The problem with which this thesis is concerned is the relationship between literature and politics. By means of a biographical and historical study two significant writers of the 1930s/40s I examine the ways in which the pressures of Depression, the threat of fascism and the onset of war influenced Australian writing. In particular, I ask whether the political issues of the period affected what these authors wrote and how they wrote it. My conclusion is that pressure of political concern caused significant personal, philosophical and political changes in Barnard and Davison, and that it affected both the genre in which they wrote and the content of their fiction. They turned from fiction to cultural commentary, historical writing, political pamphleteering and activism. They utilised short fiction as a means of discussing their worries about the state of the world and in order to promote values they felt threatened. When they returned to longer fiction their work bore, to differing degrees, in its ideas, arguments and imagery, the influence of their political engagement. More generally, I conclude that liberal humanism was the major animating philosophy of writers in the 1930s and that their concern with political issues grew from their conviction that western liberal democracy was the most fruitful soil for the production of art, a climate of freedom which they felt threatened by both fascism and war. This anxiety is the most important factor in both their politicisation and the work they did under the latter???s influence.

Submitted by Vasti Diniz (vastijpa@hotmail.com) on 2017-12-27T14:57:38Z No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 5145970 bytes, checksum: 36e3a0a5b0447013d48b6121a525cff6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-12-27T14:57:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 5145970 bytes, checksum: 36e3a0a5b0447013d48b6121a525cff6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-08 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / In this thesis I discuss the cycle of protest of 2013 and dynamics of confrontation that deepened the crisis of Lullism. I analyze the interactions between organizations of social movements and government, in the context of the political crisis unleashed. In view of the magnitude, intensity and extent of the manifestations, I seek to identify the repertoires and performances of confrontation that marked the period of political conflict, both nationally and in Recife. I discussed the events of June with a contextualized political analysis. I explore the comparative historical analysis and the notions constructed by the theory of social movements, applied to the cycles of protest and collective action: structure of opportunity and mobilization, repertoires and performance of confrontation and interpretive framework of collective action. From bibliographic research and analytical studies on June 2013, I situate the cycle of international and Brazilian protests between 2011 and 2013, realizing the impacts of the global crisis of capitalism in 2008 and the consequences of adopting austerity policies. To recognize the dynamics and characteristics that prevailed in Brazil, I make a historical recovery of the previous cycles from 1968. I investigate the place of diffusion of action repertoires and performances from other cycles and selected by the activists for this. In Brazil, I developed reflections on the protest cycles of the redemocratization period, the constitution and erosion of a popular democratic field of social movements, along with the rise and crisis of Lullism and Petism. In the study on protests, horizontal popular assemblies and squatters, nationally, information was obtained by searching the internet on websites, blogs, youtube and journals with active search using key words. In Recife, I conducted a case study through interviews with activists who participated in the 2013 protests and the Ocupe Estelita. I have identified the influence of the antiglobalization cycle for the current cycle, in its radical direct and performative action; The revelation of the exhaustion of participatory architecture in the midst of the crisis of Lullism and of the political system; The emergence of the repertoire and performance of confrontation, and the autonomist framework that exposed, at the outbreak of the cycle, polarized political dissatisfaction, left opposition, in the first moment, and right, in the moments that followed, having in the center the government And the PT. This event promotes an inflection towards a new cycle in the process of democratization and in the forms of institutional interaction and confrontation of social movements. / Nesta tese discuto o ciclo de protesto de 2013 e dinâmica de confronto que aprofundou a crise do lulismo. Analiso as interações entre organizações de movimentos sociais e governo, no contexto da crise política desencadeada. Diante da magnitude, intensidade e extensão das manifestações, busco identificar os repertórios e performances de confronto que marcaram o período de conflito político, em âmbito nacional e em Recife. Abordei os acontecimentos de junho realizando uma análise política contextualizada. Exploro a análise histórica comparada e as noções construídas pela teoria de movimentos sociais, aplicadas à ciclos de protestos e ação coletiva: estrutura de oportunidade e de mobilização, repertórios e performance de confronto e quadro interpretativo de ação coletiva. A partir de pesquisa bibliográfica e estudos analíticos sobre junho de 2013, situo o ciclo de protestos internacional e no Brasil entre 2011 e 2013, percebendo os impactos da crise mundial do capitalismo em 2008 e as consequências da adoção de políticas de austeridade. Para reconhecer a dinâmica e características que predominaram no Brasil, faço uma recuperação histórica dos ciclos anteriores a partir de 1968. Investigo o lugar da difusão de repertórios de ação e performances oriundas de outros ciclos e selecionadas pelos ativistas para este. No Brasil desenvolvi reflexões sobre os ciclos de protesto do período da redemocratização, a constituição e erosão de um campo democrático popular dos movimentos sociais, ao lado do surgimento e crise do lulismo e do petismo. No estudo sobre os protestos, as assembleias populares horizontais e os ocupas(es), em âmbito nacional, as informações foram obtidas através de pesquisa na internet em sites, blogs, youtube e periódicos com busca ativa utilizando palavras chaves. Em Recife, realizei um estudo de caso através de entrevistas com ativistas que participaram dos protestos de 2013 e do Ocupe Estelita. Identifiquei a influência do ciclo antiglobalização para o ciclo atual, em sua ação direta e performática radical; a revelação do esgotamento da arquitetura participacionista no bojo da crise do lulismo e do sistema político; a emergência do repertório e performance de confronto, e do enquadramento autonomista que expôs, na eclosão do ciclo, a insatisfação política polarizada, de oposição de esquerda, no primeiro momento, e de direita, nos momentos que se seguiram, tendo no centro o governo e o PT. Este acontecimento promove uma inflexão no sentido de um novo ciclo no processo de democratização e nas formas de interação institucional e de confronto dos movimentos sociais.

