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This paper examines how the serbian president Milorad Dodik in Bosnia and Herzegovina positions himself in regards to the Dayton agreement. The paper focuses on three theoretical positions that Dodik can position himself with; Arend Lijpharts consociational democracy, Sam Smoohas ethnic state, and secession. To investigate which position he takes, I use a content analysis wherein I have chosen statements made by Dodik. These statements are then compared to the three theoretical approaches to see which one Dodik positions himself with. The result shows that Dodik mentions all of the possible positions but does not clearly mention which he positions himself with. However when looking at the result I find that he positions himself with the ruling types that go outside the Dayton agreements consociational democracy sixteen times but positions himself with the Dayton agreement only six times. Therefore Milorad Dodik positions himself outside of the Dayton agreements consociational democracy.

Self-determination is a peoples' right to freely determine their political, economic and cultural destiny without external interference. However, the cultivation of a culture of respect for self-determination remains the greatest challenge to post-colonial Africa. Dictatorships and other oppressive regimes very substantially affected Africa's efforts to develop a culture of constitutionalism and respect for the right of peoples to selfdetermination. Most African countries typify the failed effort of trying to establish an enduring democracy and respect for the right of peoples to take part in the government. After five decades of transition from colonialism to constitutional democracy, most African peoples are still under the yoke of governments they consider undesirable or oppressive. This work primarily sets out to investigate if the denial of the right of peoples to self-determination justifies the use of force to secure such a right. Since independence, Africa has experienced armed rebel groups seeking either to effect radical transformation of the whole state or to separate from the state to which they belong in order to create a new state. In the main, this study explores the extent to which rebel groups acting on behalf of peoples are or are not allowed to use force for the attainment of self-determination. The thesis begins with an historical development of the right to self-determination in international law. It initially examines how self-determination has developed from a political principle to a legal right. Despite the fact that self-determination is one of the core principles of the UN Charter, there are still many controversies over its precise meaning, scope and application. The thesis considers the two aspects of selfdetermination: external self-determination and internal self-determination. The external aspect implies the right of people to form a new, sovereign and independent state, whereas the internal aspect implies the right of people to participate in the political framework of an existing state. The thesis also assesses the state of the academic literature over the right of peoples to self-determination, with a view to determining whether the right can be used by a group of people whose internal self-determination has been denied to effect secession from the state. It advocates that, outside the colonial context, the right of self-determination does not equal to a "right to secession and independence". The thesis argues, however, that in exceptional circumstances such as gross violations of human rights and the denial of internal self-determination, people should be endowed with a right to secession in the manifestation of a right to unilateral secession as a remedy of such injustices. The thesis further turns to the mechanisms for the protection of the peoples' right to self-determination, the problems and challenges in Africa. The challenges do not only include the legality of the use of force by rebel groups and national liberation movements in seeking to attain self-determination, but also the right of other states to assist them in their struggles. The work probes the nature of international law and critically assesses whether the persistent denial of demands for self-determination led to calls for drastic remedies, including the use of armed force. Before this theory is critically assessed, the thesis defines the differences between national liberation movements and rebel groups. It argues that as far as self-determination struggles are concerned, there must be representative organisations acting on behalf of people whose right of self-determination has been denied. In the light of these contentions, the study examines the general ban on the use of force as laid down by the UN Charter, and finds that the Charter does not expressly refer to self-determination as a situation where people may resort to the use of force for the attainment of such a right. It then turns to the history of and circumstance surrounding the use of force, examines the jus ad bellum regarding "liberation struggles", and concludes that the use of force by national liberation movements against colonial and racist regimes has strong theoretical foundations and support in state practice. Outside of the colonial and apartheid contexts, however, the argument that rebels acting on behalf of oppressed peoples may legitimately use force in pursuit of selfdetermination thus remains ambiguous. In that context, this thesis examines the practice relating to the use of force by rebel groups and the laws of war provisions that apply in civil wars, and concludes that none of them proves that the international community of states accepts rebels' right to use force as a legal entitlement. Finally, based on the lessons learned from and lacunae identified in all norms relating to the enforcement mechanisms of the right of self-determination, this study concludes with a set of suggestions and recommendations. / LLD (Law), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2015

