Although scholars have explored women’s public resistance in occupied cities during the Civil War, few have explored women in occupied New Orleans. Studies have been limited to the rambunctious activities of women in the city streets, armed with sharp tongues. The use of private spaces, specifically religious spaces, as a platform for protest, has not been explored. By analyzing the events surrounding the closure of an uptown church on October of 1862, known as “The Battle of Saint Paul’s,” this thesis will address Confederate female activism and protest to Union occupation in New Orleans. It will do so by examining competing press accounts as well as a song inspired by the event. For its female members, the church was the last community-held space in the city. The women of St. Paul’s fought Union control of the only public space that afforded them a degree of autonomy within occupied New Orleans.

A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Arts, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in fulfilment of the criteria for the c[egree of Master of Arts / The literature produced by writers who align themselves with national liberation and resistance movements presents a serious challenge to dominant standards of literary . aesthetics. Resistance writing aims to break down the assumed division between art and politics. and in this view literature becomes an arena of conflict and struggle. This dissertation examines certain aspects of the poetry of Mongane Wally Serote in order to explore the relationship between aesthetics and resistance in his writing. Over the last two decades, Serote has made a significant contribution to the development of South African literature, and his work has important implications for literary criticism in South Africa. Chapter 1 looks at some of these implications by discussing the concept of resistance literature and the main issues arising from the debates and polemics surrounding the work of Serote and other black political writers. Perhaps the most important here is the need to construct a critical approach to South African resistance literature that can come to terms with both its aesthetic qualities and political effects. This kind of approach would in some way attempt to integrate the seemingly incompatible critical practices of idealism and materialism. Accordingly, Chapter 2 is a materialist approach to aspects of Serote's early poetry. The critical model used is a simplified version of the interpretive schema set out by Fredric Jameson in The Political Unconscious. This model enables a discussion of the poetry in relation to ideology, and also suggests ways of examining the discursive strategies and symbolic processes in this particular phase of Serote's development. Serote's later work is 'characterised by the attempt to create a unifying mythology of resistance. Chapter 3 thus looks at Serote's long poems from an idealist perspective that is based on the principles of myth-criticism, As this is a complex area, this chapter merely sketches the main features of Serote' s use of myth as a form of resistance, and then suggests further avenues of exploration along these lines. The dissertation concludes by pointing towards some of the implications of recent political developments in South Africa for Serote and other resistance writers. / Andrew Chakane 2018

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts / This dissertation shows how both poets and their audiences have played a central role in the emergence of Durban Worker poetry. A review of critical responses to worker poetry concludes that insufficient attention has been paid to questions of audience. Performances of worker poetry are analysed, highlighting the conventions used by the audience when participating in and evaluating the poetry, Social, political and literary factors which have influenced the audience of worker poetry are explored, as are the factors which led to the emergence of worker poetry. In discussing the influence of the Zulu izibongo (praise poetry) on worker poetry, particular attention is paid to formal and performative qualities. The waye in Which worker poetry has been utilised by both poets and audience as a powerful intellectual resource are debated. Finally, the implications of publishing worker poetry via the media of print, audio-cassettes and video-Cassettes are discussed. / Andrew Chakane 2019

O objetivo desta pesquisa é analisar como, ao longo das décadas de 1960 e 70, artistas ligados à canção engajada conceberam projetos de integração da América Latina por meio da canção, e como esses projetos resultaram no estabelecimento de uma série de conexões transnacionais. Neste período, os impactos da Guerra Fria tiveram como consequência um contexto político fortemente polarizado, o que afetou diretamente o campo cultural e, especialmente, o campo artístico. As experiências políticas comuns favoreceram as trocas de ideias e a intensa circulação de artistas por todo o continente, permitindo o estabelecimento de uma série de contatos e diálogos. Utilizando como fonte principal a discografia dos mais destacados artistas de cada país, o objetivo á analisar essa história de conexões transnacionais na canção engajada latino-americana focalizando três fases distintas: a) a primeira, entre 1963 e 1966, momento de formação e consolidação dos movimentos de nueva canción no Cone Sul, em que o engajamento se manifestou fundamentalmente por meio da crítica social; b) a segunda, entre 1967 e 1969, marcada pelos impactos do I Encuentro de la Canción Protesta, realizado em Cuba, que resultou no destaque de dois temas importantes: a revolução e o anti-imperialismo; c) a terceira, que compreende a década de 1970, período marcado pela radicalização dos discursos políticos, pela intensificação das conexões e também pelas tentativas de inserção dos artistas brasileiros nos circuitos da canção engajada latino-americana. / The objective of this research is to analyze the Latin America integration project conceived by the artists involved with the protest song in the 1960s and 1970s. In this period, the impact of Cold War resulted in a polarized debate that affected the cultural field, and especially the artistic field. The common political experiences favored the exchange of ideas and the intense movement of artists across the continent. Using the most prominent artists discography as source, the purpose is to analyze three moments of the history of \"transnational connections\" in the protest song in Latin American: a) the first, between 1963 and 1966, time of development and consolidation of nueva canción movement in the Southern Cone, when the engagement was manifested fundamentally by social criticism; b) the second, between 1967 and 1969, marked by the impact of the I Encuentro de la Canción Protesta held in Cuba, that highlighted two important themes: revolution and anti-imperialism; c) the third, which comprises the 1970s, a period marked by the radicalization of political discourse and by the intensification of connections. Especially in this third phase, I analyze the Brazilian artists efforts to integrate the circuits of Latin American protest song.

