede, que la presse rassemble sous l'étiquette Britpop. Non contents de s'inspirer des grands groupes locaux des années 1960, comme les Beatles, ces musiciens se distinguent par une écriture et une image profondément ancrées dans leur propre identité britannique, et évoquent volontiers dans leurs chansons le mode de vie de la jeunesse comme la culture de la classe ouvrière. Cette renaissance sur les plans musical et culturel (participant au phénomène Cool Britannia) est contemporaine de la rénovation de l'idéologie et de l'image du Parti travailliste, qui devient New Labour sous la férule de Tony Blair, intéressé par la vision positive de la britannicité dépeinte par la Britpop. Dans la course aux élections législatives de 1997, le chef de l'opposition cherche à présenter son parti comme jeune et moderne, et se rapproche des acteurs de la scène rock de l'époque dans le but de courtiser l'électorat jeune qui fait défaut à la gauche depuis les années 1980. L'utilisation du rock en tant qu'outil de soutien politique pourrait néanmoins paraître contre-Nature à cause du rôle traditionnel de ce genre musical, lié aux sous-Cultures et mouvements contestataires. L'étude des excroissances du mouvement Britpop, visibles jusqu'à l'accession de Gordon Brown au poste de Premier ministre en 2007, permettra de dégager l'existence d'une veine critique et contestataire au sein de cette même scène rock, proposant une vision plus réaliste de la société, rappelant l'idée de Broken Britain mise en avant par les Conservateurs à cette époque. / In the 1990s, a string of successful bands such as Blur, Oasis, Pulp and Suede, inspired by glorious forefathers like the Beatles, revived the British rock genre. The press was quick to dub this new scene "Britpop", to describe the way these bands drew their inspiration from their own sense of Britishness, both in their appearance and in their lyrics, which documented several aspects of youth and working-Class cultures in Britain. Meanwhile, the Labour Party was undergoing a similar kind of rebirth under the influence of Tony Blair, who rebranded his party as New Labour. Since Britpop offered a positive, near-Patriotic vision of Britishness in line with the spirit of "Cool Britannia", Blair sought to obtain a very visible support from the Britpop scene in the run-Up to the 1997 general election. This was conceived as a way to help rejuvenate the Labour Party's image and to secure the youth vote which had eluded the left since the 1980s. However, the traditional view of rock music (as a type of protest music, prone to generating subcultures) hardly seems compatible with the idea that it could be used to support a mainstream political party. As the Britpop format went on to influence homegrown rock music into the next decade, with Gordon Brown succeeding Blair as Prime Minister in 2007, it seems several bands took British rock back to its primary, subversive function by painting a realistic picture of British society, closer to the concept of "Broken Britain" than to that of "Cool Britannia".

A Research report submitted in partial fulfilment of the Degree Masters in History of Arts at the University of Witwatersrand, 2017 / This research report has followed three periods in the history of the political struggle for freedom in South Africa, from the height of the Anti-apartheid struggle in the 1980s to the present day by way of exploring three exhibitions of resistance posters as case studies. It is located in the realm of political and art history. Looking at the positioning of the resistance poster in South African art history, the intension is to highlight how these exhibitions have used display strategies to construct values reflected in the resistance poster. The three selected exhibitions are as follows: firstly, Thami Mnyele and Medu Art Ensemble Retrospective (2008), Second is the exhibition Images of Defiance: South African poster of the 1980’s (2004). And the third exhibition Interruptions: Posters from the Community Arts Project Archive (2014). / XL2018

Este estudo tem como objetivo analisar Voz d´Angola clamando no deserto offerecida aos amigos da verdade pelos naturaes (1901), obra coletiva e anônima composta por onze artigos e publicada por filhos do país que viviam em Luanda e no interior próximo. Grupo de fronteira, produto dos encontros entre os Mbundu e os portugueses, os filhos do país atuaram como traficantes de escravos desde o século XVII, de quando datam os primeiro registros de sua presença na colônia. Após a proibição do tráfico, conseguiram colocações em postos intermediários e baixos da administração colonial por serem letrados, mas principalmente porque o governo português carecia de funcionários. A partir da década de 1880, pressionado pelas disputas territoriais na África com outros países europeus, Portugal passou a incentivar a ida de imigrantes portugueses para Angola, tendo como uma das consequências o gradual alijamento dos filhos do país dos cargos no governo. Nesta mesma época, surgiram os primeiros órgãos de imprensa dirigidos por filhos do país em Luanda, cujas páginas traziam protestos contra a sua