AbstractThe main import of this case study is to understand how community radio has contributed to peace in the aftermath of the genocide in Rwanda which in essence was the massacring of the Tutsi and Hutu moderates by Hutu extremists. The inquiry embraces the citizen participation theory and a rhizomatic approach to the study of community media as its analytic lenses. This task is accomplished through expert interviews with community media practitioners. The main research question for the study is; How has community radio contributed to peace building in post-conflict Rwanda? A subsidiary question is posed: How have changes in post genocide Rwanda´s media environment impacted the operations of community radios? These questions are important in post-conflict Rwanda where one ethnic group fought the other aided by the radio amidst accusations and counter accusations of marginalisation in developmental matters and political influence.The study finds that community radio has contributed to peace by defining community in terms of region and not defining the concept along the same ethnic lines that have proven to be problematic in the past They have instead placed emphasis on homogeneity e.g. same language and culture rather than difference and have adopted a new narrative to describe the socio-economic challenges of the Rwandan people. A platform for citizen participation was created for people to share experiences and resolve disputes and regular reconciliatory messages pass through the airwaves. While there have been challenges with the restructuring of the media-legal framework which in the eyes of some resulted in too harsh media laws and strict government control, community media is one of the major benefactors of the changes. A measure of decency was established.

En explorant les effets de violence qui agissent sur le mouvement de journalisme de paix au Rwanda, cette thèse d'anthropologie analyse l'émergence d'une forme d'autoritarisme sous la figure d'une extrême-paix. La thèse entend ainsi contribuer, grâce à une double méthode ethnographique et généalogique, à l'étude des formes contemporaines de la violence et des conflits, à un moment unique de l'Histoire où, paradoxalement, la rature de la guerre devient une ambition explicite de nombreuses organisations internationales. Elle vise également à développer une méthode d'écriture ethnographique qui puisse s'adapter aux formes d'autoritarisme déployées sur le terrain, et qui obligent des collectivités entières à l'isolement et au silence. En premier lieu, est posé le problème de l'utilisation du journalisme pour fin de renforcement de la paix et de la démocratie, ce qui implique un lien de cause à effet établi entre une pratique et la prévention de conflits complexes reposant sur des hypothèses liant conflit inter ethniques et génocide. Contredisant une approche trop schématique, notre proposition s'appuie sur une exploration généalogique des conditions préalables au développement des conflits et des médias au sein d'un État particulier (le Rwanda) et des institutions internationales, et met ensuite à jour les déterminants socioculturels et politiques qui agissent en amont sur le mouvement contemporain de journalisme de paix. Une ethnographie des actions de formation de la relève journalistique au Rwanda, de l'appui institutionnel et du parrainage des journalistes qui couvrent la justice post-génocidaire a été effectuée. L'analyse qui en est faite présente la capacité des acteurs du mouvement de journalisme de paix de tenir compte de l'ensemble de ces déterminants culturels de la communication publique qui président à la fois à l'évolution des conflits politiques et au développement d'une culture journalistique rwandaise. Il s'avère que le "journalisme de paix" repose sur une logique de confrontation très schématisée opposant des médias de guerre à des médias de paix. Aussi, elle donne prise à l'instrumentalisation de la mémoire et à l'autoritarisme en négligeant les violences structurelles, les histoires individuelles des journalistes et les structures historiques et politiques qui traversent les âges et les conflits.

The United Nations currently adopts media policies for peacekeeping missions on an ad-hoc basis, often relying on US or NATO rules. Some have suggested that a standardized media policy for all peacekeeping missions should be the norm. This project examines that proposition with an eye to the tension between the right to know and operational security. Looking at UN intervention in the Gulf War, Somalia, and Rwanda, the problems with such a rigid media policy appear significant. Instead, a dual-level approach is advocated, allowing broad principles of independent coverage as well as in-country negotiations to take place. / Master of Arts