Self-determination is a peoples' right to freely determine their political, economic and cultural destiny without external interference. However, the cultivation of a culture of respect for self-determination remains the greatest challenge to post-colonial Africa. Dictatorships and other oppressive regimes very substantially affected Africa's efforts to develop a culture of constitutionalism and respect for the right of peoples to selfdetermination. Most African countries typify the failed effort of trying to establish an enduring democracy and respect for the right of peoples to take part in the government. After five decades of transition from colonialism to constitutional democracy, most African peoples are still under the yoke of governments they consider undesirable or oppressive. This work primarily sets out to investigate if the denial of the right of peoples to self-determination justifies the use of force to secure such a right. Since independence, Africa has experienced armed rebel groups seeking either to effect radical transformation of the whole state or to separate from the state to which they belong in order to create a new state. In the main, this study explores the extent to which rebel groups acting on behalf of peoples are or are not allowed to use force for the attainment of self-determination. The thesis begins with an historical development of the right to self-determination in international law. It initially examines how self-determination has developed from a political principle to a legal right. Despite the fact that self-determination is one of the core principles of the UN Charter, there are still many controversies over its precise meaning, scope and application. The thesis considers the two aspects of selfdetermination: external self-determination and internal self-determination. The external aspect implies the right of people to form a new, sovereign and independent state, whereas the internal aspect implies the right of people to participate in the political framework of an existing state. The thesis also assesses the state of the academic literature over the right of peoples to self-determination, with a view to determining whether the right can be used by a group of people whose internal self-determination has been denied to effect secession from the state. It advocates that, outside the colonial context, the right of self-determination does not equal to a "right to secession and independence". The thesis argues, however, that in exceptional circumstances such as gross violations of human rights and the denial of internal self-determination, people should be endowed with a right to secession in the manifestation of a right to unilateral secession as a remedy of such injustices. The thesis further turns to the mechanisms for the protection of the peoples' right to self-determination, the problems and challenges in Africa. The challenges do not only include the legality of the use of force by rebel groups and national liberation movements in seeking to attain self-determination, but also the right of other states to assist them in their struggles. The work probes the nature of international law and critically assesses whether the persistent denial of demands for self-determination led to calls for drastic remedies, including the use of armed force. Before this theory is critically assessed, the thesis defines the differences between national liberation movements and rebel groups. It argues that as far as self-determination struggles are concerned, there must be representative organisations acting on behalf of people whose right of self-determination has been denied. In the light of these contentions, the study examines the general ban on the use of force as laid down by the UN Charter, and finds that the Charter does not expressly refer to self-determination as a situation where people may resort to the use of force for the attainment of such a right. It then turns to the history of and circumstance surrounding the use of force, examines the jus ad bellum regarding "liberation struggles", and concludes that the use of force by national liberation movements against colonial and racist regimes has strong theoretical foundations and support in state practice. Outside of the colonial and apartheid contexts, however, the argument that rebels acting on behalf of oppressed peoples may legitimately use force in pursuit of selfdetermination thus remains ambiguous. In that context, this thesis examines the practice relating to the use of force by rebel groups and the laws of war provisions that apply in civil wars, and concludes that none of them proves that the international community of states accepts rebels' right to use force as a legal entitlement. Finally, based on the lessons learned from and lacunae identified in all norms relating to the enforcement mechanisms of the right of self-determination, this study concludes with a set of suggestions and recommendations. / LLD (Law), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2015