situação, críticas ao governo e embates com os colonos portugueses. Em meio a este cenário de confronto, é publicada Voz d´Angola clamando no deserto, tida como expressão máxima dessa geração de filhos do país. Amparado em diversas fontes documentais e através da interpretação dos artigos que compõe a obra, este trabalho procura demonstrar como é feita uma dura crítica às situações de opressão a que os africanos eram submetidos devido à presença colonial portuguesa, trazendo avanços quando comparada a outras publicações dos filhos do país, mas também limitações de sua época. / This study´s purpose is to analyze Voz d´Angola clamando no deserto offerecida aos amigos da verdade pelos naturaes (1901), a collective and anonymous work composed of eleven articles published by the filhos do país who lived in Luanda and surrounding countryside. A frontier group, product of the encounter between the Mbundu and the Portuguese, the filhos do país had operated as slave traders since the seventeenth century, when we find the first registers of their presence in the colony. After the slave trafficking prohibition, they were able to find intermediate and low positions in colonial administration due to their literate education, but only because the Portuguese government was short on employees. Since the 1880´s, pressed by territorial disputes with other European countries in Africa, Portugal started to encourage Portuguese people to immigrate to Angola, and as a consequence, the filhos do país were gradually dismissed from positions in the government. By that same time, the first written press organs were established and directed by filhos do país in Luanda, and in their pages they wrote about protests against the situation, criticism toward the government and confrontations with Portuguese settlers. Amid this confrontation scenario the Voz d´Angola clamando no deserto is published, and is recognized as the strongest expression of the filhos do país generation. Supported by various document sources and through interpretation of the work´s articles, this study seeks to demonstrate how they exert harsh criticism to oppressive situations the Africans were submitted due to the Portuguese colonization, bringing up advances when compared to other publications of the filhos do país, but also bringing up the limitations of its time.

O presente trabalho tem por objetivo discorrer sobre o protesto notarial de títulos e outros documentos de dívida, por meio da sistematização da literatura existente sobre o assunto. A parte inicial contempla breves linhas sobre a função notarial e o estudo do tema sob a perspectiva histórica e de Direito Comparado. Em seguida, é delineado o panorama atual do instituto no Brasil. Ao final do trabalho, o autor traz reflexões sobre o tema, incluindo a análise econômica, o cotejo com o Direito Comparado e o estudo dos desafios e perspectivas. Ao longo do estudo verifica-se que o protesto se caracteriza como meio célere e eficaz para a comprovação do inadimplemento e do descumprimento de obrigações, propiciando ao devedor o conhecimento da apresentação feita em caráter oficial pelo credor, com a possibilidade de pagamento ou oferecimento de resposta, no prazo de três dias úteis. O ato é de incumbência de um tabelião, profissional do Direito aprovado em concurso público e dotado de fé pública, que atua sob a fiscalização do Poder Judiciário. O protesto exerce relevante função econômica no Brasil, servindo como confiável parâmetro para a concessão do crédito no mercado, meio de estímulo à pontualidade no cumprimento das obrigações e instrumento para recuperação do crédito. Dessa forma, o instituto tem contribuído para a construção de um ambiente institucional favorável ao desenvolvimento da atividade econômica no Brasil. / The purpose of this study is to present an analysis of the notarial protest of negotiable instruments, contracts and other types of documents, based on a compilation of knowledge on mentioned subject. The initial part is dedicated to the notarial activity, followed by the study of the theme from a historical and Comparative Law perspective. The next chapter provides an overview of the current regulation of notarial protest in Brazil. Finally, there are some personal reflections regarding the theme, including economic analysis, a Comparative Law approach and the study of current challenges and future perspectives on the subject. The notarial protest is a fast and effective procedure used to obtain formal proof of dishonor. Moreover, it gives the debtor an opportunity to pay or to declare the reason why it is excused, in three business days. The act is drawn up by a public notary, an independent legal professional appointed by the State, who acts under the supervision of the court. The notarial protest plays a relevant economic role in Brazil, providing reliable information to the credit market and encouraging prompt payment. Furthermore, it is a useful debt recovery tool. In conclusion, the notarial protest is an important element in the Brazilian legal system that contributes to improve the quality of the institutional environment.

