Orientador: Sirio Possenti / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-20T10:50:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 OliveiraBitencourt_DaianeRodriguesde_M.pdf: 1022614 bytes, checksum: 90f72f4703c12467ebef8acea3f7420a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: O objetivo desta pesquisa é analisar como a Semântica Global Batista filtra discursos sobre o feminino na revista Visão Missionária. Este trabalho fundamenta-se nas noções de Semântica Global e de Discursos Constituintes propostas por Maingueneau. O corpus de análise é a revista Visão Missionária, a qual é uma publicação da União Feminina Missionária Batista do Brasil. Essa revista ensina como a mulher batista deve exercer suas funções diárias como uma mulher cristã. Nesta pesquisa, inicialmente, discute-se o espaço protestante brasileiro e a constituição do discurso batista. Em seguida, descreve-se a Semântica Global Batista e seu funcionamento nas práticas da Igreja. A seguir, apresenta-se a constituição de Visão Missionária, contrapondo-a a outras revistas femininas. Posteriormente, analisa-se como a revista representa a mulher batista em seus papéis de mãe, esposa e profissional como uma "Mulher Cristã em Ação". Depois disso, investiga-se como a Semântica Global Batista também regula as recomendações indicadas à mulher em seu cuidado com o corpo e a beleza. Por fim, verifica-se o funcionamento dessa Semântica Global no sistema de citações, particitações e comentários na revista. Os resultados da pesquisa mostram como a Semântica Global Batista regula não apenas os níveis discursivos, mas também os institucionais da Igreja, bem como os discursos sobre o feminino veiculados em Visão Missionária / Abstract: The objective of this research is to analyze how Baptist Global Semantic filters discourses about the feminine in Visão Missionária magazine. This work is based in the notions of Global Semantic and Constituents Discourses proposed by Maingueneau. The corpus of analysis is the Visão Missionária magazine, which is a publication of the Baptist Woman's Missionary Union of Brazil. The magazine teaches the Baptist Woman how to play her various functions in daily as a Christian. First of all, this research discusses the Brazilian Protestant space and the constitution of the Baptist discourse. Second, it describes the Baptist Global Semantics and its functioning in the church practices. Next, it presents the constitution of Visão Missionária, contrasting it to other women's magazines. Later, it considers how the magazine represents the Baptist woman in their roles as mother, wife and professional as a "Christian Women in Action." After that, it investigates how the Global Semantic Baptist also regulates the recommendations given to women in their care with her body and beauty. Finally, it verifies the functioning of this Global Semantic in the system of citations, particitations and comments in the magazine. The research results show how the Baptist Global Semantic regulates not only the discursive level, but also the institutional church as well the discourses about the women published in Visão Missionária / Mestrado / Linguistica / Mestre em Linguística

O objetivo desta pesquisa é investigar os modos pelos quais, nas duas últimas décadas, os discursos que se utilizam de referenciais étnico-raciais vem sendo operacionalizados por alguns segmentos religiosos ( religiões afro-brasileiras, catolicismo e protestantismo) representados neste trabalho por lideranças engajadas na promoção de atividades que ressaltam diferenças étnico-raciais entre os fiéis e articulam, junto às instituições políticas e religiosas, tratamentos diferenciados, com vistas à efetivação de estratégias religiosas e político-sociais. Os agentes religiosos em questão disputam pela autoridade em definir a \"identidade negra\" a partir de seus pressupostos doutrinários. Dessa forma, busca angariar capital simbólico, para manter sua clientela junto a um segmento específico da sociedade brasileira e, ao mesmo tempo, ter legitimidade em enunciar um discurso na esfera pública acerca das políticas étnico-raciais, uma vez que seriam as religiões também articuladoras na construção da \"negritude\". As lideranças religiosas pré-selecionadas fazem parte de instituições que articulam ações políticas e religiosas como o Instituto Nacional da Tradição e Cultura Afro-Brasileira (INTECAB), a Pastoral Afro-brasileira, o Núcleo de Diálogo Trilateral Candomblé-Católico-Umbanda (DCCU) e a Aliança de Negros e Negras Evangélicos do Brasil (ANNEB). Categorias como \"negritude\", \"identidade negra\" e \"cultura negra\" serão vistas como nativas e problematizadas ao longo do trabalho. Assim, pretendemos mapear as disputas políticas e religiosas que se dão em torno desse tema, no interior dos seus campos e na relação deles entre si. / The objective of this research is to examine the manners by which, in the last two decades, the discourses that are used as ethnic-racial referential have been operationalized in some religious segments: Afro-Brazilian religions Catholicism and Protestantism. This research will focus on the leaders engaged in the promotion of the activities that highlight ethnic-racial differences amongst devotes, who articulate along with political and religious institutions specific treatment to carry out religious, political and social strategies. The religious agents in question dispute for the authority to define a \"black identity\" from their doctrinaire points of view. Thus, they search to raise symbolic capital to maintain their clients close to a specific part of the Brazilian society and, at the same time, to be legitimate to enunciate a discourse in the public sphere about ethnic-racial policies, once the religions would also be articulators in the construction on the \"negritude\". The chosen religious leaders are part of the institutions that articulate politic and religious actions, such as the Instituto Nacional da Tradição e Cultura Afro-brasileira (INTECAB), the Pastoral Afro-brasileira, the Núcleo de Diálogo Bilateral Candomblé-Católico (DCC) and the Aliança de Negros e Negras Evangélicos do Brasil (ANNEB). Categories as \"negritude\", \"black identity\", and \"black culture\" will be taken as native categories and discussed during research. Thereby we pretend to map the political and religious disputes that occur about this topic, within its own fields and in the relationship among them.