Nesta dissertação, investigo o processo de institucionalização do Movimento Negro no Brasil contemporâneo. Este fato social tem requerido uma progressiva profissionalização dos militantes, a formalização e burocratização das organizações, bem como novas estratégicas de mobilização de recursos e especialização do ativismo. Em grande medida, essa institucionalização está ligada ao modo pelo qual o movimento se apropriou das oportunidades políticas oferecidas pelo Estado e pelo ambiente civil a partir da redemocratização brasileira. A dinâmica das organizações e o estilo dos protestos negros, objetos empíricos deste trabalho, expressam o modo como a ação coletiva negra se insere no cenário político atual. / In this dissertation I analyse the institutionalization of black movement in Contemporary Brazil. This social fact have been imply progressive professionalization of militants, more formal and bureaucratic organizations, new strategies to resource mobilizations and specialization of activism. The institutionalization is related to the way through the movement used the political opportunities offered by state and environment civil since the emergency of Brazilian democracy in the 1980s. The dynamic of organizations and the style of black protest, empiric objects of this work, express how the collective actions inside nowdays political context.

Este trabalho propõe um estudo sobre o ciclo de movimentos reivindicatórios dos policiais militares brasileiros, ocorrido ao final do primeiro semestre do ano de 1997. As manifestações dos praças da Polícia Militar de Minas Gerais se tornaram um estandarte tático para a ação coletiva dos PMs de diversas localidades do território nacional. Quatorze estados integraram o ciclo nacional de protestos: Alagoas, Bahia, Ceará, Goiás, Mato Grosso, Mato Grosso do Sul, Minas Gerais, Pará, Paraíba, Pernambuco, Piauí, Rio Grande do Sul; e, sem movimento organizado, São Paulo e Rio de Janeiro. Narrativas, em história oral de vida, revelaram o diálogo entre as especificidades regionais e uma cultura policial militar nacionalmente constituída. Múltiplas questões, para o estudo da história dos movimentos sociais e da segurança pública no Brasil, foram problematizadas por meio de quatro redes de análise que indicam o repertório da ação coletiva policial militar: 1ª rede) Policiais militares de Minas Gerais: o início do ciclo de protestos; 2ª rede) Policiais militares de Alagoas, Ceará, Pernambuco e Pará: conflitos armados e ameaças; 3ª rede) Policiais militares da Paraíba, Bahia, Mato Grosso e Mato Grosso do Sul: acampamentos e negociações; 4ª rede) Policiais militares do Rio Grande do Sul, Piauí, Goiás, São Paulo e Rio de Janeiro: manifestações disciplinadas e articulações políticas à margem do ciclo de protestos. A crise policial militar brasileira representou conjuntura em que elementos próprios da corporação se desgastaram, mas não o suficiente para minar as bases institucionais. O trabalho indica possíveis conexões entre uma cultura policial militar, expressa pelos pilares militarizantes referentes a valores e normas institucionais, e preceitos relacionados à democratização que se passa nas sociedades contemporâneas. / The purpose of this research is to look at the movement cycle of Brazilian military police demands which occurred at the end of the first semester of 1997. The police officers protests in Minas Gerais became a tactical banner for military police collective actions in various parts of Brazil. Fourteen states participated in the first national protest cycle: Alagoas, Bahia, Ceará, Goiás, Mato Grosso, Mato Grosso do Sul, Minas Gerais, Pará, Paraíba, Pernambuco, Piauí, Rio Grande do Sul; and, without an organized movement, São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro. Oral life history narratives revealed interactions between specific state-level military police groups and the nationally constituted organizational culture of the military police. Multiple issues of social movements and public safety in Brazil were addressed in four networks: 1st) Military Police in Minas Gerais: the beginning of the protest cycle cycle of protests; 2nd) Military Police of Alagoas, Ceará, Pernambuco and Pará: armed conflicts and threats; 3rd) Military Police of Paraíba, Bahia, Mato Grosso and Mato Grosso do Sul: encampments and negotiations; 4th) Military Police of Rio Grande do Sul, Piauí, Goiás, São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro: disciplined demonstrations and political articulation on the sidelines of the protest cycle. This analysis indicated different repertoires of collective action by the military police, which damaged the organizational elements, but not enough to undermine its institutional foundations. This research indicates possible connections between the organizational culture of the military police, expressed by the militarized precepts regarding institutional values and norms, and precepts of democratization prevalent in modern societies.

