Este trabalho propõe um estudo sobre o ciclo de movimentos reivindicatórios dos policiais militares brasileiros, ocorrido ao final do primeiro semestre do ano de 1997. As manifestações dos praças da Polícia Militar de Minas Gerais se tornaram um estandarte tático para a ação coletiva dos PMs de diversas localidades do território nacional. Quatorze estados integraram o ciclo nacional de protestos: Alagoas, Bahia, Ceará, Goiás, Mato Grosso, Mato Grosso do Sul, Minas Gerais, Pará, Paraíba, Pernambuco, Piauí, Rio Grande do Sul; e, sem movimento organizado, São Paulo e Rio de Janeiro. Narrativas, em história oral de vida, revelaram o diálogo entre as especificidades regionais e uma cultura policial militar nacionalmente constituída. Múltiplas questões, para o estudo da história dos movimentos sociais e da segurança pública no Brasil, foram problematizadas por meio de quatro redes de análise que indicam o repertório da ação coletiva policial militar: 1ª rede) Policiais militares de Minas Gerais: o início do ciclo de protestos; 2ª rede) Policiais militares de Alagoas, Ceará, Pernambuco e Pará: conflitos armados e ameaças; 3ª rede) Policiais militares da Paraíba, Bahia, Mato Grosso e Mato Grosso do Sul: acampamentos e negociações; 4ª rede) Policiais militares do Rio Grande do Sul, Piauí, Goiás, São Paulo e Rio de Janeiro: manifestações disciplinadas e articulações políticas à margem do ciclo de protestos. A crise policial militar brasileira representou conjuntura em que elementos próprios da corporação se desgastaram, mas não o suficiente para minar as bases institucionais. O trabalho indica possíveis conexões entre uma cultura policial militar, expressa pelos pilares militarizantes referentes a valores e normas institucionais, e preceitos relacionados à democratização que se passa nas sociedades contemporâneas. / The purpose of this research is to look at the movement cycle of Brazilian military police demands which occurred at the end of the first semester of 1997. The police officers protests in Minas Gerais became a tactical banner for military police collective actions in various parts of Brazil. Fourteen states participated in the first national protest cycle: Alagoas, Bahia, Ceará, Goiás, Mato Grosso, Mato Grosso do Sul, Minas Gerais, Pará, Paraíba, Pernambuco, Piauí, Rio Grande do Sul; and, without an organized movement, São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro. Oral life history narratives revealed interactions between specific state-level military police groups and the nationally constituted organizational culture of the military police. Multiple issues of social movements and public safety in Brazil were addressed in four networks: 1st) Military Police in Minas Gerais: the beginning of the protest cycle cycle of protests; 2nd) Military Police of Alagoas, Ceará, Pernambuco and Pará: armed conflicts and threats; 3rd) Military Police of Paraíba, Bahia, Mato Grosso and Mato Grosso do Sul: encampments and negotiations; 4th) Military Police of Rio Grande do Sul, Piauí, Goiás, São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro: disciplined demonstrations and political articulation on the sidelines of the protest cycle. This analysis indicated different repertoires of collective action by the military police, which damaged the organizational elements, but not enough to undermine its institutional foundations. This research indicates possible connections between the organizational culture of the military police, expressed by the militarized precepts regarding institutional values and norms, and precepts of democratization prevalent in modern societies.

