- About
-
The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers
to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is
provided by the
Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
Search results
Showing 181 to 190 of 229 (0.013 seconds)| 181 |
The situation in Syria in light of International Law - A history of political, legal and human challenges / La situación en Siria de cara al derecho internacional. Una historia de desafíos políticos, jurídicos, y humanosReyes Milk, Michelle 10 April 2018 (has links)
The article focuses on the current situation in Syria in light of international criminal law and international humanitarian law. In particular, the author focuses on events and developments carried out from mid 2013 until September 2014. The author begins her research by providing a brief summary of the reasons that have lead to an armed conflict in Syria, and, inturn, examines the issue of the humanitarian consequences of the conflict, as well as some of the measures that have been adopted by the international community to address such consequences. Some of the main sources for this article are the reports adopted by the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic, which provide a crucial tool in order to assess the legal nature and characterization of the armed conflict, particularly in light of the increasing presence of new parties to the conflict. The evolution of the conflict allows the author to further examine the nature of the specific crimes that are being documented in Syria, giving way to an analysis within the field of international criminal law and international criminal responsibility. In the last section, the author examines the role of the UN Security Council in ensuring accountability for crimes in Syria. In particular, the vote on the referral of the Syria situation to the International Criminal Court is thoroughly assessed, leading, in turn, to the current debate on the use of the veto in situations involving crimes under international law. / El presente artículo analiza la situación actual en Siria a la luz del derecho penal internacional y el derecho internacional humanitario. El artículo se enfoca, principalmente, en los desarrollos que tuvieron lugar a partir de mediados de 2013 hasta septiembre de 2014. La autora inicia su investigación con un breve resumen del devenir del conflicto, para luego proceder a analizar las consecuencias humanitarias del mismo y algunas medidas adoptadas por la comunidad internacional. Seguidamente, y tomando como fuente esencial de investigación los informes de la Comisión Internacional Independiente de Investigación sobre la República Árabe de Siria (Comisión de Investigación sobre Siria), la autora analiza la naturaleza y calificación jurídica del conflicto, tomando en cuenta la presencia de nuevos actores en el conflicto. A su vez, la evolución del conflicto exige el análisis de los crímenes concretos que se vienen cometiendo en Siria, lo que lleva a la autora al plano del derecho penal internacional y la responsabilidad penal internacional del individuo. Finalmente, la autora procede a analizar detalladamente el rol del Consejo de Seguridad en promover medidas de accountability en Siria, lo cual lleva al análisis detenido de la votación en el seno del Consejo en torno a la remisión de la situación en Siria a la Corte Penal Internacional, así como al debate actual respecto al empleo del derecho al veto ante situaciones que involucran crímenes bajo el derecho internacional.
|
| 182 |
Kolektivní akce Rady bezpečnosti OSN na ochranu lidských práv / Collective Actions of the UN Security Council for Protection of Human RightsChrtová, Michaela January 2015 (has links)
This thesis Collective Actions of the UN Security Council for the Protection of Human Rights deals with, as the title suggests, collective actions for the protection of human rights with the mandate of the UN Security Council. The thesis is divided into an introduction, conclusion, and four chapters. In the first chapter, the system of human rights protection is described, as it was set up within the newly-formed United Nations after World War II. This chapter also deals with collective actions of the UN Security Council, with or without the use of force, on a theoretical level, e.g. their authorization and possibility of measures that can be taken within the UN system against the perpetrator. Second chapter deals with examples of collective actions of the UN Security Council during the Cold War period. In this era, collective actions of the UN Security Council were authorized only twice, in case of South Africa as a reaction to their policy of apartheid, and in case of South Rhodesia as a reaction to the unilateral declaration of independence by the white minority government. Both cases are described in the chapter. The following chapter describes the development of human rights theories after the end of Cold War. With the end of the bipolar system, there is a shift in the perception of human...