Biyi Bandele est un écrivain d'origine nigériane dont l'œuvre novatrice et très riche reste encore peu connue du milieu universitaire en France. Aucune étude de grande ampleur n'a encore été consacrée à sa production et le présent travail essaie de combler ce grand vide. Cette étude qui s'appuie principalement sur les quatre romans de l'auteur a pour objectif de montrer que Biyi Bandele est un romancier carnavalesque et que tout son effort consiste à s'interroger sur les conditions de vie de ses concitoyens nigérians, la nature du pouvoir politique et ses modes d'exercice et les raisons pour lesquelles la construction d'une vraie nation semble impossible au Nigeria tant d'années après l'indépendance. A travers ces diverses interrogations, Biyi Bandele peint surtout un pays dont l'état de déconfiture et d'anomie est tel qu'il semble inconcevable d'en rendre compte avec les moyens traditionnels du roman réaliste européen. Mais grâce à son exceptionnel talent de conteur, Biyi Bandele réussit à nous faire prendre conscience de cette réalité grâce à une langue riche, et un nouvel art de conter inspiré des traditions yoruba et d'autres éléments de la culture populaire nigériane. / Biyi Bandele is a Nigerian writer whose innovative and very rich writings are still little known by academics in France. No large-scale study has been devoted to his writings yet, and this work tries to make up for this gap. This study which is mainly based on the four novels written by Biyi Bandele aims at showing that he is a Carnivalesque novelist and that all of his effort consists in raising questions about the living conditions of his fellow countrymen, the nature of political power and its functioning, and the reasons why nation-building seems impossible in Nigeria so many years after independence . Through these different questions, Biyi Bandele mainly portrays a country in shambles, in such a state of anomy that one can no longer rely on the means of the Europen realist novel to render its situation. But thanks to his exceptional talent as a storyteller, Biyi Bandele manages to make us become aware of this reality by inventing a rich language and a new way of telling story inspired by yoruba traditions and other elements of Nigerian popular culture.