Qu’est-ce que la liberté de conscience ? Après avoir examiné deux grandes traditions théologiques issue de la Réforme, celle de Castellion au XVIe siècle puis celle de Bayle au XVIIe siècle, qui font chacune de la liberté de conscience le nom d’un nouveau rapport entre l’individu et Dieu questionnant l’importance de l’institution religieuse, la présente thèse considère l’apport politique de cette notion qui reparaît en France lors de la Révolution française pour souligner les enjeux religieux de l’avènement de la République. Le concept de liberté de conscience permet de dévoiler cette réflexion qui s’étend tout au long du XIXe siècle sur la nature des fondements moraux de la République, réputés universels et indépendants des religions particulières, que l’institution scolaire est chargée de diffuser. À partir de quatre moments clés de la construction de l’école républicaine française au XIXe siècle (le moment Guizot sous la monarchie de Juillet ; la Révolution de 1848 avec le plan Carnot et le Manuel républicain de Renouvier ; la pensée du républicain Edgar Quinet en exil sous le Second Empire ; l’apport de Ferdinand Buisson dans l’institutionnalisation de la laïcité sous la Troisième République), nous cherchons à mettre en évidence la proximité entre cette quête d’un universel moral, qui prendra le nom de « laïcité », et une réflexion théologique menée par plusieurs républicains autour de l’institutionnalisation d’une religion respectueuse de la liberté de conscience qui accompagnerait la construction de la République française. / What is freedom of conscience? After analyzing two great theological traditions coming from the Reformation, the ones of Castellion in the 16th century and Bayle in the 17th century, which both make freedom of conscience the name of a new relationship between the individual and God, questioning the importance of the religious institution; this thesis considers the political contribution of this concept which reappears in France during the French Revolution to emphasize religious issues coming from the advent of the Republic. The idea of freedom of conscience reveals a reflection process, spreading over the 19th century, about the nature of the Republic’s moral foundations, considered as universal and independent from any particular religion, which the academic institution has to transmit.

Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This thesis is about anti-popery in early modern England, how its meanings and political uses in printed literature changed in response to the dramatic developments of the Thirty Years' War. I contend that the languages of anti-popery, though structured by binary oppositions, were being used to express complex, multifaceted views about Catholic states in the 1620s and 1630s. The new perspective that this research offers is two-fold. Firstly, it asserts that anti-popery was an active and flexible tool of English Protestant debate about foreign affairs. 'Popish' tyranny, variously embodied in the Counter-Reformation papacy or Habsburg imperialism, was a malleable concept that adapted its meanings and associations with the political circumstances. Our early modern subjects were capable of separating anti-Catholic beliefs about idolatrous worship from political questions of how to identify, and combat, the threat of papal tyranny. Thus, this thesis argues that a greater range of irenic attitudes towards relations with Catholic powers were circulating than previously thought. Secondly, this thesis argues that several different anti-papal languages were operating alongside, and in competition with, one another in early Stuart political culture. As a fluid set of tropes, associations and prejudices, anti-popery had different meanings for different authors and incorporated a range of political and religious agendas. Anti-popery, therefore, was not simply a tool of Puritan opposition to the non-interventionist policy of the Stuarts, but, I argue, was also compatible with a more moderate or conciliatory attitude to Catholic states, including Habsburg Spain. The printed debates of the 1620s and 1630s expose the tensions that existed between competing ideas about the nature of the external popish threat. By 1635 and the reversal of Protestant fortunes on the Continent, these competing anti-papal ideas were exposing the tensions within England about the nature of its Protestantism, and thus helped precipitate the Civil Wars.