|
| 183 |
(De)legitimizing rape as a weapon of war: patriarchy, narratives and the African UnionLangeveldt, Veleska January 2014 (has links)
Magister Administrationis - MAdmin / The African continent has over the past 40 years witnessed a continued scourge of violent conflict and human rights abuses. These conflicts have significantly undermined the social, political, and economic prosperity of African citizens. Additionally, women and children are particularly affected by these conflicts. Women and children are regarded as ‘the most vulnerable’ as they often become the targets of sexual abuse by the enemy. The African Union (AU) is primarily responsible for the resolution of conflicts on the continent. It professes to be committed to the prevention of human rights abuses and the protection of African women (and children) during armed conflicts. It has thus developed an array of mechanisms, protocols, and instruments to address the exploitation and sexual abuse of women during conflict periods. These instruments include: The Constitutive Act of the AU (2000); The Solemn Declaration of Gender Equality in Africa (2003); the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa- ACHPRWA (2004); and the Protocol relating to the Peace and Security Council. In this research project, I consider whether the narratives used in these AU documents sufficiently and explicitly address the use of rape as a strategic weapon during armed conflicts; or whether these narratives inadvertently contribute to a culture that perpetuates war-time rape. My analysis shows that these AU documents deal with war-time rape in very vague and euphemistic terms. Although gender discrimination, sexual violence, exploitation, discrimination, and harmful practices against women are condemned, the delegitimization of rape as a weapon of war is not specifically discussed. This allows for varying interpretations of AU protocols, including interpretations which may diminish the severity of strategic rape. This has lead me to propose that the narratives used in these AU protocols and related documents draw on patriarchy, perpetuate patriarchy, and thus inadvertently perpetuates a culture that perpetuates the use of rape as a weapon of war
|
| 184 |
L'Union africaine et la promotion de la paix, de la sécurité et de la stabilité en Afrique / The African Union and the promotion of peace, security and stability in AfricaNtwari, Guy-Fleury 01 December 2014 (has links)
La promotion de la paix, de la sécurité et de la stabilité est un objectif fondamental de l’Union africaine, l’Organisation continentale panafricaine. Cet objectif constitue désormais une fonction juridique essentielle pour laquelle a été mise en place au sein de l’Organisation un mécanisme approprié : l’architecture de paix et de sécurité (APSA). Bâtie sur une articulation juridique actualisée, au cœur de laquelle se trouve le Conseil de paix et de sécurité, cette fonction se trouve placée dans des conditions juridiques, devant permettre à l’Union africaine d’agir efficacement dans les situations d’atteinte à la paix, à la sécurité et à la stabilité. Plus d’une décennie après la mise en place de la nouvelle Organisation, le caractère fondamental de cette fonction pousse dès lors à s’interroger sur sa place exacte, à la lumière des capacités de l’Organisation à l’assurer à l’épreuve des faits. Cette interrogation éclaire les conditions d’émergence de la fonction mais place sa dynamique de mise en oeuvre dans un contexte ambivalent marqué tout à la fois par le caractère extensif des compétences de l’Organisation dans ce domaine mais également par la portée limitée de celle-ci face à la multiplication des conflits. / The Promotion of Peace, security and stability is a fundamental objective of the African Union, the Pan African continental organization. This aim is a now a core legal function for which has been established an appropriate scheme within the Organization: the Architecture of Peace and Security in Africa (APSA). Within an updated legal articulation, at the heart of which is the Peace and Security Council, this function is placed in legal conditions that must allow the African Union to act effectively in the cases of breach of peace, security and stability. More than a decade after the establishment of the new organization, the fundamental nature of this function, pushes therefore to question its proper place, in light of the capacity of the Organization to ensure it, at the facts test. This question illuminates emergence conditions of this function but identifies also an ambivalent dynamic in its implementation, marked at once by the extensive nature of the competences of the Organization in this area but its limited scope when facing increasing conflicts.
|
| 185 |
Národní bezpečnostní strategie Spojených států amerických 2002: Imperiální Grand Strategy? / National Security Strategy of the United States of America 2002: Imperial Grand Strategy?Ludvík, Jan January 2009 (has links)
This paper offers a thorough examination of the United States 2002 National Security Strategy. The document is explored in its broader context, which allows us to understand it in its uniqueness and therefore offer sufficient interpretation. Special attention is devoted to the decision making process of the U.S. National Security Council due to primary responsibility of NSC for coordination of American security policy. Further attention is paid to three particular problem- related parts that are often considered to be the most revolutionary issues of this document. Preemption, unilateralism and U.S. support for the spread of democracy are examined in the broader context of the U.S. foreign policy tradition, American identity and historical development. On the basis of thorough research, the paper supposes that all major parts of this particular document are rather compatible with the development of U.S. security policy and they represent rather the outcome of developments than a fundamental change or reformulation of the strategy. The role of strategic documents is implicitly examined as well, while the study suggests that it should be perceived as a product of bureaucratic politics as summarized in a model by Graham Allison.