La figure de la chanteuse populaire reflète au Japon la réalité de la condition féminine dans ce pays. Alors que l'archipel a traversé, à l’instar de la France ou des États-Unis, une période marquante des mouvements féministes, qui généra une timide amélioration de la place des femmes dans la société, la majorité des Japonaises est toujours aux prises avec une norme sociale qui leur demeure ingrate et défavorable : selon le rapport du « Forum économique mondial sur les disparités entre les sexes » publié en 2017, le Japon se situerait en terme d'égalité des sexes au 114e rang sur 144 pays. Derrière cette réalité, c'est avec une notion du genre hypernormée et bien ancrée dans la société que les Japonaises sont contraintes de composer, quel que soit leur milieu d'origine. Dans le monde de la musique populaire japonaise, cette norme sociale régissant les représentations féminines se répercute sur la posture de bien des chanteuses, soit dans l'immaturité naïve renvoyant à la vulnérabilité, soit dans une certaine magnanimité fondée sur la maternité, ces deux attitudes n'étant pas nécessairement incompatibles. Là où nombre de leurs homologues d’autres styles musicaux intériorisent ce carcan social, certaines idoles féminines se montrent particulièrement représentatives de ce phénomène.Depuis le 11 mars 2011, la société nipponne a vu grossir les rangs de ses artistes opposés au nucléaire, non sans alimenter la réflexion sur les rapports entre musique et politique de celles et ceux qui s’interrogent sur les postures engagées des musiciens. Il est cependant à souligner qu'en la matière, les artistes de sexe féminin attirent nettement moins l’attention publique. Malgré une large participation des femmes aux mouvements antinucléaires depuis la catastrophe de Fukushima, les chanteuses et musiciennes engagées semblent souvent être reléguées à un moindre rang par rapport à leurs confrères masculins. Cette méconnaissance de l’engagement des musiciennes et cette rupture entre la société civile et le monde musical populaire s’expliquent par — tout autant qu'ils sont liés à — la condition des femmes dans une société obstinément patriarcale. Si un tel état de choses ne soulève pas, du moins à l’heure actuelle, une opposition radicale chez les artistes, il se développe toutefois chez elles des stratégies, des arrangements qui leur assurent une place, une visibilité aux yeux de la société.Notre étude examine la situation contemporaine des artistes femmes et leur posture en tant que musiciennes engagées à travers l’analyse de leur expression artistique, en lien direct avec le contexte social et sociétal où celle-ci s'inscrit. Le cadre temporel choisi s'étend des années 1970, lorsque surgissent au Japon les mouvements de libération des femmes, à nos jours — et plus précisément à la période post-Fukushima, qui voit la participation des femmes aux mouvements sociaux du pays se faire plus saillante. Le cœur de nos recherches portera plus particulièrement sur la caractérisation des musiciennes engagées et de leurs postures dans le Japon des années 1990 à ce jour, révélant la possibilité pour les femmes japonaises, désormais, d'une pluralité de positionnement selon leur milieu social et économique d'appartenance. / The figure of the Japanese pop singer reflects the reality of women’s status in Japan. Although Japan went through a crucial feminist movement, like France or the United States, which resulted in a slight improvement in women’s situation in society, the majority of women are still struggling with social norms that remain unrewarding and unfavorable to them. According to the Global Gender Gap Report the World Economic Forum published in 2017, Japan ranks 114th out of 144 countries in terms of gender equality. In this reality, one may notice that Japanese women, whatever their social milieu, are forced to comply with the notion of hyper-normed gender that is anchored in society. In the sphere of Japanese popular music, this social norm dominating female representation has repercussions for many female singers’ positions, either in naive immaturity relating to vulnerability or in a certain magnanimity based on motherhood, two notions not necessarily incongruent. Certain female idols are particularly representative of this phenomenon, whereas their counterparts in other musical styles internalize this social straitjacket. Since March 11, 2011, artists against nuclear increase in Japanese society have fueled reflection on the relationship between music and politics by those who question the postures of politically committed musicians. It should be pointed out, though, that female artists attract quite a bit less public attention than their male counterparts. Although women significantly participate in movements against nuclear programs since the Fukushima disaster, committed female singers and musicians often seem to be relegated to a lower rank than their male colleagues. This ignorance of female musicians’ commitment and the breaking-off between civil society and the popular musical scene can be explained by—as much as it is linked to—the condition of women in a stubbornly patriarchal society. If such a state of affairs does not, in the present time, raise radical opposition among artists, it nevertheless develops in them