Cette thèse porte sur les dernières années du pouvoir de Moubarak, et tente de se situer en dehors des théorisations politiques dominantes qui ont eu trop souvent tendance à qualifier le régime égyptien comme étant stable. La période sélectionnée (2002 – 2010) est pertinente afin de réinterroger cette stabilité puisque cette « séquence » de l'évolution du régime de Hosni Moubarak permet de mettre l'accent sur les différentes mutations et interactions qui se produisent au sein du système politique, et qui remettent en question l'idée de stabilité, ou encore celle de la « consolidation autoritaire » (Camau, 2005). La problématique centrale de cette thèse cherche à montrer à travers une observation des dynamiques créées, par l'entrée en politique de Gamal Moubarak, en d'autres termes l'irruption d'une « situation de succession » prolongée, comment se recompose la scène oppositionnelle, comment se redéfinissent les « libéralisations » ou encore, comment se mettent en œuvre les protestations. Ainsi, cette thèse vise à mettre en évidence les facteurs dérangeant la stabilité du régime de Moubarak, en d'autres termes, à tester les limites de la « consolidation autoritaire » lorsque celle-ci concorde avec une « situation de succession ». Ce travail de recherche a été alimenté par une réflexion autour de certaines contradictions entre les observations empiriques (l'enquête de terrain) et les cadres théoriques dominants de la recherche politologique sur l'Égypte qui, grosso modo, reflétaient une stabilité du régime Moubarak. Il se situe en dehors de ces approches dans la mesure où la construction de mon objet d'étude s'est déroulée au-delà des axes sur-étudiés, et autour d'axes sous-étudiés. En d'autres termes, ce travail place le curseur loin d'une focalisation sur le régime et ses stratégies, sur la dichotomisation de la scène politique entre le Parti national démocrate (le parti dirigeant depuis la fin des années 1970) et les Frères musulmans, et s'éloigne d'une trame qui considère ces derniers comme étant les seuls acteurs politiques qui comptent. En effet, cette recherche a voulu mettre en évidence le rôle des acteurs de la politique contestataire, leur impact sur la transformation du régime, mais aussi la capacité des mouvements contestataires de produire des « générations politiques » de jeunes militants qui se positionnent en dehors du spectre de la « stabilité ». Autrement dit, en portant l'attention sur des terrains négligés, comme ceux de la protestation, ainsi que les acteurs qui y ont recours, cette thèse cherche à mettre en évidence les facteurs de déstabilisation, aussi limités soient-ils, qui sont apparus dans la gestion par le régime politique de certaines situations ou lors de certains événements durant la période étudiée ; facteurs de déstabilisation gênants pour la stabilité du régime, et observables autour de terrains électoraux, mais surtout protestataires. / This thesis deals with Mubarak's last years in power, using an approach that is distinct from mainstream political theories that have too frequently qualified the Egyptian regime as stable. The selected period (2002-2010) is particularly relevant for reconsidering the regime's stability. This phase in the evolution of the Mubarak regime was one of multiple transformations and interactions which occurred within the political system, questioning the idea of stability or of “authoritarian consolidation”(Camau, 2005). Through observation of the dynamics initiated by Gamal Mubarak's entry onto the political scene – i.e. the emergence of a prolonged “succession phase” – the main focus of this thesis is to demonstrate how the oppositional scene has evolved, how “liberalisation” has been redefined, and how protests have been carried out. Thus, this thesis aims to highlight the factors that disturbed the stability of the Mubarak regime, and thereby, to test the limits of “authoritarian consolidation” when it is coupled with a succession phase. This research has been fuelled by reflection about certain contradictions between empirical observations made through fieldwork, and the mainstream theories of political science research on Egypt, which have stressed the stability of the Mubarak regime. My approach is differentiated from these theories, as it is based on under-used research orientations, not dominant, frequently-used ones. Thus, the focus of this thesis is not on the regime and its strategies, or the bipolarization of the political arena, between the ruling National Democratic Party and the Muslim Brotherhood, and it does not rely on a framework in which these two political protagonists are treated as the only ones that matter. Instead, emphasis is given to analysis of the role of actors of protest politics, their impact on the transformation of the regime, as well as protest movements' ability to produce “political generations” of young activists positioned outside the spectrum of “stability.” By focusing attention on neglected arenas, such as that of protest, and their protagonists, this thesis highlights the destabilizing factors – as limited as they may be – which appeared during particular events or in the context of regime management of certain situations, between 2002 and 2010. These destabilizing factors, which proved to be a hindrance to the maintenance of regime stability, were observed in connection with the electoral field, but also specifically in the protest field.