|
| 186 |
Law-Making by the Security Council in Areas of Counter-Terrorism and Non-Proliferation of Weapons of Mass-DestructionMirzaei Yengejeh, Saeid January 2016 (has links)
The purpose of this thesis is to determine whether the Security Council has opened a new avenue for law-making at the international level by adopting resolutions under Chapter VII of the UN Charter which create new norms of international law or modify international norms already in force (the normative resolutions). The normative resolutions analyzed in this study pertain to the areas of counterterrorism and the non-proliferation of weapons of mass-destruction. The new approach of the Security Council has been examined in light of the Third World Approaches in International law (TWAIL), as well as from the viewpoint of mainstream lawyers. Furthermore, 15 years of State practice relating to the implementation of these normative resolutions has been studied with a view to determining whether subsequent State practice confirms the exercise of a law-making function by the Security Council.
Despite some incremental success in promoting international standards in the fight against terrorism, this thesis illustrates that the Security Council has not succeeded in introducing a new viable form of law-making. The Security Council’s authority to exercise such a function is now under serious doubt and its legitimacy questioned, as its normative resolutions were improperly initiated and adopted under the influence of a Permanent Member of the Security Council. Furthermore, the Security Council’s intervention in areas that are already highly regulated runs the risk of contributing to the fragmentation of international law—a phenomenon that undermines the coherence of international law. Currently, the Council’s normative resolutions are facing serious challenges at the implementation stage and several proceedings before national and regional courts have either directly challenged the normative resolutions, or questioned their enforceability. The Security Council is under continued pressure to further revise its practice or potentially face additional challenges before national, regional, and even international courts which may annul or quash relevant implementing measures. Thus, in light of relevant State practice, it is almost inconceivable that the Security Council would repeat its use of normative resolutions as a means of law-making in the future.
Nevertheless, the increasing powers of the United Nations Security Council also stimulates an increasing demand to hold the United Nations accountable for the possible wrongful acts of its principal organ, particularly when its decisions harm individuals. It is argued that in the absence of a compulsory judicial mechanism at the international level, non-compliance with the Council’s decisions is the only viable way to challenge the Security Council wrongful acts. Yet, non-complying State or group of States should clearly identify their actions as countermeasures vis-a-vis ultra vires acts of Security Council and seek support from other like-minded States to avoid being declared recalcitrant, which may be followed by Security Council sanctions.
|
| 187 |
Beneath the Surface : A qualitative analysis of United Nations Security Council decision-making on Responsibility to ProtectKoltai Edfast, Nike January 2023 (has links)
No description available.
|
| 188 |
国際連合における拒否権の意義と限界 : 成立からスエズ危機までの拒否権行使に関する批判的検討 / コクサイ レンゴウ ニオケル キョヒケン ノ イギ ト ゲンカイ : セイリツ カラ スエズ キキ マデノ キョヒケン コウシ ニカンスル ヒハンテキ ケントウ瀬岡 直, Nao Seoka 19 September 2013 (has links)
博士(法学) / Doctor of Laws / 同志社大学 / Doshisha University
|
| 189 |
L'exécution des décisions de la Cour internationale de Justice : faiblesses et malentendusSaint-Paul, Fritz Robert 12 1900 (has links)
"Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de Maîtrise en droit international (LL.M)" / L'une des critiques fondamentales adressée au droit international à partir du l6ème siècle
tient à l'absence des voies d'exécution efficaces. Pour cette raison, les négateurs du droit
intemational en contestent la juridicité. Le présent mémoire étudie l'ensemble des mesures qui tendent à l'exécution volontaire et forcée des décisions de la Cour internationale de Justice. Pour
ce faire, il analyse principalement l'article 94 de la Charte des Nations Unies qui est le siège de
la question y relative.