This book examines and analyses the Union between the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and Sweden signed in 1655 at Kėdainiai and the political crisis that followed. The union was a result of strong separatist dreams among the Lithuanian-Ruthenian Protestant elite led by the Radziwiłł family, and if implemented it would radically change the balance of power in the Baltic Sea region. The main legal point of the Union was the breach of Lithuanian federation with Poland and the establishment of a federation with Sweden. The Grand Duchy of Lithuania aspired to return to international relations as a self-governing subject. The Union meant a new Scandinavian alternative to Polish and Russian domination. The author places the events in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the general crisis that occurred in Europe in the middle of the 17th century characterized by a great number of wars, rebellions and civil wars from Portugal to Ukraine, and which builds the background to the crisis for Lithuania and Sweden. The research proved the importance of lesser powers in changing the geopolitical balance between the Great Powers. The conflict over Lithuania and Belarus was the main reason for the Swedish-Russian, Polish-Russian and Ukrainian-Russian wars. The failure of the Union with Sweden was caused by both internal and external factors. Internally, various ethnic, confessional and political groups within the nobility of Lithuania were split in favour of different foreign powers – from Muscovy to Transylvania. The external cause for the failure of the Union project was the failure of Swedish strategy. Sweden concentrated its activity to Poland, not to Lithuania. After the Union, Swedish authorities treated the Grand Duchy as an invaded country, not an equal. The Swedish administration introduced heavy taxation and was unable to control the brutality of the army. As a result Sweden was defeated in both Lithuania and Poland. Among the different economic, political and religious explanations of the general crisis, the case of Lithuania shows the importance of the political conflicts. For the separatists of Lithuania the main motive to turn against Poland and to promote alliance with Sweden, Russia or the Cossacks was the inability of Poland to shield the Grand Duchy from a Russian invasion.The Lithuanian case was a provincial rebellion led by the native nobility against their monarch, based on tradition of the previous independence and statehood period. It was not nationalism in its modern meaning, but instead a crisis of identity in the form of a conflict between Patria and Central Power. However, the cost of being a part of Sweden or Muscovy was greater than the benefit of political protection. Therefore, the pro-Polish orientation prevailed when Poland after 1658 recovered its military ability the local nobility regrouped around Warsaw. The Grand Duchy of Lithuania managed to remain on the political map of Europe, but at the price of general religious Catholization and cultural Polonization. After the crisis, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania gradually changed into a deep province of the Polish state.