Nesta dissertação, investigo o processo de institucionalização do Movimento Negro no Brasil contemporâneo. Este fato social tem requerido uma progressiva profissionalização dos militantes, a formalização e burocratização das organizações, bem como novas estratégicas de mobilização de recursos e especialização do ativismo. Em grande medida, essa institucionalização está ligada ao modo pelo qual o movimento se apropriou das oportunidades políticas oferecidas pelo Estado e pelo ambiente civil a partir da redemocratização brasileira. A dinâmica das organizações e o estilo dos protestos negros, objetos empíricos deste trabalho, expressam o modo como a ação coletiva negra se insere no cenário político atual. / In this dissertation I analyse the institutionalization of black movement in Contemporary Brazil. This social fact have been imply progressive professionalization of militants, more formal and bureaucratic organizations, new strategies to resource mobilizations and specialization of activism. The institutionalization is related to the way through the movement used the political opportunities offered by state and environment civil since the emergency of Brazilian democracy in the 1980s. The dynamic of organizations and the style of black protest, empiric objects of this work, express how the collective actions inside nowdays political context.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:47:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Danilo Sergio Socorre.pdf: 1109484 bytes, checksum: 8b5fac3c6375180970eb16207e1d3cb0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-02-19 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / During this study we focused our research on dialogues between the Protest Song of 1960s and 1970s, especially those occurred in certain works created by Gilberto Gil, Caetano Veloso and Chico Buarque de Holanda and a few songs produced by politicized and protest rock launched by bands from Brasilia such as Capital Inicial, Plebe Rude and Legião Urbana in the 1980s, contextualizing this cultural production within an important period in the recent history of Brazil. Through the theory developed by Bakhtin, we were confronted with dialogues between speakers and speeches, which allowed us to produce analysis of the characteristics and content of the dialogues between the "Old" Protest and the "New" Protest. The investigation allowed us to point out some similarities between the songs analyzed, and also enabled us to interpret them as articulating elements of the period in which they arose, which is evident in the performance of songs from both periods as a political tool of contestation. / No decorrer deste estudo, procuramos focar nossa investigação sobre os diálogos estabelecidos entre a Canção de Protesto dos anos 1960 e 1970, em especial, os ocorridos em determinadas obras criadas por Gilberto Gil, Caetano Veloso e Chico Buarque de Holanda e algumas canções produzidas pelo rock politizado e de protesto lançado pelas bandas de Brasília: Capital Inicial, Plebe Rude e Legião Urbana, nos anos 1980. Assim, pudemos contextualizar a produção cultural, dentro desse período importante da história recente do Brasil. Através da teoria desenvolvida por Bakhtin, foram confrontados os diálogos entre interlocutores e discursos, o que nos permitiu produzir análises acerca das características e conteúdos dos diálogos travados entre o Velho Protesto e o Novo Protesto. A pesquisa admitiu apontar algumas convergências entre as canções analisadas, bem como, também, possibilitou-nos interpretá-las como elementos articuladores do período em que surgiram que, por conseguinte, evidencia-nos a atuação das canções de ambos os períodos como instrumento político de contestação.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:55:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Daniel Fassa Evangelista.pdf: 1550558 bytes, checksum: df1a30da1b1fc2dc04f1858b81b08d0a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-28 / This dissertation is on the June 2013 demonstrations in Brazil, focusing on the city of São Paulo, where the protests convened by the Free Pass Movement (Movimento Passe Livre MPL) against the increase of public transport fare triggered an escalation of mass demonstrations that have taken more than one million people, mostly young, to the streets of 25 states capitals and hundreds of other cities across the country. Our main objectives were: to make a historical record of the demonstrations in the city of São Paulo; to interpret the demonstrations in the light of the social movements theories, paying particular attention to the role of online social networks; and to analyze in-depth interviews we conducted with six members of the National Youth Council from São Paulo (capital and/or metropolitan area) because they act in an institutional channel of interface between the state and the civil society and are members of organizations that are conducted by young people or have them as their target public. From the dialogue between the paradigm of resource mobilization and the paradigm of the new social movements, we conclude that, more than the necessary consequence of the dissatisfactions with the chronic problems of the country, the demonstrations of June must be understood as the result of the combination of strategic and cultural factors put into play by a multiplicity of actors interacting in civil society / A presente dissertação tem como tema as manifestações de junho de 2013, com foco na cidade de São Paulo. Foi a partir da capital paulista que protestos convocados pelo Movimento Passe Livre (MPL) contra o aumento da tarifa do transporte público desencadearam uma escalada de manifestações que levaram mais de um milhão de pessoas, sobretudo jovens, às ruas de 25 capitais e centenas de cidades de todo o país. Nossos principais objetivos foram: fazer um registro histórico das manifestações de junho na cidade de São Paulo; interpretar os acontecimentos à luz de uma revisão bibliográfica das teorias dos movimentos sociais, com particular atenção ao papel das redes sociais digitais; e analisar as entrevistas em profundidade que realizamos com seis integrantes do Conselho Nacional de Juventude originários de São Paulo (capital e/ou região metropolitana), pois atuam em um canal institucional de interface entre Estado e sociedade civil e são membros de organizações que são conduzidas por jovens ou os tem como público alvo. A partir do diálogo entre o paradigma da mobilização de recursos e o paradigma dos novos movimentos sociais, concluímos que mais que uma consequência necessária das insatisfações com os problemas crônicos do país, as manifestações de junho devem ser compreendidas como resultado de uma conjunção de fatores estratégicos e culturais colocados em jogo por uma multiplicidade de atores que interagem na sociedade civil