L’année 2014 est marquée par les référendums sur la souveraineté de l’Écosse et de la Catalogne, deux nations partageant de nombreux points communs sur les plans de l’histoire et de la culture. Le cadre juridique pré-référendaire de chacune de ces régions est fondamentalement le même: l’existence juridique de l’Écosse et de la Catalogne est directement issue de la volonté d’un État central unitaire, respectivement le Royaume-Uni et l’Espagne. La compétence législative de tenir un référendum sur l’autodétermination de ces régions est d’ailleurs ambiguë. Devant ce dilemme, le Royaume-Uni permet à l’Écosse d’organiser un référendum sur sa souveraineté. Il en résulte un processus démocratique juste, équitable, décisif et respecté de tous. De son côté, l’Espagne interdit à la Catalogne d’en faire de même, ce qui n’empêche pas Barcelone de tout mettre en œuvre afin de consulter sa population. Il en découle un processus de participation citoyenne n’ayant rien à voir avec un référendum en bonne et due forme. 20 ans après le dernier référendum sur la souveraineté du Québec, l’étude des référendums de l’Écosse et de la Catalogne nous permet de mettre en lumière la justesse, mais aussi l’incohérence partielle des enseignements de la Cour suprême du Canada dans son Renvoi relatif à la sécession du Québec. D’un côté, la nécessité d’équilibrer les principes constitutionnels sous-jacents de démocratie et de constitutionnalisme est mise en exergue. Parallèlement, les concepts de question et de réponse claires, d’effectivité et de négociations post-référendaires prennent une toute autre couleur face à un nouvel impératif absent des conclusions de la Cour suprême : celui des négociations pré-référendaires. / The year 2014 is marked by the referendums on sovereignty of Scotland and Catalonia, two nations that have a lot in common in terms of history and culture. The pre-referendum legal framework for each of these regions is basically the same: the legal existence of Scotland and Catalonia comes directly from the will of a unitary central state, respectively the United Kingdom and Spain. The legislative competence to hold a referendum on self-determination of these regions is also ambiguous. Faced with this dilemma, the United Kingdom allows Scotland to hold a referendum on sovereignty. This results in a fair democratic process, equitable, decisive and respected by all. For its part, Spain prohibits Catalonia to do the same, which does not prevent Barcelona to spare no effort to consult its population. The outcome is a public participation process that has nothing to do with a referendum in due form. 20 years after the last referendum on Quebec sovereignty, the study of the Scottish and Catalan referendums allows us to point out the accuracy but also the partial inconsistency of the teachings of the Supreme Court of Canada in its Reference re Secession of Quebec. On one hand, the need to balance the underlying constitutional principles of democracy and constitutionalism is highlighted. At the same time, the concepts of the clear question and answer, effectiveness and post-referendum negotiations take on another color in face of a new imperative that is absent from the conclusions of the Supreme Court: the pre-referendum negotiations.

A degree work called The secession typeface in theory and practise contain two parts. In theory part I deal with characterization of secession, development of typeface, analysis of secession typeface and its use in usual graphic production in Europe. I concentrate on a poster, a newspaper and other form of advertising, a calendar and an utilization of secession typeface like artistic component in architecture. Practise part content my two alphabets, which emit from Mucha´s secession poster type and can be applicable in graphic production at the present times. Both of alphabets are written by capital letter and the second one contein in addition punctuation marks.

This thesis studies the issue of unionism in Texas during the era of the Civil War.