Au début du XVIe siècle la ville de Montpellier était encore médiévale. Les murailles, "commune clôture", étaient le symbole de son pouvoir, de sa justice; mais elles étaient aussi l'objet de lourdes charges financières.Dans cette ville de Montpellier différents groupes se côtoyaient. Les uns, la noblesse ancienne et rurale, avaient perdu de l'influence au sein du consulat. Les autres, les petits nobles de robe, issus de la bourgeoisie marchande, progressaient. Ils connurent un fort essor avec la création de la cour des Aides, en 1467, et avec la création de la chambre des Comptes, en 1523. Ils accaparèrent les charges de premier consul, rachetèrent les droits de justice au clergé, aux seigneurs locaux, et finalement, dirigèrent la ville. / At the begining of the 16th century, the town was still medieval, the walls, "common fences", were the symbol of its power, of its justice, but they were also the object of heavy financial charges.In the town of Montpellier, different groups were mixing. Some of them, old rural nobility, had lost influence in the consulship. The others, small nobility from the petty merchant vourgeoisie, were increasing. The knew a strong rise with the creation of the court of Aides in 1467 and with the creation of the house of Accounts in 1523. They withheld the charges of first consul, bought the right of justice from the clergy and the local lords, and finally ruled the town.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-01T18:12:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 valtemir_ramos_guimaraes.pdf: 778867 bytes, checksum: abdad5727611775ccbcae54e9efaaf40 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-10-23 / This paper aims, in general, at analyzing the Biblical Fundamentalism socioreligious phenomenon, since its origin, within the ninetieth century Northamerican Protestantism, until our days which we observe in its Fundamentalism´s strong presence, overall in the Protestantism´s inner life. Paradoxically, in spite of all scientific and technological advancement that is observed in these recent last years, which have given beginning to the twenty first century, Fundamentalism has grown up in all so-called Book Religions: Judaism, Christianism and Islamism. And this is not true only in the religious circles, but also in other society sectors, including the political ones. Regarding to the Biblical Fundamentalism, present in protestant communities, we can observe positive and negative aspects which will be properly analyzed throughout this work. In this perspective, we have tried researching the Fundamentalism´s assumptions, development and dissemination, since its origin within American Protestantism in the late ninetieth century in order to understand its socioreligious implications for the present days. The applied methodology consists of studies and researches, departing from specialized bibliography, based on the academic environment in History, Sociology, Anthropology, Theology, Exegesis and Biblical Hermeneutics area, departathing from protestant and catholic authors who transit thoughout the Sciences concerning Religion epistemological field. Departing from pertinent informations regarding to the present time, we acknowledge that the Biblical Fundamentalism has grown and impacted, day after day, in the ecclesiastical environment which is evident in its praxis in Brazil and in the world. We may conclude that this studies subject reflectes in the relationships concerning family, the communities and society, amid the challenges regarding to the modernity in crises. / Esta Dissertação tem, como objetivo geral, analisar o fenômeno sociorreligioso do Fundamentalismo bíblico, desde sua origem, no seio do Protestantismo norte-americano do século XIX, até os nossos dias, em que se observa sua forte presença, sobretudo no seio do Protestantismo. Paradoxalmente, apesar de todo avanço científico e tecnológico que se observa nestes últimos anos, que deram início ao século XXI, o Fundamentalismo tem crescido em todas as culturas das chamadas Religiões do Livro: Judaísmo, Cristianismo e Islamismo. E não apenas nos meios religiosos, mas em outros setores da sociedade, inclusive nos meios políticos. No que tange ao Fundamentalismo Bíblico presente em comunidades protestantes, observam-se aspectos positivos e negativos, que serão devidamente analisados ao longo deste trabalho. Para tanto, procuramos investigar os pressupostos, desenvolvimento e difusão do Fundamentalismo, desde suas origens no seio do Protestantismo norte-americano no Século XIX, a fim de se compreender suas implicações sociorreligiosas para a atualidade. A metodologia aplicada consta de estudos e pesquisas em bibliografia especializada proveniente do ambiente acadêmico na área de História, Sociologia, Antropologia, Teologia, Exegese e Hermenêutica bíblica, de autores protestantes e católicos, que transitam no campo epistemológico das Ciências da Religião. Com informações pertinentes para a atualidade, reconhecemos que o Fundamentalismo Bíblico tem crescido e impactado no dia-a-dia no meio eclesial, onde é evidente a sua práxis no Brasil e no mundo. Concluímos que o assunto estudado se reflete nas relações familiares, comunitárias e, sociais, em meio aos desafios da modernidade em crise.

The Legal Order of the Evangelical Church of Czech Brethren - History and Present The aim of this thesis is to gather available sources concerning the legal order of the Evangelical Church of Czech Brethren (ECCB) since its establishment in 1918 to the present day. The sources used address the legal history of the Protestant Church in Cisleithania from 1848 until the end of World War I. A critical analysis of the sources is carried out to document the development of the church constitution and the orders of the ECCB. The criteria for the elaboration of individual storylines are primarily the historical relevance and the practical applicability of the information regarding the ECCB Strategic Plan of 2019. The thesis consists of an introduction, followed by three parts, and a conclusion. The first part, (1848-1922), comprises four chapters covering the legal history of the Protestant Church in Cisleithania from the revolutionary years 1848/1849 until the dissolution of Austria-Hungary and the establishment of both Czechoslovakia and the ECCB. Particular attention is given to the circumstances surrounding the creation of the church constitution of 1861, the constitutional reform efforts of the Czech-speaking Czech and Moravian Protestants of both confessions (Augsburg and Helvetic), the movement of...

The submitted diploma thesis deals with Christian Democratic political parties in the political systems of Scandinavian and Baltic countries of Sweden, Norway, Denmark, Finland, Estonia and Latvia. These parties form a unique "Nordic" branch of European political Protestantism; and structurally and functionally distinctive, but to a great degree homogenous, subgroup of Christian democracy. A major theoretical tradition to be applied is the Rokkanian party system analysis. Contrary to its counterparts on the continent, the Nordic branch grew not from a church-based defence stance against a secular state, but from both territorial and religious dissent on the periphery. The "cultural periphery" analysis relies heavily on history and geography of religion of the Nordic countries. However, other theoretical perspectives are taken as well in order to compare different aspects of the parties' affiliations and policies, such as their cabinet policies, ideology or EC/EU attitudes. In another chapter, possibilities and limits of Christian democracy in the Lutheran environment of Latvia and Estonia are examined. Is Scandinavian experience portable? Or are there other ways of Christian political mobilization used in the public spheres of the two Baltic countries? A similar theoretical framework is applied,...