Au cours de la période des longues années soixante, le Royaume-Uni fut traversé par un cycle de contestation lors duquel différents groupes de militants firent valoir un large éventail de revendications. Un certain nombre de similarités peut être observé dans leurs idéologies, leurs tactiques et leurs symboles, comme par exemple leur volonté de lutter pour leur « libération » de « l’oppression » impérialiste, paternaliste, raciste, sexiste, homophobe ou même de délivrer les animaux de la domination humaine. Ces similitudes suscitent logiquement de nombreuses questions, notamment les suivantes : comment expliquer ces parallèles ? Quels sont les liens qui ont rendu possible la diffusion de ces éléments ? Dans quelle mesure la diffusion a-t-elle contribué à l’évolution de la contestation dans les longues années soixante au Royaume-Uni ? Afin d’y répondre, cette thèse s’efforcera d’analyser séparément les différents mouvements sociaux de la période, en accordant une importance particulière à leurs interactions et à leurs rôles au sein du cycle. En fournissant un modèle aux groupes de militants qui l’adaptent ensuite à leur propre cause, les processus de diffusion viennent nourrir et amplifier la dynamique protestataire. Il ne s’agit donc pas d’un simple phénomène de mimétisme, mais d’un procédé créatif témoignant d’activités complexes de construction du sens. Le choix de la source d’inspiration est également très significatif, d’autant plus que celle-ci peut se situer dans un autre pays ou une autre époque. Ainsi, il conviendra de démontrer que la diffusion peut opérer de manière diachronique au sein d’un même territoire, comme de manière synchronique lorsque les militants jettent leur dévolu sur un mouvement aux revendications différentes ou ayant lieu à l’étranger. / During the Long Sixties, the United Kingdom witnessed the rise of a protest cycle allowing various groups of activists to press for a wide array of claims. A number of similarities can be observed in their ideologies, tactics and symbols, such as their willingness to fight for their “liberation” from “oppression”, be it imperialist, paternalistic, racist, sexist, homophobic or even to free animals from human domination. These analogies raise a number of questions, notably: how can these parallels be explained? What are the links that enabled the diffusion of these elements? To what extent did diffusion processes contribute to the evolution of protest during the Long Sixties in the United Kingdom? To answer these questions, this thesis will analyse the social movements of the period separately, whilst paying particular attention to their interactions with one another and their role within the protest cycle. By providing other groups of activists with a model that they can adapt to their own cause, diffusion processes can swell and escalate the dynamics of contention. Hence, they differ from pure mimicry; they show how meaning is carefully constructed through creative adaptations. The choice of a particular source of inspiration is also very significant, especially when it can be traced back to another era or country. Therefore, it will be demonstrated that diffusion can occur both diachronically within national boundaries or synchronically between movements making different claims or taking place in a different country.

The problem with which this thesis is concerned is the relationship between literature and politics. By means of a biographical and historical study two significant writers of the 1930s/40s I examine the ways in which the pressures of Depression, the threat of fascism and the onset of war influenced Australian writing. In particular, I ask whether the political issues of the period affected what these authors wrote and how they wrote it. My conclusion is that pressure of political concern caused significant personal, philosophical and political changes in Barnard and Davison, and that it affected both the genre in which they wrote and the content of their fiction. They turned from fiction to cultural commentary, historical writing, political pamphleteering and activism. They utilised short fiction as a means of discussing their worries about the state of the world and in order to promote values they felt threatened. When they returned to longer fiction their work bore, to differing degrees, in its ideas, arguments and imagery, the influence of their political engagement. More generally, I conclude that liberal humanism was the major animating philosophy of writers in the 1930s and that their concern with political issues grew from their conviction that western liberal democracy was the most fruitful soil for the production of art, a climate of freedom which they felt threatened by both fascism and war. This anxiety is the most important factor in both their politicisation and the work they did under the latter???s influence.