Submitted by Maicon Juliano Schmidt (maicons) on 2015-08-06T17:56:52Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tainara Andressa Becker Bastianello.pdf: 3182820 bytes, checksum: c0e692e16cf518c63cd630ddd2aa54a6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-08-06T17:56:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tainara Andressa Becker Bastianello.pdf: 3182820 bytes, checksum: c0e692e16cf518c63cd630ddd2aa54a6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-04-15 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / PROSUP - Programa de Suporte à Pós-Gradução de Instituições de Ensino Particulares / UNISINOS - Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos / Esta dissertação problematiza a tematização de mensagens políticas através dos grafismos urbanos − grafite e pichação − na região central de Porto Alegre, no Rio Grande do Sul. A partir de um mapeamento fotográfico, inserido no processo metodológico da Etnografia, que se realiza no contexto de 2013-2014, período em que se dão as manifestações sociais que eclodem em todo o país, este estudo passa a acompanhar a forma como grafites e pichações contribuem para as relações de diálogo, denúncia e contestação das pautas levantadas por essas manifestações. Da mesma forma, torna-se central compreender a relação que se estabelece entre a apropriação do espaço urbano por grafiteiros e pichadores em diálogo com a cidade e como os atos de pichar e grafitar podem ser compreendidos enquanto microrresistências diárias de uma cultura política urbana e transgressora. / This dissertation investigates political messages in urban graphic expressions such as graffiti and pichação (an internationally recognized Brazilian variation of the first, consisting in writing and painting on public walls, often cryptically and illegally) in the central area of Porto Alegre, Brazil. It starts with a photographic survey, structured with etnographic methodology, and it covers the years 2013-2014, when popular demonstrations bursted all over the country. It focuses in the way graffiti and pichação did contribute to the debate, denunciation and contestation around the issues arisen from such protests. Another focal point is the understanding of the relationship set between the urban space appropriation by the graffiti and pichação agents in their dialogue with the city and how their daily micro-political resistance acts can be understood as part of a political culture both urban and transgressive.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:21:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Daniel Fassa Evangelista.pdf: 1550558 bytes, checksum: df1a30da1b1fc2dc04f1858b81b08d0a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-28 / This dissertation is on the June 2013 demonstrations in Brazil, focusing on the city of São Paulo, where the protests convened by the Free Pass Movement (Movimento Passe Livre MPL) against the increase of public transport fare triggered an escalation of mass demonstrations that have taken more than one million people, mostly young, to the streets of 25 states capitals and hundreds of other cities across the country. Our main objectives were: to make a historical record of the demonstrations in the city of São Paulo; to interpret the demonstrations in the light of the social movements theories, paying particular attention to the role of online social networks; and to analyze in-depth interviews we conducted with six members of the National Youth Council from São Paulo (capital and/or metropolitan area) because they act in an institutional channel of interface between the state and the civil society and are members of organizations that are conducted by young people or have them as their target public. From the dialogue between the paradigm of resource mobilization and the paradigm of the new social movements, we conclude that, more than the necessary consequence of the dissatisfactions with the chronic problems of the country, the demonstrations of June must be understood as the result of the combination of