strategies and arrangements that ensure them a place and visibility in society.Our study examines the contemporary situation of female artists and their positions as committed musicians, by analyzing their artistic expression and considering the social and societal contexts in which they are implicated. The time frame ranges from the 1970s, when women's liberation movements emerged in Japan, to today—and more specifically to the post-Fukushima period, when women's participation in the country's social movements became more prominent. The core of our research focuses particularly on the characterization of committed female musicians and their postures in Japan from the 1990s to the present, revealing the possibility for Japanese women to have positioning plurality based on their social and economic backgrounds.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:30:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Luiza Helena Novaes.pdf: 1862612 bytes, checksum: 11f5934eb0dfb17f93a4e9ef66a54fa8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-10-17 / This paper aims to make a critical historical reading of a selection of artistic performances that took place on the stages of the Teatro da Universidade Católica de São Paulo (TUCA) in different periods. One of the approaches is trying to recover the possible consciousness in the different historical periods as well as in the art made in each of them. We have chosen a somewhat wide time parameter, covering from the 1960s to 2010, mirroring what can be found at the Theater s Archive, which is organized in historical dossiers of the performances held at this university theater of indisputable relevance in São Paulo s history / seleção de apresentações artísticas ocorridas no espaço do Teatro da Universidade Católica de São Paulo (TUCA) em diferentes períodos. Uma das abordagens é tentar percorrer a consciência possível nesses períodos históricos, bem como na arte então produzida. Fizemos um recorte bastante amplo, que abrange desde a década de 1960 até o ano de 2010, espelho do que encontramos no Arquivo do Teatro, organizado em termos de dossiês históricos dos eventos desse espaço universitário de importância incontestável na história de São Paulo

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-09-21T12:29:24Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcio Bernardi.pdf: 1335328 bytes, checksum: bdd4452185e79c51c13207951fbdeb6b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-21T12:29:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcio Bernardi.pdf: 1335328 bytes, checksum: bdd4452185e79c51c13207951fbdeb6b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-09-15 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The uprising of June 2013, which had, at first moment, just small groups and social movements of the left, aimed to reverse the increase of bus and subway passes in major centers. What was a common event in big cities has suddenly become one of the biggest manifestations of the country and with a wide range of demands before the most varied social sectors. In São Paulo city, the great organizer of the uprising was the Free Pass Movement [Movimento Passe Livre], a movement that has the characteristic of being horizontal, without leadership and considered non-traditional, which, on the one hand, allowed for the expansion of both uprising and patterns, But on the other hand, it was criticized by other social movements for this spontaneous aspect. Another feature of June of 2013 was the role of the press, initially acting in opposition to the uprising, and throughout the events, however, ended up supporting the uprising, causing a certain part of the sectors of social movements to question the Real sense of manifestations and of such support. Nevertheless, the social networks maintained a prominent role by rivaling the press on the ways of telling what was happening in the uprising. Add to that all the electoral factor in which Brazil was, that is, on the eve of a presidential race, and in the city of São Paulo we had Fernando Haddad recently elected, besides being on the eve of receiving two important events: the 2014 Soccer World Cup and the 2016 Olympic Games. All these factors are on the streets of São Paulo during the uprising and this work intends to analyze the outcome of this unorthodox meeting / As manifestações de Junho de 2013, que contou, de princípio, apenas com pequenos grupos e movimentos sociais de esquerda, tinha como objetivo reverter o aumento das passagens de ônibus e metrô nos grandes centros. O que era um evento comum nas grandes cidades, de repente se tornou uma das maiores manifestações do país e com um grande leque de reivindicações diante dos mais variados setores sociais. Na cidade de São Paulo, o grande organizador das manifestações foi o Movimento Passe Livre, um movimento que tem como característica ser horizontal, sem liderança e considerado não tradicional, o que, por um lado, permitiu a ampliação tanto de manifestantes quanto de pautas, mas, por outro, acabou sendo criticado por outros movimentos sociais justamente por este aspecto espontaneísta. Outra característica de Junho de 2013 foi o papel da imprensa, portando-se, num primeiro momento, em oposição às manifestações, e ao longo dos