In times of war, women are subjected to sexual abuse that is largely ignored by military organizations, media outlets, and international courts. Existing literature has illustrated how wartime rape was accepted or dismissed in the past, and how today, while this practice continues, international courts are beginning to identify the harm being done to women, making explicit how rape is used as a tool of genocide. In this thesis I argue that wartime rape serves as a means of genocide, a way to eliminate a group of individuals and their culture. A recent example of how rape worked as genocide is seen in the Rwandan genocide in 1994. Rape was used as a systematic policy to destroy a group of people, the Tutsi, through torture and the spreading of AIDS. The purpose of this research is to examine genocidal rape from the perspectives of women who were raped in Rwanda during the genocide. The focus is on gaining insight to wartime rape as a form of genocide and the aftermath of rape on the women and the culture within which it occurred. Qualitative, feminist analysis was used to answer the following research questions: How do women raped in the Rwandan genocide describe and explain their experiences with rape and its aftermath? How did the intersection of gender and ethnicity contribute to violence against women during the genocide? What are the implications of rape for the women who experienced it and for their families, communities, and their cultural group? / Master of Science

Yes / Background: The Xpert MTB/RIF (Xpert) assay is used globally to rapidly diagnose tuberculosis and resistance to rifampicin. We investigated the frequency and predictors of false-positive findings of rifampicin resistance with Xpert. Methods: We did a prospective, observational study of individuals who were enrolled in a Rwandan nationwide diagnostic cohort study (DIAMA trial; NCT03303963). We included patients identified to have rifampicin resistance on initial Xpert testing. We did a repeat Xpert assay and used rpoB Sanger and deep sequencing alongside phenotypic drug susceptibility testing (pDST) to ascertain final rifampicin susceptibility status, with any (hetero)resistant result overriding. We used multivariable logistic regression to assess predictors of false rifampicin resistance on initial Xpert testing, adjusted for HIV status, tuberculosis treatment history, initial Xpert semi-quantitative bacillary load, and initial Xpert probe. Findings: Between May 4, 2017, and April 30, 2019, 175 people were identified with rifampicin resistance at initial Xpert testing, of whom 154 (88%) underwent repeat Xpert assay. 54 (35%) patients were confirmed as rifampicin resistant on repeat testing and 100 (65%) were not confirmed with resistance. After further testing and sequencing, 121 (79%) of 154 patients had a final confirmed status for rifampicin susceptibility. 57 (47%) of 121 patients were confirmed to have a false rifampicin resistance result and 64 (53%) had true rifampicin resistance. A high pretest probability of rifampicin resistance did not decrease the odds of false rifampicin resistance (adjusted odds ratio [aOR] 6·0, 95% CI 1·0–35·0, for new tuberculosis patients vs patients who needed retreatment). Ten (16%) of the 64 patients with true rifampicin resistance did not have confirmed rifampicin resistance on repeat Xpert testing, of whom four had heteroresistance. Of 63 patients with a very low bacillary load on Xpert testing, 54 (86%) were falsely diagnosed with rifampicin-resistant tuberculosis. Having a very low bacillary load on Xpert testing was strongly associated with false rifampicin resistance at the initial Xpert assay (aOR 63·6, 95% CI 9·9–410·4). Interpretation: The Xpert testing algorithm should include an assessment of bacillary load and retesting in case rifampicin resistance is detected on a paucibacillary sputum sample. Only when rifampicin resistance has been confirmed on repeat testing should multidrug-resistant tuberculosis treatment be started. When rifampicin resistance has not been confirmed on repeat testing, we propose that patients should be given first-line anti-tuberculosis drugs and monitored closely during treatment, including by baseline culture, pDST, and further Xpert testing. / The European & Developing Countries Clinical Trials Partnership 2 programme, and Belgian Directorate General for Development Cooperation.