<p>The aim of this paper is to analyse the social movement Planka.nu with reference to the theory of new social movements in order to engage in a discussion about the presence of “old” tradition and “new” trends. As well as empirical, the purpose is also theoretical and methodological: to examine, and extend, the discussion about new and old social movements. A qualitative method is used. The analytical framework is based on a combination of theories of social movements and new social movements. Planka.nu was started in 2003 in Stockholm. The movement uses the Internet to organise free-riding on the public buses and trains with the aim of pressuring regional politicians into fully financing public transportation by progressive taxation. In all aspects discussed, both old and new characteristics were found. Behind a rhetoric that to a large extent resembles that of the traditional Swedish labour movement lies a redefinition of values, ideas and strategies that correspond with the theory of new social movements. By adopting a theoretical outlook on social movements that questions the existence of two divided blocs, a more nuanced discussion of the combination of old and new aspects could be held.</p>

<p>Abstract</p><p>Why do Political Parties emerge? – A Study of "Sjukvårdspartiet i Värmland"</p><p>Political Science, Johan Utter</p><p>The political parties have important roles to play in contemporary society. They act as bearers of power and presents the voters with finished packages of ideas on how society should grow, develop and change. Political parties are essential to the survival and wellbeing of representative democracy. Many theories have been developed over the years concerning matters related to political parties, but one area of research remains largely unexplored, namely the topic on why political parties do emerge in the first place. Why do some individuals become creators of political parties?</p><p>Since this is a weak theoretical field an attempt will be made to contibute to the understanding concerning what makes new political parties emerge. This is done by relating previous contributors theories to the results obtained from a case study undertaken on the emergence of "Sjukvårdspartiet i Värmland", a political party risen from a protest-movement concerning the preservation of the local hospital in Kristinehamn. By testing this case against earlier research a foundation will be created and from which new ideas about political parties can be generated.</p><p>By interviewing the creator of the political party "Sjukvårdspartiet i Värmland" an attempt is made to reveal the incentives which led to the party formation. These results are then compared to the causal mechanisms proposed by earlier research. The purpose is to analyze if theories from earlier research is able to explain the emergence of "Sjukvårdspartiet i Värmland".</p><p>The results show that party formations are cryptic political phenomena, which needs larger and more developed theoretical constructions before the question "Why do political parties emerge?" can be properly answered.</p><p><strong><p> </p></strong></p>

<p>This study is a response to the dilemma of poor service delivery or the lack thereof. In this regard, this study posits the professionalisation of local government as part of the solution. The focus is on the administrative arm of local government, which is the major conduit for service delivery. Professionalisation of local government is a broader theme. For the present purposes, focus will be devoted to the competency component which entails attracting qualified personnel competent to discharge local government responsibilities. However, it is not limited to attracting already competent and professional staff. It also entails developing the skills of existing staff. This definition, in essence, relates to qualification through training, learning and specialisation.11 In essence, professionalisation of local government ensures that all employees act and behave in a professional way. In this regard, this study seeks to identify the competency standards set by the legislative framework and then explore the legal avenues for enforcing compliance, by the municipal administration, with such standards. This requires one to look at and answer the following questions: What constitutes municipal staff? / What is the content of the competency framework in question? / What are the enforcement mechanisms currently in place? / Whose role is it to enforce compliance with the competency framework? / Broadly speaking, enforcement can take two forms: hard enforcement and soft enforcement. The hard form of enforcement relates to giving incentives for compliance with the competency framework and dismissal for non-compliance. Softer enforcement, in turn, relates to correction and monitoring.</p>

In recent times, increasing instances of population displacement from many large dam construction projects have led to increase in anti-dam protest movements. But some of these protest movements are more successfully mobilized than others. The differences in success are largely due to the kind of political system they are based in. Studies show that formation and mobilization patterns of the protest movements are largely determined by the nature of state and its political system. However, there is lack of comparative study in this regard especially in the field of anti-dam protest movement. This thesis aims to fill that knowledge gap by comparing the anti-dam protest mobilization in Sardar Sarovar Dam, India and Three Gorges Dam, China. The Study finds that political structures have significant impact on anti-dam protest mobilization and citizens of democracy enjoy more freedom in anti-dam protest mobilization than those in authoritarian polity.