This thesis deals with the Syrian conflict. The Syrian conflict has continued for over three years (April 2014) and still constitutes a topical and developing affair. It represents a pressing and unresolved national and international issue. There is a vast amount of groups with different ideas involved in this conflict. During the conflict, conventional, as well as chemical weapons were used. The consequences of the fighting are mostly faced by local inhabitants who have been severely suffering due to the harsh living and humanitarian conditions. The aim of this thesis is to depict the problems of the Syrian conflict, evaluate the role the UN has had up to the present, and answer the question whether the UN has totally failed in solving the Syrian conflict, or not.

The thesis deals with China's Internal Challenges and the Impact on International Relations in the 21st century. First it analyses the transformation of the middle class, urbanisation and the one-child policy. After that the thesis deals with the economic boom of China, its present position in the world economy and its domestic and foreign investments. Attention is also focused on the increasing assertiveness of China in foreign affairs, particularly with regard to its voting in the UN Security Council. Finally, the thesis analyses the problems of disputed island and interior territories that China claims.

Over the past decades, peace missions of the United Nations on the African continent succeed and failed. This thesis attempts to ascertain how success or failure can be explained. For assessment, the success criteria are derived from the academic literature and subsequently implemented into the hypotheses. Relevant indicators concerning peacekeeping success are used in African cases. The effectiveness of UN missions is fully investigated on UNOCI in Côte d'Ivoire, MONUC in the Democratic Republic of Congo, and UNMIL in Liberia. Then the results were compared in tested hypotheses. The findings show that host country's consent and willingness to cooperate, alongside the active engagement of major power, a clear, appropriate and achievable mandate, and the consistency of the UN's commitment to conflict resolution proved to be the most important factors for the peacekeeping effectiveness. The diplomacy and attention, given to underlying causes of conflicts, also contributed to the successful outcomes. The ethnic component and participating regional organisations, in contrast, overcomplicated the peace efforts but did not have a direct impact on missions' effectiveness. The effect of the missions' duration was found to be irrelevant, while ties to success with criteria of national ownership and...

This thesis examines the construction of ideology in three public speeches held by the Secretary of the Iranian Supreme National Security Council (SNSC) Ali Shamkhani. Shamkhani’s position makes him one of the most powerful public officials in Iran, with vast influence over domestic and international security matters, including over Iran’s nuclear negotiations. This thesis presents theories on discourse analysis as ideology analysis, which enables identification of linguistical ideologization. With this theory as backdrop, three speeches with varying content and context are analysed in order to determine whether or not Shamkhani is constructing ideology in them. Political officials are arguably expected to ideologize speeches to a certain extent. Even though Shamkhani enjoys a similar seniority as many politicians, Shamkhani’s position remains formally apolitical, which makes it is interesting to analysis his speeches. Linguistic analyses of public speeches in Iran are rarely deployed when attempting to understand the Islamic Republic but given the attention Iranian officials themselves ascribe their language, a discourse analysis of what they say might disclose otherwise hidden qualities in their communications. Through the speeches’ diverse content in written, orally formal and orally colloquial Farsi, it was possible not only to establish that Shamkhani uses discourse to construct ideology but also to what extent this is done, depending on modes of communication.

No description available.

This dissertation presents an analytical literature study regarding the relationship between the International Criminal Court and the proposed International Criminal Law Section of the African Court. The realisation of the International Criminal Law Section of the African Court will place itself and the International Criminal Court within the same jurisdictional sphere with regard to the adjudication of international customary law crimes with respect to its African member states. It is noteworthy to point out that this complexity is fraught with political turmoil regarding Africa, the International Criminal Court and the United Nations Security Council. This complex issue has been acutely recognised by numerous academics and law experts. Neither the Rome Statute nor the Protocol makes any reference towards each other, leaving its respective African member states with the daunting and ambiguous task of navigating through this complexity in isolation. This dissertation aims to investigate, analyse and ultimately offer a plausible solution to this immediate concern. In order to accomplish the aforementioned, this study will firstly investigate and evaluate both constitutional treaties of both international courts, respectively. The issue pertaining to the endowment of immunity will also be separately evaluated, considering the conflicting approaches followed by both judicial institutions. Ultimately, all previous sections will be analysed in order to recommend amendments to the Protocol to align itself with international law and settled international practice. A complementarity scheme will be introduced on the basis of the progressive interpretation of positive complementarity to harmonise both courts within the same jurisdictional sphere. Lastly, this dissertation will be concluded by remarks recapitalising the main findings. / LLM, North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2015