Les trois études présentées dans cette thèse portent sur 1) la comparaison de la prévalence du VIH mesurée par le programme de surveillance du VIH chez les femmes enceintes (surveillance sentinelle) et celle mesurée chez les femmes de la population générale en 2005, 2) l'analyse de l'utilité des données du programme de prévention de la transmission du VIH de la mère à l'enfant (PTME) pour la surveillance du VIH chez les femmes enceintes (données de 2007) et 3) l'analyse des liens entre les déterminants liés au genre et la séropositivité au VIH dans la population générale en 2005. Les trois études ont été conduites au Rwanda. En premier lieu, la prévalence mesurée par la surveillance sentinelle sous-estime significativement celle mesurée dans la population générale féminine dans les villes urbaines autres que la capitale (5% contre 7,7 %, p=0,008). La distribution différente des facteurs sociodémographiques dans les deux populations est la principale cause de la différence des prévalences du VIH constatée. En deuxième lieu, la prévalence du VIH mesurée par le programme de PTME sous-estime celle mesurée par la surveillance sentinelle (3,27 % contre 4,35 % p=0,03). La faible qualité des données du programme de PTME a été associée à la différence constatée. En troisième lieu, 29,2%; 22,2% et 12,4% des femmes en union ont respectivement rapporté avoir subi la violence physique, psychologique et sexuelle. Après ajustement pour les variables socio-démographiques et les facteurs de risque sexuels chez les femmes, le rapport de cote (RCajUsté) de l'infection à VIH était de 3,23 [Intervalle de confiance (IC) à 95% : 1,30-8,03] chez les femmes qui avaient un score allant de 3 à 4 sur l'échelle de la violence psychologique perpétrée par le partenaire. Le RCajUsté chez les femmes qui ont rapporté avoir été exposée à la violence interparentale était de 1,95 (IC à 95% : 1,11-3,43). La correction du biais de classement des femmes enceintes recrutées par la surveillance sentinelle dans les villes urbaines autres que la Capitale est nécessaire pour améliorer les estimations de prévalence du VIH réalisées par ce programme. La gestion et la qualité des données du programme de PTME doivent être améliorées avant de confier à ce programme l'activité de surveillance du VIH. Les interventions ciblant la réduction de la violence basée sur le genre devraient être intégrées dans les politiques de lutte contre le VIH/SIDA.