strategic and cultural factors put into play by a multiplicity of actors interacting in civil society / A presente dissertação tem como tema as manifestações de junho de 2013, com foco na cidade de São Paulo. Foi a partir da capital paulista que protestos convocados pelo Movimento Passe Livre (MPL) contra o aumento da tarifa do transporte público desencadearam uma escalada de manifestações que levaram mais de um milhão de pessoas, sobretudo jovens, às ruas de 25 capitais e centenas de cidades de todo o país. Nossos principais objetivos foram: fazer um registro histórico das manifestações de junho na cidade de São Paulo; interpretar os acontecimentos à luz de uma revisão bibliográfica das teorias dos movimentos sociais, com particular atenção ao papel das redes sociais digitais; e analisar as entrevistas em profundidade que realizamos com seis integrantes do Conselho Nacional de Juventude originários de São Paulo (capital e/ou região metropolitana), pois atuam em um canal institucional de interface entre Estado e sociedade civil e são membros de organizações que são conduzidas por jovens ou os tem como público alvo. A partir do diálogo entre o paradigma da mobilização de recursos e o paradigma dos novos movimentos sociais, concluímos que mais que uma consequência necessária das insatisfações com os problemas crônicos do país, as manifestações de junho devem ser compreendidas como resultado de uma conjunção de fatores estratégicos e culturais colocados em jogo por uma multiplicidade de atores que interagem na sociedade civil

Este estudo tem como objetivo averiguar os efeitos de sentido produzidos por músicas de hip hop (movimento cultural cultivado nos guetos fluminenses), com base na análise de sua expressão verbal (rap) e em uma consideração experimental de capas de disco. Objetiva-se também investigar, no material artístico de Marcelo D2 e MV Bill, relações sociais engendradas por sujeitos da periferia, em espaços sociais antagônicos (centro e periferia). Para isso, exploramos uma Análise do Discurso de base enunciativa, enfatizando o conceito de etos discursivo, além de noções vinculadas à problemática da alteridade discursiva, a fim de que se analise o posicionamento de entes subjugados perante o descaso a que estão submetidos, e suas impressões sobre as imagens discursivas de marginalizadores. Buscamos apreender etos produzidos por sujeitos do rap, considerando a presença do Outro que fala nele/por ele (alteridade). Nossos procedimentos metodológicos apontam o que levou a considerar o hip hop, além da trajetória seguida na delimitação do corpus. Além disso, expõem-se os motivos que nos fizeram priorizar etos e alteridade discursiva. As análises buscam avaliações sobre a materialidade discursiva, que almejam extrair sentidos produzidos nos guetos. Como resultados, refletimos sobre aspectos inerentes ao contexto social fluminense, ao relacionamento entre sujeitos, lugares e práticas, para que se alarguem considerações sobre essas afinidades, inclusive na escola. Desse modo, ambicionamos que se aprimorem os debates sobre práticas de afirmação social de classes e, através de novas discussões, se intensifiquem as iniciativas sociopolíticas / This research has the aim to analyze the effects of meaning created by hip hop songs produced in this cultural movement cultivated in the ghettos of Rio de Janeiro. The basis of the analysis is the verbal expression (rap) and the design of album covers. Another goal is to investigate, in the artistical material of Marcelo D2 and MV Bill, social relations produced by characters in the suburb, in opposite social spaces (center and suburb). For this purpose, enunciation based Discourse Analysis is used, with emphasis in the discursive ethos concept and in notions associated with the discursive alterity, aiming to study how explored people position themselves and the way they see their discursive image as outsiders. Our goal is also to apprehend the ethos produced by people involved with rap, considering the Other that talks about/through them (alterity). The methodological procedure explains why and how hip hop was chosen as corpus, and why ethos was the concept elected to guide the research. The analysis search for conclusions about the discursive materiality, willing to extract senses produced in the ghettos. As result, there are reflections about specific aspects of the social context in Rio de Janeiro, about the relationships between people, places and practices, in order that there may be a wider consideration about this sort of relations, even in schools. With this project we aim to enhance the debates about social classes affirmation practices and intensify sociopolitical initiatives trough the new discussions that are here proposed