The body of writing collectively referred to as third generation or contemporary Nigerian literature emerged on the international literary scene from about the year 2000. This writing is marked by attempts to negotiate contemporary identities, and it engages with various developments in the Nigerian nation: Nigeria’s past and current political and socio-economic state, different kinds of cultural hybridization as well as the writers increasing transnational awareness. This study argues that contemporary Nigerian fiction obsessively returns to the period from 1985-1998 as a historical site for narrating the individual and collective Nigerian experience of the trauma of military dictatorship, which has shaped the contemporary reality of the nation. The study builds on existing critical work on contemporary Nigerian fiction, in order to highlight patterns and ideas that have hitherto been neglected in scholarly work in this field. The study seeks to address this gap in the existing critical literature by examining third-generation Nigerian writing’s representation of this era in a select corpus of work spanning from 2000-06: Okey Ndibe’s Arrows of Rain (2000), Helon Habila’s Waiting for an Angel (2002), Sefi Atta’s Everything Good will Come (2005), and Chimamanda Adichie’s Purple Hibiscus (2006). The four novels chosen were written in response to military rule and dictatorship in the 80s and 90s, and they all feature representations of state violence. This study finds that, despite variations in the novels aesthetic modes, violence, control, silencing, dictatorship, alienation, the trauma of everyday life and resistance recur in realist modes. Above all, the study argues that contemporary Nigerian fiction’s insistent representation of the violent past of military rule in Nigeria is a means of navigating the complex psychological and political processes involved in dealing with post-colonial trauma by employing writing as a form of resistance.

This thesis explores the meaning of "youth" and the political mobilisation of young people in key moments of crisis in Europe. Between 2005 and 2011, youth became critical for the consolidation of the authoritarian regime structures in Russia. I show that this process included the restructuring of the discourse about youth, the physical mobilisation of young people, and the isolation of oppositional youth. How valid are these findings for regime crises more generally? I answer this question through an analysis of the breakdown of the authoritarian Soviet Union during perestroika, the breakdown of unconsolidated democracy during the last years of the Weimar Republic, and the crisis of the democratic regime in France around 1968. The cross-regional and cross-temporal comparison of these episodes demonstrates that regimes lacking popular democratic support compensate for their insufficient legitimacy by trying to mobilise youth symbolically and politically. By developing a new method of textual analysis which combines qualitative content analysis and network analysis, the thesis offers a novel social science perspective on the meaning of youth in the four cases. My study shows how discursive structures about youth condition the possibility of political mobilisation of young people. The thesis makes three contributions to comparative politics. First, on an empirical level, my study offers new insights into social movements at moments of regime crisis in different political settings. Second, on a conceptual level, I refine our understanding of the symbolic significance of the terms "youth" and "generation" in moments when society is reorienting itself. I also examine the significance of "crisis" and argue that the term expresses openness and the possibility to remake the past and future. Third, on a methodological level, my thesis builds on the growing interest in textual analysis by developing a novel multi-level approach in three linguistic contexts, which offers insights into the structure of public discourse and the actors involved.