Il ne nous appartient pas dans cette étude de traiter des seuls problèmes occasionnés par l’exportation coercitive du modèle politique occidental en Afrique, la question a déjà fait l’objet de remarquables travaux. Il convient cependant de souligner que force est de constater le manque d’études concernant l’ethnie en tant qu’ontologie intrinsèque en relations internationales et en polémologie en particulier. Dans le cadre de notre étude, il s’agit d’une part de mettre en évidence l’aspect central et fondamental de la manipulation multiforme du concept d’ethnie dans la survenance de certains conflits post 2nde Guerre Mondiale. En effet, outre les deux bombardements nucléaires d’Hiroshima et de Nagasaki en 1945, les puissances nucléaires se sont livrées à un jeu macabre de chantage stratégique sans pour autant faire usage de l’arme prétorienne et ultime qu’est le feu nucléaire, reléguant les études concernant le phénomène nucléaire à de vaines spéculations sur l’emploi d’une arme devenue de fait obsolescente. Il va sans dire qu’eut égard aux nombreuses victimes civiles et militaires, directes et indirectes des conflits que nous décrivons et que nous analysons en l’espèce dans le cadre de cette étude ; l’ethnie qui est maintes fois convoquée, galvaudée joue un rôle non négligeable dans ces conflits. A cet effet les conflits étudiés en l’espèce appartiennent à la catégorie des conflits identitaires. La multiplicité des conflits à caractère ethnique en Afrique noire et les violences indicibles qui en résultent comme au Rwanda, nous incline à penser pour schématiser prosaïquement que l’ethnie tue plus que l’atome ; autrement dit les conflits ethniques auxquels un nombre limité d’études est consacré sont beaucoup plus violents et plus meurtriers que les spécialistes ne veulent le faire croire. Ainsi marginaliser, caricaturer ou analyser sans consistance scientifique, sans profondeur épistémologique les conflits identitaires et ethniques reviendrait à les exclure progressivement du champ d’étude des relations internationales et de la polémologie. L’ethnie appert de ce fait comme une ontologie intéressant de plus en plus les relations internationales eu égard à la multiplicité des conflits ethniques et identitaires essaimant en Afrique depuis la chute du Mur de Berlin. Depuis cette période symbolique les Etats forts bâtis sur le modèle jacobin importé et cimenté par les partis et pensées uniques ont fait place à une multitude de revendications, au pluralisme politique ainsi qu’à la résurgence des identités ethniques. Dans le cas congolais, l’ethnie devient une ontologie transnationale, elle sert non plus à diviser mais à unir des alliés. L’ethnie ne devient donc plus un facteur de repli identitaire mais une source de la constitution de grands ensembles politiques transnationaux. Pour ce faire, l’histoire est mobilisée et manipulée à dessein afin de servir de ferment de légitimation. / It is not up to us in this study to treat only problems caused by the coercive export of Western political model in Africa, the question has already been remarkable treated. It should however be noticed that it is clear the lack of studies on ethnicity as an integral ontology in international relations and conflict studies in particular. In our study, it is firstly to highlight the central and fundamental aspect of the multifaceted manipulation of the concept of ethnicity in the occurrence of certain post WW2 conflicts. Indeed, besides the two atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945, the nuclear powers have engaged in a macabre game of strategic blackmail without making use of the ultimate weapon and Praetorian what the nuclear fire, relegating studies on nuclear phenomenon of idle speculation about the use of a weapon is now obsolescent.Needless to say, What would the light of numerous civilian and military casualties, direct and indirect conflicts we describe and we analyze the case in this study, the ethnic group that has repeatedly called, plays a hackneyed significant role in these conflicts. To this end the conflicts in the studied species belong to the category of identity conflicts. The multiplicity of ethnic conflicts in sub-Saharan Africa and the unspeakable violence that result as in Rwanda, we tend to think to map prosaically as ethnicity kills more than the atom, ie the ethnic conflicts which a limited number of studies are devoted much more violent and deadly than the experts do not want to believe. And marginalize, caricature or analysis without scientific consistency without deep epistemological identity and ethnic conflicts would be to progressively exclude the study of international relations and war studies.The ethnicity appears thus as interesting ontology increasingly international relations with respect to the multiplicity of ethnic and identity conflicts swarming in Africa since the fall of the Berlin Wall. Since this symbolic period strong states built on the Jacobin model imported cemented by single parties and thoughts have been replaced by a multitude of claims to political pluralism as well as the resurgence of ethnic identities. In the Congolese case, ethnicity becomes a transnational ontology, it is no longer to divide but to unite allies. The ethnic therefore becomes a factor of isolationism but a source of the formation of large transnational political groups. To do this, the story is mobilized and manipulated on purpose to serve as a leaven of legitimation.

Previous studies have shown that Western media often show the wrong picture of what happened during the genocide in Rwanda 1994. What is described in the news reporting is explained as a new civil war between the two different ethnic groups hutu and tutsi. The hate between these ethnic groups is described as an age-old hate that continually inflates to battles between these two different ethnic groups. The genocide witnessed by the entire international community and received no direct help from the outside world. The UN allowed people to kill each other with machetes, shoot each other and brutally and cold blooded murder others because they belong to the wrong ethnic group. Going into the UN's actions is very interesting and something I am thinking of doing in the future, but this essay focuses on two different issues: how was the genocide in Rwanda portrayed by Western media and did the Western image reflects the domestic image of the Rwanda genocide? The result is that Western media initially showed the wrong picture of what preceded in Rwanda. But when the newspapers sent their own cross-ministers, the conflict and the various players in the conflict were clarified.

