Submitted by Elesbão Santiago Neto (neto10uepb@cche.uepb.edu.br) on 2016-09-06T20:02:14Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Marília Cordeiro Serra.pdf: 24917357 bytes, checksum: 517aeb31269b5fc1a744fb037dc0995c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-06T20:02:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Marília Cordeiro Serra.pdf: 24917357 bytes, checksum: 517aeb31269b5fc1a744fb037dc0995c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-07-24 / CAPES / This work aims to verify if the Responsibility to Protect (RWP) is innovation in the position of Brazil in UN forums, as well as its compatibility with the foreign policy strategies of the country, detailing it's innovative aspects and explaining in which previous occasions such proposals and positions emerged while argument of the country or third parties. The work presents a study regarding the development of rules of conduct existing in the international system for cases of intervention, emphasizing the normative evolution of UN peacekeeping operations and the concept of Responsibility to Protect (R2P). It details the Brazilian proposal, with its many points of contact with the aforementioned concept and its reception in the international system through the analysis of statements issued by the United Nations, representatives of NGOs, IOs and civil society organizations. It also discusses about the major foreign policy biases adopted by the Brazilian government from 1990 to 2014, through the analysis of the speeches of the national delegation to the General Assembly and the UN Security Council. Therefore, it is able to verify that the RWP presents no major outbreaks of incongruity with the R2P—dating back to the standard ratified by the United Nations for the construction of most of its normative basis—and is extremely consistent with the lines of foreign policy adopted by Brazil over the past 24 years. / Este trabalho visa verificar se a Responsabilidade ao Proteger (RwP) representa inovação no posicionamento do Brasil nos foros onusianos, bem como sua compatibilidade com as estratégias de política externa do país, detalhando seus aspectos inovadores e explicitando em quais ocasiões anteriores tais propostas e posições surgiram enquanto argumento do próprio país ou de terceiros. Para tanto, realiza um estudo sobre o desenvolvimento das normas de conduta vigentes no sistema internacional para os casos de intervenção, com ênfase na evolução normativa das operações de paz da ONU e no conceito da Responsabilidade de Proteger (R2P). Detalha a proposta brasileira, apresentando seus—muitos—pontos de contato com o supracitado conceito e sua recepção no sistema internacional, através da análise de declarações emitidas por membros das Nações Unidas, representantes de ONGs, OIs e organizações de sociedade civil. Versa, ainda, sobre os principais vieses de política externa adotados pelos governos brasileiros no período de 1990 a 2014, por meio a análise dos discursos da delegação nacional na Assembleia Geral e no Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas. Sendo assim, é possível verificar que a RwP não apresenta grandes focos de incongruência com a R2P—remontando à norma ratificada pelas Nações Unidas para a construção da maior parte de seu embasamento normativo—e é extremamente coerente com as linhas de política externa adotadas pelo Brasil ao longo dos últimos 24 anos.

Cette thèse se propose de souligner la proximité et la complémentarité des méthodes d'analyse de texte en droit international et en sciences du langage, particulièrement en traductologie, pour produire une analyse de discours du Conseil de sécurité de l'ONU dans ses résolutions de 1946 à 2015 inclus, qui soit pertinente dans les deux domaines et de ce fait, interdisciplinaire. Une telle analyse de corpus, utilisant des outils textométriques sur le texte mais également sur les données contextuelles des résolutions, nous permet de produire des résultats exploitables dans ces deux champs scientifiques, ce qui est un des buts des humanités numériques. Nous montrons ainsi le sens ordinaire de la version anglaise de la résolution 242 (1967) en établissant, dans notre corpus, les fréquences des différentes traductions en français du déterminant zéro pluriel anglais pour établir son sens le plus commun. Ce faisant, nous aidons à résoudre un vieux problème d'interprétation de droit international, et nous modélisons par ailleurs l'usage de ce déterminant en anglais. Par ailleurs, nous montrons comment une modélisation de la traduction permet de faire émerger l'extension sémantique de certains termes et comment une analyse juridique des résolutions du Conseil de sécurité peut être modélisée en bonne approximation à partir d'un algorithme se basant sur des données purement linguistiques. Les données sont disponibles en ligne : https://hdl.handle.net/11403/csonu / This thesis tries to first show how close text analysis methods in International Law and in Language Sciences are, and how well they complement each other, particularly in the field of Translation studies, to produce a discourse analysis of the UN Security Council resolutions from 1946 to 2015 included, that is relevant in both fields, and as such, truly interdisciplinary. Such corpus analysis using textometric tools onto the text itself as well as on various contextual data allows us to produce actionable results in both scientific fields, which is a stated goal of Digital Humanities.We show one such result by establishing the ordinary meaning of the English version of Resolution 242 (1967) by figuring out for our corpus the translation frequency into French of the English plural zero determiner in order to determine its ordinary meaning. By doing so, we help resolving a long-standing issue of interpretation in International Law, as well as produce a model of the usage of this determiner in English. Furthermore, we show how translation characteristics can reveal semantic extension of certain words and how a legal analysis of the UN Security Council resolutions can be approximated with an algorithm based on purely linguistic features. Online data : https://hdl.handle.net/11403/csonu