Based on social identity theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1979) and the social identity approach to leadership (Haslam, Reicher, & Platow, 2011), the present research addressed the question of how collective action is coordinated. Three studies are reported, which address the interplay between in-group identification, identity leadership and collective action in three social group contexts (i.e., political parties, civic society and workgroup). The results of Study 1 replicated that identity leadership is a four dimensional construct. However, these four dimensions had strong intercorrelations. Study 2 and 3 supported the hypotheses that the more people identify with the group, the more they will engage in collective action (Hypothesis 1) and in-group identification results in the perception of identity leadership which, in turn leads to collective action in certain group contexts (Hypothesis 2-5). Study 3 demonstrated that the relationship between in-group identification and collective action, via identity leadership is indeed context dependent (Hypothesis 6). Implications of the current research are outlined in relation to the discourse on collective action and identity leadership. / Grow-your-own-timber programme at Unisa / Psychology / M.A. (Psychology, with specialisation in Research Consultation)

Text in Afrikaans / Summaries in Afrikaans and English / 'n Groep Afrikaners onder leiding van die Afrikanervolksf ront bet voor die algemene verkiesing in 1994, hulle aktief teen die veranderinge in Suid-Afrika verset op grond van oenskynlik religieuse motiewe. Hulle bet hulle op die morele gesag van Johannes Calvyn (1509 - 1564) beroep vir hulle uitgangspunte en wyse van protes. In hierdie studie is die uitgangspunte en media van Afrikanerprotes in 1994 vergelyk met die uitgangspunte en media van protes soos wat Calvyn dit verwoord en toegepas bet. In die proefskrif is eerstens gekyk na die rol wat religie en ideologie in die samelewing vervul en daar is veral gekonsentreer op die onderskeid wat Jacques Ellul tref tussen outentieke geloof en godsdiens in diens van 'n ideologie. Tweedens is die historiese ontwikkeling van Afrikanemasionalisme en die Calvinistiese onderbou daarvan ondersoek. Derdens is 'n kort oorsig oor die Reformasie en 'n lewensbeskrywing van Johannes Calvyn voorsien. Indie vierde plek is die uitgangspunte en media van protes, soos verwoord deur Calvyn, beskryf. 'n Model vir protes is op grond van Calvyn se standpunte afgelei. Vyfdens is Afrikanerprotes voor die 1994-verkiesing beskryf en aan die hand van Calvyn se standpunte beoordeel. In die laaste hoofstuk word tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat die uitgangspunte en media van Afrikanerprotes nie voldoen aan die eise wat Calvyn vir protes stel nie. Dit blyk ook dat in die geval van Afrikanerprotes, godsdiens as kommunikasiemedium in 'n ideologiese rol aangewend is. Laastens word enkele voorstelle vir verdere navorsing gemaak. / Prior to the general election in 1994, a group of Afrikaners under the leadership of the Afrikanervolksfront actively resisted the changes in South Africa on the grounds of apparant religious motives. They invoked the moral authority of John Calvin (1509-1564) for their convictions and manner of protest. In this study there is a comparison of the views and media of the Afrikaner protest in 1994 with the views and media of protest as expressed and applied by Calvin. The thesis begins with a consideration of the role played in society by religion and ideology, concentrating particularly on the distinction drawn by Jacques Ellul between authentic faith and religion in the service of an ideology. Then, the historical development of Afrikaner nationalism and its Calvinistic substructure are examined. Thirdly, there is a short account of the Reformation and the life of John Calvin. The fourth endeavour is to elucidate the views and media of protest, as expressed by Calvin. A model for protest is derived from the study of Calvin's beliefs. Fifthly, there is a description of Afrikaner protest before 1994, based on Calvin's convictions, and judged in terms of his views. The last chapter arrives at the conclusion that the premises and media of Afrikaner protest do not comply with the requirements for protest set by Calvin. Moreover, it appears that, int the case of Afrikaner protest, religion was used as a medium of ideological communication. The thesis concludes with several suggestions for further research. / Communication Science / D.Litt. et Phil. (Communication Science)