This dissertation presents an analytical literature study regarding the relationship between the International Criminal Court and the proposed International Criminal Law Section of the African Court. The realisation of the International Criminal Law Section of the African Court will place itself and the International Criminal Court within the same jurisdictional sphere with regard to the adjudication of international customary law crimes with respect to its African member states. It is noteworthy to point out that this complexity is fraught with political turmoil regarding Africa, the International Criminal Court and the United Nations Security Council. This complex issue has been acutely recognised by numerous academics and law experts. Neither the Rome Statute nor the Protocol makes any reference towards each other, leaving its respective African member states with the daunting and ambiguous task of navigating through this complexity in isolation. This dissertation aims to investigate, analyse and ultimately offer a plausible solution to this immediate concern. In order to accomplish the aforementioned, this study will firstly investigate and evaluate both constitutional treaties of both international courts, respectively. The issue pertaining to the endowment of immunity will also be separately evaluated, considering the conflicting approaches followed by both judicial institutions. Ultimately, all previous sections will be analysed in order to recommend amendments to the Protocol to align itself with international law and settled international practice. A complementarity scheme will be introduced on the basis of the progressive interpretation of positive complementarity to harmonise both courts within the same jurisdictional sphere. Lastly, this dissertation will be concluded by remarks recapitalising the main findings. / LLM, North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2015

Armed conflict and violence against civilians in the Democratic Republic of the Congo has persisted for years starting in the 1990s. The Eastern, Western and North-Eastern parts of the country have seen the presence of a multiplicity of armed groups that have caused an escalation of the humanitarian crisis. The United Nations, in the interest of civilian protection, peacekeeping and security sector reform in the Democratic Republic of the Congo declared a mission under The United Nations Organisational Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUC). In spite of this mission, civilians continued in the Congo to suffer attacks and to endure human rights abuses by the armed militants that are fighting government and the government forces in shape of the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (FARDC). This study examines the problematique of the mandate of MONUC in the Democratic Republic of the Congo in light of the challenges that have made its success debatable. The success of MONUC has become debatable in light of the fact that in spite of its presence and implementation in the DRC, between 2007 and 2010, conflict and the violence against civilians escalated to unprecedented levels. This study examines the causalities of the failure and observes its effect while making propositions towards amelioration of the challenges and the failure of the United Nations Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. / Political Sciences / M.A. (International Politics)