Background/Problem definition There are few epidemiological studies on soccer injuries in Africa.The prevalence and variables linked to injuries needs to be recognized. Better mapping and knowledge about injury prevalence/incidence could play an important role in helping players sustain a career in soccer without major injuries.  Objective To explore prevalence, mechanism, severity of injuries and injured body parts in players from top divisions of Rwanda and Swaziland during season 2012/2013. Methods The study was of a retrospective, descriptive, comparative design with a quantitative approach on a cohort of n=738 players from Rwanda and Swaziland. Injury frequencies from data sets was analyzed. Data was analyzed using the F-MARC injury-questionnaire. Results The subpopulations had varying frequencies of injuries. Age 18-24 sustained the most injuries in both countries, n=215. There was a significant difference of injury prevalence, 71,8% of the Swaziland players sustained injuries. In Rwanda 34,8% sustained injuries. However, the severity of injuries was significantly higher in the Rwanda. Conclusion The results of the findings in this study shows that the players in Swaziland had almost a two-time higher injury prevalence. Although the reason to this can only be speculated in by the authors. Further research is encouraged to increase the mapping of injuries in Africa, and factors associated to them. / Bakgrund/Problemformulering Studier på fotbollsskador i Afrika är få till antal. Det finns ett behov av att undersöka skadeprevalensen och variabler som påverkar skador. En större kartläggning och mer kunskap om skadeprevalens/incidens kan spela en viktig roll i att hjälpa fotbollsspelare att undvika allvarligare skador under deras karriär. Syfte Att utforska prevalens, mekanism, svårighetgrad av skador samt skadad kroppsdel hos spelare i Rwandas och Swazilands högsta fotbollsligor. Metod Studien var av en retrospektiv, deskriptiv, komparativ design med en kvantitativ inriktning i en kohort på n=738 fotbollssspelare från Rwanda och Swaziland. Skadefrekvenser från data analyserades. Data analyserades och sammanfattades genom användning av skadeformuläret F-MARC. Resultatsammanfattning Subpopulationerna hade tydliga variationer i skadefrekvens. Åldersgruppen 18–24 ådrog sig flest skador, 215 st. Det fanns en signifikant skillnad i skadeprevalens mellan länderna. I Swaziland ådrog 71,8% av spelarna sig en skada, Rwanda var denna siffra 34,8%. Däremot var allvarlighetsgraden av skador, mätt i tid borta från fotbollsspelande, större i Rwanda. Slutsats Resultatet av denna studie visar på att spelarna i Swaziland hade cirka två gånger högre skadeprevalens än spelarna i Rwanda. Författarna av denna studie kan endast spekulera i anledningen till detta. Vidare forskning uppmuntras för att få en bättre kartläggning av skadeprevalensen i Afrika samt faktorer som påverkar denna.

Explorations of womens roles in armed conflict have traditionally focused on women as victims, which has led to a limited understanding of the active roles women have played during and after conflicts. For example, analyses of the roles of women in the 1994 Rwanda genocide have largely focused on the victimization of women through rapes and mutilations, which leaves many dimensions unexplored. Exposing the roles of women in perpetrating violence or reconciliation efforts can contribute to a more nuanced understanding of the roles of women in wartime and challenge the traditional gender stereotypes that have denied womens agency dealing with the aftermath of conflict. This study aims to contribute to the literature on women and conflict, specifically ethnic conflict, by providing a broader and thus more accurate picture of the roles of women during and after the Rwanda genocide. This study explores the following question: What roles did Rwandan women play in the genocide and are women revealing their agency and abilities in the aftermath? This thesis explores the gendered nature of the Rwanda genocide as revealed in the violence committed against women and by women during the Rwanda genocide (women as victims and perpetrators), as well as the position of women in post-genocide Rwanda (their agency in reconciliation and reconstruction). This research represents a qualitative study based on information provided by news sources, ethnic conflict and genocide literature, feminist literature, reports by non-governmental organizations, and international organizations including the United Nations (specifically the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda) and the World Bank. The roles of women during and after conflict have been traditionally understood from a biased perspective; however, the genocide in Rwanda has revealed the great extent to which women are affected by conflict, participate in conflict, and contribute to reconstruction and reconciliation efforts.