Cette étude s'attache, en un premier temps, à l'examen du fondement de l'obligation
d'exécution dans l'esprit du caractère consensuel de la justice internationale permanente. Dans
ce cadre, elle se penche sur les conditions et conséquences de la saisine de la Cour et accorde une
attention particulière aux applications pratiques. L'étude des affaires tranchées par la Cour
permet de faire remarquer que la plupart de ses arrêts ont été respectés par les parties perdantes.
Les cas d'exécution difficile nous enseignent à ne pas sous-estimer le rôle des négociations entre
les parties ou l'action des tiers dans la phase post-juridictionnelle.
Ensuite, elle met l'accent sur la voie d'exécution forcée prévue au deuxième paragraphe.
En raison du pouvoir discrétionnaire que détient le Conseil de sécurité et des risques d'utilisation
du droit de véto par l'un des membres permanents, ce mécanisme est d'une efficacité réduite.
Dès lors, il est loisible au créditeur de la décision d'adopter des mesures compatibles avec le
droit international pour contraindre l'État défaillant à y donner suite. Le rôle des organes de
l'O.N.U. ou institutions internationales et l'impossibilité pour certains États d'adopter des
contre-mesures amènent à conclure que ce degré d'efficacité réside dans le manque d'intégration
de l'ordre juridique intemational. / One of the main criticisms addressed to international law from the 16th century
denounces the weaknesses of its enforcement's mechanisms. For this reason, some positivist
thinkers question its existence. This thesis studies complîance with decisions of the intemational
Court of Justice. To do so, it examines mainly Article 94 of the United Nations Charter, which
takes both their binding effect and their enforcement into account.
On one hand, the obligation of execution in the spirit of a consenting justice has been
analyzed. A special attention has been paid to the conditions under which a dispute is presented
to the Court and the practice followed. This step helps understand the fundamental role of the
parties or tierce in the post-judicative phase.
On the other hand, emphasis has been placed on the legal framework for enforcement
of the lntemational Court of Justice's decisions. The role of the Security Council of the United
Nations under Article 94 (2) has been emphasized. Its action in a case of non-compliance with a
final judgment or an order indicating provisional measures is uncertain because one of the five
permanent members may use its power of veto. Other remaining possibilities such as the
recourse either to some intemational institutions or to unilateral coercive measures may not be of
a greater practical importance. This research concludes that the strengthening of the procedure
under Aliicle 94 (2) is not an option for improvement as long as the international society is not
sufficiently integrated.
|
| 190 |
United States counter-narcotics policies towards Burma, and how the illegal myanmar regime is manipulating those policies to commit ethnic genocide.Hochstedler, Robert. 06 1900 (has links)
US counter-narcotic policies towards Burma have possessed a singular-focus. In other words, they have been based on the traditional bilateral triumvirate strategies of eradication, education, and interdiction. Eradicate the crops used to produce illicit narcotics, interdict the flow of illicit drug traffickers, and educate the general population on the dangers of continual drug usage. In the country of Burma though, there are other US policies which also have a singular focus, which have undermined the effectiveness of these policies. Since the Burmese military regime's brutal suppression of the pro-democracy movement in 1988, the US has severed all economic relations with the country. The Burmese economy, which was already far from stable, fell into a downward spiral as a result of these US-led policies. This did not result in a democratic transition. Over seventeen years since these economic sanctions have been in place, the US has not achieved a peaceful regime change in Burma. Furthermore, the attempts to remove the significant flow of illicit narcotics from the country have failed as well. The reason these two singular-oriented policies have failed is that they are targeted at a country much more complex than these strategies have been designed to handle. First of all, there are 135 ethnicities in Burma, while only a small portion of the Burman population maintains political and economic control. Although this would result in ineffective policies with little collateral impact, the ruling Tatmadaw regime has manipulated these policies to commit ethnic genocide upon the ethnic minorities within their territory. Unless a re-assessment of these policies is undertaken by the US and its allies, the only result of their policies will be the elimination of millions of ethnic minorities in this totalitarian state. Therefore, the US must re-assess its position of isolating the Myanmar regime, and focus on a policy of engagement. Only if a structured and progressive incentive policy of economic development is created in conjunction with the regime, can the separate triumvirate policies of counter-narcotics against the ethnic minorities in Burma become effective. / US Navy (USN) author.
|
Page generated in 0.02 seconds