<p>This thesis is about issues concerning the implementation of women's human rights in Sri Lanka.</p><p>Sri Lanka has had a conflict between the Government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Ealam, LTTE for two decades. Since 2002 there has been a ceasefire agreement in place, which is being violated by both parties. Before being abandoned in 2003, one woman was present during the peace talks that were held.</p><p>In this paper I present the results of my field research conducted in Sri Lanka in November and December of 2005. The aim was to find out how women were active in the peace process since it is stipulated in international conventions that they have a right to participation. During the interviews with women activists it became evident that women were not involved in the official peace process. Therefore the thesis is about women’s human rights in Sri Lanka and the obstacles for their implementation.</p><p>Two main reasons for the lack of implementation of women’s human rights in Sri Lanka are identified. Firstly, for reasons of culture and patriarchal structures, there is a general lack of implementation internationally of women’s human rights. Secondly, the unresolved conflict situation in Sri Lanka, which reflects the unequal power relations between men and women that existed prior to the conflict. The lack of implementation of women’s human rights in Sri Lanka results in women not being present in the political life and they are therefore not part of the official peace process.</p><p>International conventions such as the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women, CEDAW and the UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on peace and security are addressed in the thesis in order to examine women’s human rights and their right to participation in politics and peace building.</p><p>Finally, I conclude that in order to include women in the official peace negotiations women need to actively participate in politics. The method presented to ensure such participation is that of affirmative action. It is a measure that falls under the category of temporary measures, which is suggested in CEDAW article 4.1.</p>

This thesis is about issues concerning the implementation of women's human rights in Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka has had a conflict between the Government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Ealam, LTTE for two decades. Since 2002 there has been a ceasefire agreement in place, which is being violated by both parties. Before being abandoned in 2003, one woman was present during the peace talks that were held. In this paper I present the results of my field research conducted in Sri Lanka in November and December of 2005. The aim was to find out how women were active in the peace process since it is stipulated in international conventions that they have a right to participation. During the interviews with women activists it became evident that women were not involved in the official peace process. Therefore the thesis is about women’s human rights in Sri Lanka and the obstacles for their implementation. Two main reasons for the lack of implementation of women’s human rights in Sri Lanka are identified. Firstly, for reasons of culture and patriarchal structures, there is a general lack of implementation internationally of women’s human rights. Secondly, the unresolved conflict situation in Sri Lanka, which reflects the unequal power relations between men and women that existed prior to the conflict. The lack of implementation of women’s human rights in Sri Lanka results in women not being present in the political life and they are therefore not part of the official peace process. International conventions such as the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women, CEDAW and the UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on peace and security are addressed in the thesis in order to examine women’s human rights and their right to participation in politics and peace building. Finally, I conclude that in order to include women in the official peace negotiations women need to actively participate in politics. The method presented to ensure such participation is that of affirmative action. It is a measure that falls under the category of temporary measures, which is suggested in CEDAW article 4.1.

