The intention of this thesis is to investigate whether there are consistent narrative patterns of images produced by female photojournalists under the Instagram hashtag #8mfotografascolombia in the context of the feminist mobilization of March 8, 2021, that took place in Colombia. I aim to establish if indeed these new communicative strategies in expansion respond to narratives widely used by traditional photojournalism, or if they operate under a different set of dynamics. Under the lens of Representation Theory I want to study how hegemonic depiction and absent stories form photojournalism are configuring counter narratives on social media platforms. On the other hand the perspective of Feminist Media Theory will provide understanding and context about the processes of production, circulation and absent feminine gaze within the media. The subsequent analysis shows that in fact narratives are being configured opposed to the structures of large media organizations in which the female gaze produces not only aesthetically different results, but the photographic process is intrinsically linked to performative actions, the recognition of subjects and away of the logic of spectacle and violence of the big media, but also outside of what the Instagram algorithm privileges.

Orientador: Claúdio Bertolli Filho / Resumo: Defende-se a tese de que o documentário se instaura como uma mídia alternativa que dá voz a diferentes atores sociais e constrói espaços de visibilidade e aprofundamento de causas, demandas e problemáticas do contemporâneo que são evidenciadas através dessa representação simbólica. Nessa instância de luta por poder, como se constroem identidades de resistências por meio da narrativa documental audiovisual? São analisadas as representações sociais nos documentários "Lute como uma menina" (2016), "Espero tua (re)volta" (2019) e "Acabou A Paz, Isto Aqui Vai Virar o Chile!" (2016), que ilustram as ocupações secundaristas contra a proposta de reforma do ensino paulista em 2015. Tais levantes possuem como características elementos de uma cultura de protesto semelhantes aos eventos de Junho de 2013 e característicos das insatisfações da sociedade em rede. Metologicamente se recorre à pesquisa bibliográfica e documental, à netnografia e análise fílmica, entrevista em profundidade e análise da percepções de tais obras junto à opinião pública. / Abstract: It defends the thesis that the documentary establishes itself as an alternative media that gives voice to different social actors and builds spaces of visibility and deepening of the causes, demands and problems of the contemporary that are evidenced through this symbolic representation. In this instance of struggle for power, how are identities of resistances constructed through the audiovisual documentary narrative? Social representations are analyzed in the documentaries Lute como uma menina (2016), You turn (2019) and Acabou A Paz, Isto Aqui Vai Virar o Chile! (2016), which illustrate the secondary occupations against the proposed reform of São Paulo education in 2015. Such uprisings have elements of a protest culture similar to the events of June 2013 and characteristic of the dissatisfaction of the network society. Methodologically, bibliographic and documentary research, netnography and film analysis, in-depth interview and analysis of the perceptions of such works with public opinion are used. / Doutor

This thesis investigates US state level politics framing of the BLM protests during 2020, by inductively identifying frames and then proceeding to study if and on what grounds securitization occurs in these. Press statements, interviews and documents from eight Mayors and Governors in six of the states where the protests have been the most prominent are analyzed. From this material, four frames have been identified: the alienated outsider frame, the constructive rage frame, the limited guardian frame, and the desecuritizing frame. Recent developments in securitization theory investigate human life and dignity as a reference object, making a case for integrating humanitarianism in terms of grounds for justifying extraordinary measures. Three grounds for securitization are investigated empirically in the identified frames: state, social and humanitarian security. The study concludes that whilst both state security and to a lesser degree humanitarian security are detected in the identified frames, societal security seems to be the most prominent. This suggests that large-scale identities are the most common reference objects in the treated context. Further research is encouraged, especially in terms of distinguishing potential frame alignment processes by looking at a greater number of states over a longer period of time.

The thesis deals with media representation of protests in the Czech media. They are anti-communist protests, student, "anti - austerity", anti-Roma and anti-racist or antifascist. The author has used critical discourse analysis on a sample of media texts from 1/2008 to 7/2014 period. It focused on analyzing the labeling of protesters, representing the relationship between the protests and democracy and the protesters and society or "ordinary people". The author concludes that labeling the protesters as well as representation of the relationship between protest and democracy in the reference sample strongly reflects the overall concept of the Czech post-communist identity as the one that emphasizes moderation, but also individualism or rather minimalist definition of politics as limited to the party or parliamentary politics. As congruent are usually presented anticommunist protests and student protests, on the other hand suspicious or problamatic are framed union protests or "radical" or "extrem" protests.