Cette thèse a pour but d'apporter un regard complémentaire à l'histoire officielle de la Photo-Sécession au travers des correspondances d'Alfred Stieglitz et de ses collaborateurs. Communément présenté comme un groupe de photographes américains ralliés autour des idéaux d'Alfred Stieglitz, ces documents mettent en lumière une histoire alternative où la nature même de l'organisation se révèle organique, mouvante et continuellement questionnée par ses principaux acteurs. Une première partie est consacrée à l'analyse de la structure et au fonctionnement du groupe. Celle-ci remet en cause l'hypothèse d'un ensemble strictement « américain » pour découvrir un groupe aux aspirations internationales ainsi qu'une organisation fragmentée par des« factions». La Photo-Sécession ne cacherait-elle pas, au regard de ces sources à caractère confidentiel, une avant-garde fondamentalement internationale ? Dans une seconde partie, s'impose alors une réévaluation de l'héritage de ce groupe qui dépasse les limites du cadre esthétique, questionnant le statut même de photographe-artiste et redéfinissant les limites d'une pratique. Le corpus de près de 4000 documents consultés qui constitue le socle de l'étude est principalement composé de fonds issus de la Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library (Yale, New Haven), du MoMA (New York), du Metropolitan Museum (New York) et des archives de la George Eastman House (Rochester). / Based on the correspondence between Alfred Stieglitz and his associates, this thesis aims at bringing a complementary view on the official history of the Photo-Secession. Commonly introduced as a group of American photographers united around Alfred Stieglitz's ideals, those written records reveal an alternative history where the nature of this structure reveals itself as being organic, moving and continuously challenged by its main members. The first part of this thesis focuses on analysing the group's structure and operation. The latter unravels the idea of a strictly "American" group where we can discover their international endeavours as well as an organization fragmented by its different 'factions'. In light of those private sources, was the Photo-Secession an international avant-garde? In the second part, we reassess the legacy of this group who worked outside of the limits of aesthetic frameworks, questioning the status of the artist-photographer and redefining the limits of a practice. Based on more than 4000 archival records, the core of this study stems from materials preserved at the Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library (Yale, New Haven), the MoMA (New York), the Metropolitan Museum of Art (New York) and archives from the George Eastman Museum (Rochester).

Die internationale Staatengemeinschaft steht Sezessionsbestrebungen zur Aufspaltung bestehender Staaten gewöhnlich ablehnend gegenüber. Gleichzeitig wendet sie in vielen Ländern Instrumente der Entwicklungspolitik an und greift so auch in den dortigen politischen Prozess ein. Untersucht wird, inwiefern Entwicklungspolitik so gestaltet werden kann, dass sie nicht, quasi als Nebenwirkung, einer Sezessionsbewegung zum Durchbruch verhilft. Betrachtet wird dabei neben der gezielten Förderung wirtschaftlichen Wachstums auch das Instrument der Dezentralisierung, das oft als Mittel zur „Beruhigung“ separatistischer Bestrebungen vorgeschlagen wird. Zuvor jedoch wird aufgewiesen, dass eine Politik, die Sezessionen verhindern will, zumindest in vielen Fällen auch moralphilosophisch schlüssig begründet werden kann. Den Abschluss der Arbeit bilden drei Fallstudien zu Sezessionen auf dem Gebiet der ehemaligen Sowjetunion. / The international community is usually set against secessionist movements that aim at the splitting up of existing states. At the same time, in many countries instruments of development policy are applied, that automatically influence the political process there. The investigation here seeks to answer the question whether development policies can be designed in a way that they don’t unwillingly trigger secession as a side effect. In doing so, the focus is not only on growth-enhancing policies, but also on the instrument of decentralization, which is often presented as a tool suited to appease separatist movements. Prior to that, though, it is demonstrated that a policy aiming at the prevention of secessions can – in many cases at least – be justified with sound arguments of moral philosophy. The concluding chapter looks at three case studies of secessions that have been attempted on the territory of the former Soviet Union.

Separatist tendencies in individual EU Member States and the potential impact on the free movement of persons in the EU This thesis deals with the separatist tendencies within the Member States of the European Union. It is therefore a case when a certain region within a Member State decides to secede from it. This needs to be distinguished from a situation when a whole Member State decides to withdraw from the Union. The aim of this thesis is to analyze the various possible scenarios in the case where there is a separation of that region from the Member State. It deals with it in the context of the regions potential continuity within the Union and furthermore it examines the differences between the two most important cases of possible internal secession in the EU of today: Catalonia and Scotland. The thesis evaluates the most probable scenarios in both cases and the consequent impact of such subjective secession of the regions on citizens and their rights in the EU context, in particular the free movement of persons. The first chapter deals with the definition of separatism and general characteristics of the practical behavior of the regions and the state they secede from in the context of the EU. It looks especially at the relationship between the originar country and the separatist region and...