L'une des critiques fondamentales adressée au droit international à partir du l6ème siècle tient à l'absence des voies d'exécution efficaces. Pour cette raison, les négateurs du droit intemational en contestent la juridicité. Le présent mémoire étudie l'ensemble des mesures qui tendent à l'exécution volontaire et forcée des décisions de la Cour internationale de Justice. Pour ce faire, il analyse principalement l'article 94 de la Charte des Nations Unies qui est le siège de la question y relative. Cette étude s'attache, en un premier temps, à l'examen du fondement de l'obligation d'exécution dans l'esprit du caractère consensuel de la justice internationale permanente. Dans ce cadre, elle se penche sur les conditions et conséquences de la saisine de la Cour et accorde une attention particulière aux applications pratiques. L'étude des affaires tranchées par la Cour permet de faire remarquer que la plupart de ses arrêts ont été respectés par les parties perdantes. Les cas d'exécution difficile nous enseignent à ne pas sous-estimer le rôle des négociations entre les parties ou l'action des tiers dans la phase post-juridictionnelle. Ensuite, elle met l'accent sur la voie d'exécution forcée prévue au deuxième paragraphe. En raison du pouvoir discrétionnaire que détient le Conseil de sécurité et des risques d'utilisation du droit de véto par l'un des membres permanents, ce mécanisme est d'une efficacité réduite. Dès lors, il est loisible au créditeur de la décision d'adopter des mesures compatibles avec le droit international pour contraindre l'État défaillant à y donner suite. Le rôle des organes de l'O.N.U. ou institutions internationales et l'impossibilité pour certains États d'adopter des contre-mesures amènent à conclure que ce degré d'efficacité réside dans le manque d'intégration de l'ordre juridique intemational. / One of the main criticisms addressed to international law from the 16th century denounces the weaknesses of its enforcement's mechanisms. For this reason, some positivist thinkers question its existence. This thesis studies complîance with decisions of the intemational Court of Justice. To do so, it examines mainly Article 94 of the United Nations Charter, which takes both their binding effect and their enforcement into account. On one hand, the obligation of execution in the spirit of a consenting justice has been analyzed. A special attention has been paid to the conditions under which a dispute is presented to the Court and the practice followed. This step helps understand the fundamental role of the parties or tierce in the post-judicative phase. On the other hand, emphasis has been placed on the legal framework for enforcement of the lntemational Court of Justice's decisions. The role of the Security Council of the United Nations under Article 94 (2) has been emphasized. Its action in a case of non-compliance with a final judgment or an order indicating provisional measures is uncertain because one of the five permanent members may use its power of veto. Other remaining possibilities such as the recourse either to some intemational institutions or to unilateral coercive measures may not be of a greater practical importance. This research concludes that the strengthening of the procedure under Aliicle 94 (2) is not an option for improvement as long as the international society is not sufficiently integrated. / "Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de Maîtrise en droit international (LL.M)"

Le principal reproche qui est adressé au droit international est la faiblesse de ses mécanismes de sanctions. Pour cette raison, plusieurs penseurs juridiques ont conclu que le droit international n'existait pas. Le présent mémoire vise donc à étudier la rhétorique derrière cette affirmation et à examiner sa validité. Pour ce faire, nous analysons dans un premier temps la relation entre la sanction et le droit à travers le cadre positiviste du XIXe siècle. Nous étudions tour à tour les soi-disant critères constitutifs de la sanction. Nous les comparons avec d'autres ordres non juridiques pour ensuite rejeter le postulat positiviste qui fait de la contrainte et de la centralisation des pouvoirs les éléments essentiels de la sanction. Nous étudions ensuite le cadre d'adoption des sanctions économiques du Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies. Cette étape nous permet d'expliquer les principales faiblesses et limitations du droit international. Parmi celles-ci, le manque de coopération internationale, le droit de veto et le principe de la souveraineté nationale sont les éléments qui freinent l'adoption des sanctions coopération internationale. Nous examinons ensuite les objectifs derrière l'imposition des sanctions ainsi que leur efficacité. Finalement, nous étudions les embargos en général et les embargos sur les armes. Cette étude nous permet d'une part de démontrer les effets des sanctions économiques sur la population civile et sur les États tiers. D'autre part, elle nous permet de mieux comprendre les problèmes relatifs à l'administration d'une sanction, ainsi qu'aux mesures de contournement des interdictions. / The fundamental criticism addressed to internationallaw denounces the weaknesses of its sanctions mechanisms. For this reason, severallegal thinkers conc1uded to the inexistence of international law. The present text studies the rhetoric behind this statement and examines its validity. To do so, we analyze in the first place the relationship between sanction and law through the positivist framework of the XIXth Century. We examine in turn the so-called fundamental elements of sanction. We compare these elements with different non-Iegal orders so that we can ultimately reject the positivist theory according to which coercion and centralization ofpower are the fundamental elements of sanction. Chapter II examines the United Nations Security Council framework for adopting economic sanctions. This step allows us to underline the main sources ofweaknesses and limitations of internationallaw. In this respect we observe that the lack of international cooperation is the major weakness of internationallaw. Furthermore, an analysis of the relevant dispositions of the United Nations Charter shows that the veto right and the principle of international sovereignty are two elements that hamper international cooperation. We then study the objectives behind the adoption of sanctions as well as their effectiveness. Finally, we study general embargoes as well as arms embargos. This inquiry allows us to focus on the effects of economic sanctions on both civilians and third States. It also helps us understand the problems with regard to the administration of a sanction, as well as the ways to bypass the prohibitions. / "Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de Maîtrise en droit, option recherche (LL.M)". Ce mémoire a été accepté à l'unanimité et classé parmi les 10% des mémoires de la discipline. Commentaires du jury : "Excellent mémoire qui aborde de façon intelligente et stimulante un sujet par ailleurs complexe. Félicitations des membres du jury qui ont apprécié avoir le privilège de lire ce texte."