Submitted by Paulo Roberto Spina (prscontato@yahoo.com) on 2016-11-10T19:12:54Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao_corrigida.pdf: 990893 bytes, checksum: b38172fa66fb413f0c71feb723888d7b (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Diogo Misoguti (diogo.misoguti@gmail.com) on 2016-11-28T12:56:12Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao_corrigida.pdf: 990893 bytes, checksum: b38172fa66fb413f0c71feb723888d7b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-11-28T12:56:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao_corrigida.pdf: 990893 bytes, checksum: b38172fa66fb413f0c71feb723888d7b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-09-22 / A dissertação analisa, com base na teoria do confronto político, o Movimento Passe Livre São Paulo (MPL São Paulo) em duas perspectivas. A primeira focaliza a formação do movimento a partir do estudo de trajetórias de ativistas em suas conexões com espaços de mobilização global e local. A segunda perspectiva analisa a mobilização e as interações do MPL São Paulo nos protestos de junho de 2013. Dois problemas analíticos orientaram a investigação: o do processo de aprendizado de performances e o de dilemas estratégicos de movimentos iniciadores em ciclos de protesto. O argumento do trabalho é o de que a análise dos protestos organizados pelo MPL São Paulo em 2013 requer a compreensão de dois processos sócio políticos de aprendizado de performances com temporalidades distintas. Um, de mais longa duração está relacionado à formação do MPL nacional, na conexão entre os repertórios autonomista e socialista. O outro, de mais curta duração, está relacionado à seleção de táticas de confronto frente a diferentes dilemas estratégicos emergentes nas três fases do ciclo de protesto. Na fase antecedente dilemas sobre como interpretar as oportunidades políticas e ameaças, na fase de mobilização dilemas sobre como expandir a participação de novos atores nos protestos e modificar a relação de tempo e espera com os detentores do poder e na fase de difusão como interagir com a entrada de novos atores e novas reinvindicações nos protestos. Em ambos os processos, o de longa e o de curta duração, ativistas do MPL São Paulo adaptaram e inovaram os repertórios historicamente disponíveis. / This master’s thesis analyzes São Paulo’s Movimento Passe Livre (São Paulo MPL) from two perspectives based on Contentious Politics Theory. The first perspective focuses on the formation of the movement through the study of activists’ trajectories in their connections with larger global and local movements. The second perspective analyzes the movement and MPL São Paulo’s interactions during the June 2013 protests. Two analytical problems guided the research: their performance-learning process and the initiators movements’ strategic protest cycle dilemmas. This master’s thesis argues that the analysis of the protests organized by MPL São Paulo in 2013 requires an understanding of two socio-political performance-learning processes with different time frames. The first and long-term process is the formation of the national MPL, the connection between autonomist and socialist repertoires. The other, a short-term process, is the selection of confrontational tactics in the face of different emerging strategic dilemmas during the three phases of the protest cycle. For the first phase, this paper analyzes dilemmas about how to interpret political opportunities and threats; for the mobilization phase, this paper analyzes dilemmas on how to expand the participation of new actors in the protests and modify the relationship of time and waiting with those in power; and for the dissemination phase, this paper analyzes the interaction with the entry of new actors and new demands during the protests. In both cases, the long-term and the short-term, MPL São Paulo’s activists adapted and innovated using historically available repertoires

A presente dissertação conceitua e analisa o campo do design gráfico socialmente engajado. A partir do levantamento de dados sobre o design gráfico dedicado a ações de melhoria social, constatamos que o cartaz é o principal suporte visual utilizado. Sendo assim, iniciamos este estudo com um panorama da história do cartaz, de modo a comprovar o papel deste suporte gráfico como um reflexo de seu período histórico e da evolução da comunicação visual. Em seguida, apresentamos o design gráfico socialmente engajado através da fundamentação teórica, a partir de textos de pensadores do design, e de um apanhado histórico com exemplos da utilização design gráfico em iniciativas de melhoria social. Ao final, apresentamos um estudo de caso com a análise gráfica de cartazes da campanha contra a guerra do Iraque, de modo a conceituar algumas estratégias visuais utilizadas na linguagem gráfica de protesto. / This MA thesis conceptualizes and analyzes the field of the socially committed graphic design. Throughout the collect of data about graphic design committed to actions of social improvement, we have checked that the poster is the most used visual support. So, we have begun this study with a broad view of the history of the poster as an attempt to prove its role as a reflex of its historical period and the improvement of visual communication. After that, we show the socially committed graphic design through a theoretical foundation by showing texts of design philosophers, and a historical synthesis with examples about the use of graphic design in enterprises of social improvement. To finish, we show a case study with the graphic analysis of posters of the campaign against the war in Iraq, as a way of conceptualizing some visual strategies used in the graphic language of protest.