This thesis engages with the tension between political action and political speech in political understanding. This tension arises in a context whereby speech is represented as the sine qua non of being political and the way to change the conditions of being political; specifically, this thesis explores this tendency within a linguistic account of performative action (where action is understood through/as language effects). Against this backdrop, the thesis develops a notion of haptic performativity—performative action where the action (or doing) occurs without or in spite of linguistic (de)legitimation. Here, haptic performativity begins answering how marginalised populations act politically when defined by a lack of voice. To develop this notion—centering forms of action that occur in absentia of linguistic legitimation—the thesis: 1) reveals the disjunctive relation between deeds and speech with linguistic Performative Speech Act (PSA) theory; argues that 2) PSA theory reveals the inability for speech to convey the full force of bodily deeds within/through language; and, thereby, explores 3) how bodies or actors defined by a lack of social standing (or linguistic efficiency as a subject) remain politically impactful. Thus, while linguistic performativity gestures to the assembling power of speech (the power of already assembled subjects), conversely, haptic performativity testifies to the disassembling force of bodies who revolt without speech (the force of actors who are yet to be subjects). The thesis ends by bringing this haptic perspective into a contemporary context: the place of the body in the Black radical tradition of thought and the force of silent protests in the Black Lives Matter Movement. / Graduate

The Islamic movement study mostly focused on radical, extremist, violent, or military aspects. The current research was carried out to examine the nonviolent elements of the Islamic movement. Based on the ethnographic photo research conducted in the Ethiopian Muslims Protest, the Islamic movements nonviolent aspect investigated. The Ethiopian Muslims were organized social media-led protests called Let Our Voices be Heard for their religious rights between 2011 and 2015. The study first examined where this Let Our Voices be Heard protest fits in civil resistance studies. Second, it investigated Facebook's role in initiating, organizing, and sustaining the nonviolent Islamic movement in Ethiopia. Using Johnston's defining terms of social movement theory, the Let Our Voices be Heard protest tested. The result shows that the protest well fit with the dimensions and components of social movement theory. The result indicates that the Let Our Voices be Heard protest exemplifies nonviolent Islamic movement in the Eastern Africa region, Ethiopia. The study further shows that Facebook, when used for a common goal, is a robust platform for successfully mobilizing nonviolent Islamic movements.

The Islamic movement study mostly focused on radical, extremist, violent, or military aspects. The current research was carried out to examine the nonviolent elements of the Islamic movement. Based on the ethnographic photo research conducted in the Ethiopian Muslims Protest, the Islamic movements nonviolent aspect investigated. The Ethiopian Muslims were organized social media-led protests called Let Our Voices be Heard for their religious rights between 2011 and 2015. The study first examined where this Let Our Voices be Heard protest fits in civil resistance studies. Second, it investigated Facebook's role in initiating, organizing, and sustaining the nonviolent Islamic movement in Ethiopia. Using Johnston's defining terms of social movement theory, the Let Our Voices be Heard protest tested. The result shows that the protest well fit with the dimensions and components of social movement theory. The result indicates that the Let Our Voices be Heard protest exemplifies nonviolent Islamic movement in the Eastern Africa region, Ethiopia. The study further shows that Facebook, when used for a common goal, is a robust platform for successfully mobilizing nonviolent Islamic movements.

This thesis investigates the relationship between contemporary climate protest movements (Extinction Rebellion and Fridays For Future) and governmental bodies in European countries that declared a climate emergency in 2019. The primary contribution of this thesis is to demonstrate how emerging communication practices by these movements compare to the perceived influence of such practices among political decisionmakers in their governing bodies’ votes for a climate emergency declaration. Twitter content (tweets by movement accounts) surrounding protest actions of the climate movements was coded using concepts deduced from theoretical literature of participation, media and communication. Themes induced from this data were also used for coding. A thematic analysis of empirical interview text from semi-structured interviews of nine politicians in eight governmental bodies (six German city councils, that of Innsbruck, Austria and the Swiss cantonal parliament of Vaud) on this subject matter was done similarly. Relational thematic analyses of both datasets influenced the coding of one another. A frame analysis grounded in these data studied the use of social media imagery and text by the two movements. Another look at the interview data reflects the influence these movements had on climate emergency declarations via comparison of politicians’ stated impressions of the movements’ participation/influences with formations of tweeted movement frames. The data support the hypothesis that citizens engage via the connective power of personalized participatory culture on social media, enabling political participation. Today, we see a shift away from a political logic of social movements abiding to strong shared identity and meaning through frames of collective action. Instead, a social media logic, which aims to achieve the same functions, operates in loosely networked movements based on individualized frames of youth identity. This ‘connective identity’ bridges the participatory culture of social media with offline political participation in the streets and halls of power.

This study examines the news media's construction of protests. Previous research has found that the news media demonizes and marginalizes protests. Protesters are framed in a highly negative fashion and primarily categorized as "violent." This study employed focus groups, agenda setting and framing theories to analyze this phenomenon. Previous research has been primarily quantitative in nature and thus qualitative research will provide a more in-depth understanding of this phenomenon. This study supports the findings of prior research but offers new insights. The implications of this study suggests that the news media can influence what people think about and how they think about it. Additionally, the news media frame protesters in a negative manner. Protesters are framed as violent and deviant. This negative framing both helps and hurts the protesters' cause. Lastly, this study found the news media to maintain the status quo in this society

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