由美國911事件作為分水嶺，重新界定了日本對於現代情報戰爭的認知，當今21世紀的國際社會儼然成為情報戰場，換言之，情報研究科學早已隨社會需要，發展成跨越學科範疇之複合性知識。日本二戰後在國際上先以強大的情報力穩扎經濟領域，然其后陷入失落的二十年，國際影響力亦隨之萎靡，致使日本政府遂行原有情報組織體制之調整，及相關情報政策實務之運行，皆成為安倍政權引領日本必經的荊棘之道。 本文研究重點界分四面向：其一、戰後日本國家安全機制的發展與轉變，記錄其所歷經重大事態時之因應模式，介紹其安保政策結構化之過程；其二、從內外環境分析日本成立國家安全會議之意涵，先交代「南北韓仇日遺緒」、「中國崛起論」等當今亞太局勢，分析日本國家安全保障會議何以在歷史遺題中為安保政策解套；其三、解構日本國家安全保障會議制度，分析日本政治結構與社會，研究日本國家安全保障會議在創立後，其行政職權上如何調整日本情報組織之運作；其四、以特定秘密保護法分析日本國家安全保障會議之角色，闡述安倍政權必然以情報需求達到社會控制之強化，進而實踐其安保戰略。 日本情報組織隨國際環境變化而沿革，歷經1990至2000年的轉型期後，其於2000年迄今已表現出擴張之型態。在安倍內閣的戰略藍圖中是要以首相官邸為核心，使其成為統籌國家安全保障政策之司令塔，而日本國家安全保障會議與國家安全保障局之設立，即是其鞏固中央集權，並使首相意志能主導日本復興的戰略。 / The September 11 terrorist attacks marked a watershed moment for the recognition and dispose of intelligence, in other words, the research of intelligence has become an interdisciplinary knowledge. After the Second World War, Japan has consolidated its economic power by sound espionage system. But Japan has later on lost its international impact after gone through 20-Year-Recession. This made an intractable way for Shinzo Abe to readjust and innovate the espionage system. The thesis includes four dimensions: First, focusing on the transformation of national security mechanism in Japan after the Second World War, and the structuralization of Security Policy. Second, analyzing the implication of the found of Japan’s National Security Council(NSC) from domestic and international factors. Third, destructuring the NSC , try to analyze the social and political structure in Japan. Forth, analyzing the role of NSC from the perspective of Secret Protection Law, which for Abe is a way to further control the society and carry out the security strategy. The intelligence organization in Japan proceeds as the international situation changed. Till now it has strengthened its power and influence after going through a period of transforming from 1990 to 2000. Among Abe’s strategic viewpoints, making Prime Minister’s Office as a core to unify national security is the top priority. The found of NSC and National Security Agency(NSA) is also a way for Abe to centralize the authority and to carry out his will, which can eventually lead to the revival of Japan.

Thesis (master's)--Universität, Mainz. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 195-205).