acontecimentos, contudo, acabou apoiando as manifestações, fazendo com que certa parte dos setores de movimentos sociais questionasse o real sentido das manifestações e de tal apoio. Não obstante, as redes sociais mantiveram papel de destaque por rivalizar com a imprensa sobre as formas de contar o que estava ocorrendo nas manifestações. Some-se a isso tudo o fator eleitoral em que o Brasil se encontrava, a saber, às vésperas de uma disputa presidencial, sendo que na cidade de São Paulo tínhamos Fernando Haddad recém-eleito, além de estar às vésperas de receber dois eventos importantes: a Copa do Mundo de 2014 e as Olimpíadas de 2016. Todos esses fatores se encontram nas ruas de São Paulo durante as manifestações e este trabalho pretende analisar o resultado deste encontro tão heterodoxo

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:32:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Eliana Batista Ramos.pdf: 1539930 bytes, checksum: b2aa04622fcd52ba9b9e5c8e7d3977d3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-03-12 / Secretaria da Educação do Estado de São Paulo / This research intend to make a reflection about the ways of contestation used by Brazilian urban youth during the 1980s, as well as to investigate the relationships between Brazilian rock songs conceived in the period of construction of alternative ways to express themselves politically and socially. The reason of this research was the perception that there is comparative analysis between youths of historical period with different contexts, creating spaces for paradigmatic construction about this category, based on the experiences of subjects who lived the 1960s, at the expense of others. Urban youth of 80s had been under the pressure in the latest years of military rule, they lived a process of political freedom in which censorship still survive for very long and the forms of protest used traditionally returned slowly after being banned for years, losing much of its transformer character. Besides, this decade was configured as a time when globalization and identity questions reached a peak and Brazil faced one of the most serious crisis in its history. Thus, the alternative of contestation had to be transformed to meet the demands of lived time, which prompted the investigation of the relation between these alternatives and some songs from Brazilian rock produced at the time, as responses to the needs created by the subjects. For this, the main sources of this work are Brazilian rock songs of the 80s and testimonies of subjects who lived in those years of their youth. It also sought to aid in bibliographic references and research about the subject and avail of the freedom afforded by the cultural studies that represent the everyday experiences of the subjects to make sense to historical analysis. The forms of contestation used by the urban youth in the 80s were closely linked to cultural events of the period. The music, personified by the Brazilian rock, was the most representative because its popularity among the youth of that decade / Esta dissertação busca fazer uma reflexão sobre as formas de contestação usadas por algumas juventudes urbanas brasileiras durante a década de 1980, assim como investigar as relações existentes entre as canções do rock brasileiro concebido no período com a construção de formas alternativas de se manifestar política e socialmente, provindas destes jovens. O que justificou esta pesquisa foi a percepção de que há análises comparativas entre juventudes de períodos históricos com contextos distintos, criando espaços para construções paradigmáticas acerca desta categoria, baseando-se nas experiências dos sujeitos que vivenciaram os anos 1960, em detrimento de outros. Os jovens urbanos dos anos 80 estiveram sob a pressão dos últimos anos do regime militar; vivenciaram um processo de abertura política, no qual a censura ainda sobreviveria por muito tempo; e as formas de protesto tradicionalmente utilizadas retornavam lentamente, após ficarem banidas por anos, perdendo muito do seu caráter transformador perante estes. Além disso, a referida década se configurou como uma época em que a globalização e as questões identitárias atingiram o seu ápice e o Brasil enfrentou uma das crises econômicas mais sérias de sua história. Desta forma, as alternativas de contestação precisaram-se transformar para atender às demandas do tempo vivido, o que incitou a investigação da relação entre estas e algumas canções do rock brasileiro produzido na época, como respostas às necessidades engendradas pelos sujeitos, conforme as experiências vividas. Para isto, as principais fontes deste trabalho são canções de rock brasileiro da década de 80 e depoimentos de sujeitos que vivenciaram, naqueles anos, parte de sua juventude. Buscou-se também auxílio em referências bibliográficas e pesquisas sobre o tema, além de valer-se da liberdade conferida pelos estudos culturais que relevam as experiências cotidianas dos sujeitos para dar sentido às análises históricas. As formas de contestação usadas pelos jovens urbanos nos anos 80 estiveram intimamente ligadas às manifestações culturais do período. A música, personificada pelo rock brasileiro, fora a de maior representatividade devido a sua popularidade entre os jovens daquela década