From Introduction: Thus for the black South African, the act of creative writing is inescapably a form of political action, and unless he turns his back on the reality which confronts him and retreats into a private imaginary world, it is also a form of social action, Yet Ezekiel Mphahlele has rightly cautioned that "creating an imaginary world" can never be an effective substitute for social act ion . Composing fictions about social and political problems is an indubitably oblique way of seeking a solution to them, and even the tendentious recreation of reality is only a metaphor for its actual transformation. Protest writing in South Africa is paradoxically a form of social action which is also only a parasitical imitation of social action, and therefore its avoidance . The freedom of literary creation described above is ambiguously not only a freedom to express reality, but also a freedom from the constraints of reality. And this suggests why the outlaw was such an important symbol to an earlier generation of rather more self-conscious writers.

Submitted by Maria de Lourdes Mariano (lmariano@ufscar.br) on 2016-10-18T11:20:37Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PINHEIRO_JUNIOR_Ari_2016.pdf: 64249028 bytes, checksum: 174206f50c95ac571bf1a0f3a8358de6 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria de Lourdes Mariano (lmariano@ufscar.br) on 2016-10-18T11:21:44Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 PINHEIRO_JUNIOR_Ari_2016.pdf: 64249028 bytes, checksum: 174206f50c95ac571bf1a0f3a8358de6 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria de Lourdes Mariano (lmariano@ufscar.br) on 2016-10-18T11:22:00Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 PINHEIRO_JUNIOR_Ari_2016.pdf: 64249028 bytes, checksum: 174206f50c95ac571bf1a0f3a8358de6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-18T11:22:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PINHEIRO_JUNIOR_Ari_2016.pdf: 64249028 bytes, checksum: 174206f50c95ac571bf1a0f3a8358de6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-29 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / This dissertation is the result of empirical monitoring of political demonstrations where young people expressed through the Black Bloc tactic. It is a participant observer report. Seeks, in acts of street protests and social networking sites, how is the construction of knowledge and realities of these young people. Seeks to understand the political forces opposing the idea of autonomous organization that tracks youth social movements and collective action close to the fans of tactical Black Bloc. Analyzes the pages of Brazilian mass media, the dispute the meaning of the 2013-2014 protests among the ultra-liberal discourse, government supporters and revolutionaries. This research follows the steps of how was built the historical image of the Black Bloc in the national press and proposes a historical script to its spectacular appearance in Brazilian media in June 2013. The research seeks to understand the contemporary scene of street protests across narratives gathered in demonstrations against the FIFA World Cup 2014 and interviews marked the tactical fans in their living spaces. Part of this work an audiovisual documentary, edited with scenes observed in fieldwork. / Esta dissertação é resultado do acompanhamento empírico de manifestações políticas onde jovens se expressavam através da tática Black Bloc. É um relato observador participante. Procura, nos atos de protestos de rua e nos sites de rede social, como se dá a construção de saberes e realidades destes jovens. Busca compreender as forças políticas contrárias a ideia de organização autonomista que acompanha a juventude dos movimentos sociais e ações coletivas próximos aos adeptos da tática Black Bloc. Analisa, nas páginas da mídia de massa brasileira, a disputa do significado dos protestos de 2013-2014 entre os discursos Ultraliberais, Governistas e Revolucionários. Esta pesquisa segue os passos de como foi construída a imagem histórica da Black Bloc na imprensa nacional e propõe um roteiro histórico até de seu aparecimento espetacular nas mídias brasileiras em junho de 2013. A pesquisa procura compreender o cenário contemporâneo dos protestos de rua através de narrativas recolhidas nas manifestações contra a Copa do Mundo da FIFA 2014 e em entrevistas marcadas com adeptos da tática em seus espaços de convivência. Faz parte deste trabalho um documentário audiovisual, editado com cenas observadas no trabalho de campo.