La fin de la guerre froide, marquée par l'accord retrouvé des cinq grandes puissances membres permanents au Conseil de sécurité de l'ONU, au lieu de connaître un déclin dans les interventions militaires extérieures de celles-ci, a vu au contraire leur nombre se multiplier, ce qui portait atteinte à la règle générale, considérée comme une norme impérative (de jus cogens), celle de l'interdiction du recours à la force dans les relations internationales. Malgré les tentatives de justification des différentes interventions de grande envergure, menées au nom de la sécurité collective (interventions autorisées par le Conseil de sécurité) ou unilatéralement, celles-ci se sont écartées des prescriptions du droit international et de la Charte des Nations unies. En conséquence, elles s'avèrent à des degrés divers des actions entachées d'illégalité En effet, elles ont été fondées sur des interprétations extensives des dispositions de la Charte ou en violation de celles-ci, voire en violation des résolutions du Conseil de sécurité lui-même, ainsi qu'on peut le percevoir à travers les grandes interventions menées en Irak par les coalisés en 1991, celles de l'OTAN au Kosovo en 1999, des États-Unis en Afghanistan, à travers l'occupation américano-britannique de l'Irak en2003, l'intervention de la Russie en Géorgie (2008), de l'OTAN en Libye (2011) et celle de la France au Mali (2013). Cela n'a pas manqué de relancer le débat, récurrent dans les instances internationales concernées, sur la nécessité de réformer le Conseil de sécurité (élargissement de sa composition et règlementation du veto) ainsi que d'instituer un véritable contrôle de légalité sur ses actes. / The end of the cold war, marked by the agreement between the five major permanent member states of the United Nations Security Council, instead of a decline in their external military interventions, has, on the contrary, increased in number, which detracted from the general rule, considered as an imperative norm Qus cogens), that of the prohibition of the use of force in international relations. Despite the attempts to justify the various large-scale interventions carried out in the name of collective security (interventions authorized by the Security Council) or unilaterally, they have departed from the requirements of international law and the United Nations Charter. As a result, they appear to be in varying degrees to illegal actions. Indeed, they have been based on extensive interpretations of the Charter or on the breach of it or even in violation of the resolutions of the Council Security itself, as can be seen from the major interventions carried out in IRAK by the allies in 1991, those of NATO in KOSOVO in 1999, the US in AFGHANISTAN, through the US and British occupation of IRAQ in 2003, the intervention of Russia in GEORGIA (2008), NATO in LIBYA (2011) and that of FRANCE in MALI (2013). This did not fail to revive the debate, recurrent in the international bodies concerned, on the need to reform the Security Council (enlargement of its composition and regulation of the veto) as well as to establish a real contrai of legality on its acts.

[pt] O presente trabalho realiza uma investigação da (des)igualdade soberana como um fenômeno que se manifesta nos diferentes níveis de instituições da sociedade internacional. A análise é desenvolvida a partir do estudo de caso do processo contra Omar Al Bashir, presidente em exercício do Estado do Sudão, no Tribunal Penal Internacional. Esse caso evoca uma discussão acerca da autoridade desempenhada pelo Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas nas instituições do pós-1945, em especial, no direito internacional penal. Considerando que normas e regras possuem um papel social nas múltiplas relações existentes em meio a agentes e a estrutura, ou seja, elas transformam as relações no sistema internacional, o trabalho investiga as disposições e princípios presentes tanto no âmbito do Tribunal Penal Internacional, quanto também da Organização das Nações Unidas, que autorizam uma discriminação entre os Estados. Essa distinção implica a imposição de regras internacionais para alguns atores e, ao mesmo tempo, a manutenção de certas prerrogativas soberanas para outros. Mais especificamente, a justiça internacional penal é caracterizada pela seletividade nos julgamentos, uma vez que é conferida a alguns países certa autoridade sobre o regime. Nesse sentido, defende-se que a (des)igualdade soberana que está presente no direito internacional penal é, simultaneamente, manifestação e condição de possibilidade da hierarquia na arquitetura social, e portanto normativa institucional, e política do sistema internacional. Argumenta-se, assim, que a presença dessa (des)igualdade soberana pode ser identificada nos diferentes níveis das instituições da sociedade internacional, na medida em que elas influenciam umas às outras, de sorte que as características de uma refletem-se nas demais. / [en] This work carries out an investigation of sovereign (in)equality as a phenomenon that manifests itself in the different levels of institutions of the international society. The analysis departs from the case study of the process against Omar al-Bashir, acting President of the State of Sudan, at the International Criminal Court This case evokes a discussion about the authority exercised by the United Nations Security Council over post-1945 institutions, especially international criminal law. Considering that rules and norms have a social role in the multiple relations existing between agents and the structure, that is, they transform the relations in the international system, the work investigates the dispositions and principles present both in the scope of the International Criminal Court, as well as of the United Nations, which authorize a discrimination between States. This distinction implies the imposition of international rules for some actors and, at the same time, the maintenance of certain sovereign prerogatives for others. More specifically, international criminal justice is characterized by selectivity in judgments, as some countries are given certain authority over the regime. In this sense, it is defended that the sovereign (in)equality, which is present in international criminal law is simultaneously a manifestation and condition of possibility of hierarchy in the social, and therefore institutionalnormative, and political architecture of the international system. It is argued, therefore, that the presence of this sovereign (in)equality can be identified at different levels of the institutions of international society, insofar as they influence each other, so that the characteristics of one are reflected in the others.