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The International Criminal Court (ICC) is an exciting new development in the international system. It is not without its detractors, however, amongst others the United States. The fact that the United States takes a strong stance against the ICC creates uncertainty in the international system. This uncertainty is linked to the role of the United States as the only remaining superpower in this system. The main concern of the United States about the ICC is that an American might be brought before the court in terms of politically motivated charges. To illustrate this concern, the United States offers five basic arguments. These five are condensed into three arguments that form the main body of this thesis. They are the questions related to the jurisdiction of the ICC, the role of the United Nations Security Council in the functioning of the ICC, and the influence that the United States constitution might have on the ICC. Close attention is also paid to the political implications of the stance taken by the United States, both in terms of the specific arguments, and in general. The different arguments are tested against certain criteria, which include the stipulations of the ICC Statute and other counter arguments. From these comparisons, certain evaluations can be made, from which conclusions are drawn. For various reasons, none of the arguments put forward have merit when tested against the stipulations of the ICC Statute. What this implies is that the United States does not have real evidence to back its main concern about the ICC. Even though the possibility exists that an American could be charged before the court, there are sufficient safeguards to protect such a person from actually appearing before the court. The very real political implication then becomes that the United States is undermining its position and relative power in the international system by taking such a unilateral st / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Internasionale Kriminele Hof (IKH) is 'n opwindende ontwikkeling in die internasionale sisteem. Dit is egter nie sonder opponente nie, wat onder andere die Verenigte State van Amerika insluit. Die feit dat Amerika so sterk standpunt teen die hof inneem, skep onsekerheid in die internasionale sisteem. Die onsekerheid hou verband met Amerika se rol as die enigste oorblywende supermoontheid binne die sisteem. Amerika se hoof besorgdheid met die IKH is dat 'n Amerikaner dalk in terme van polities-gemotiveerde aanklagte voor die hof gedaag sal word. Hierdie besorgdheid word geïllustreer deur vyf basiese argumente wat geopper word. Hierdie argumente word in drie spesifieke argumente wat die basis van die tesis vorm, gefokus. Die argumente is die vrae in terms van die jurisdiksie van die IKH, die rol van die Veiligheidsraad van die Verenigde Nasies in die funksionering van die IKH, en die invloed wat die Amerikaanse grondwet op die IKH het. Daar word ook gekyk na die politieke implikasies van die Amerikaanse standpunt, beide in terme van die spesifieke argumente en in die algemeen. Die verskillende argumente word teen sekere kriteria getoets, wat die stipulasies van die IKH Statuut en ander teenargumente behels. Vanaf hierdie vergelykings kan evaluerings gedoen word, waarvan daar gevolgtrekkings gemaak word. Vir verskeie redes het nie een van die spesifieke argumente meriete as dit teen die bepalings van die IKH Statuut getoets word nie. Dit impliseer dat Amerika nie werklik bewyse vir hul hoof besorgdheid met betrekking tot die IKH het nie. Selfs al is die moontlikheid daar dat 'n Amerikaner wel voor die hof gedaag kan word, is daar voldoende waarborge om so persoon teen 'n verskyning voor die hof te beskerm. Die werklike politieke implikasie is nou dat Amerika sy posisie en relatiewe mag in die internasionale sisteem met sy eensydige standpunt teen die IKH ondermyn. Hierdie punt kan ook verdere uitgebreide implikasies hê.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The end of the Cold War had a profound impact on the qualitative and quantitative nature of the UN's peace and security agenda, representing a shift from traditional peacekeeping to a broader, more ambitious and intrusive notion of peacekeeping. This evolution was marked by an expanded UN engagement in a broad range of intra-state conflicts and characterised by UN undertakings towards aspects of national political and socio-economic reconstruction including the evolution of humanitarian action. Responding to the expanded United Nations agenda for international peace and security and at the request of the UN Security Council (UNSC) Boutros Boutros-Ghali prepared the conceptual foundations of the UN's role in global peace and security in his seminal report, An Agenda for Peace (July, 1992). The Secretary General outlined five inter-connected roles that he projected the UN would play in the fast changing context of post-Cold War international politics, namely: preventive diplomacy, peace enforcement, peacemaking, peacekeeping and post-conflict peacebuilding. The UNSG described the newly defined concept of post-conflict peacebuilding as action organised "(to) foster economic and social co-operation with the purpose of developing the social, political and economic infrastructure to prevent future violence, and laying the foundations for a durable peace." With specific reference to landmines in An Agenda for Peace the UNSG stressed that peacebuilding following civil war and internal strife must address the serious problem of landmines, which remained scattered in present or former combat zones. The UNSG underscored that mine action (demining) should be emphasised in terms of reference of peacekeeping operations which is crucially important in the restoration of activity when peacebuilding is under way. The United Nations involvement in the Mozambican peace process (1992-1995) has been interpreted as the culmination of a major success story in wider peacekeeping in Africa under UN auspices - a category of peace operation, which included peacemaking, peacekeeping, humanitarian assistance, peacebuilding and electoral assistance. Mozambique's peace process has subsequently been cited as a model UN peacekeeping operation which could be adapted to post-conflict situation elsewhere. Within the context of landmines as a threat to post-conflict peacebuilding as articulated by the UNSG in An Agenda for Peace, the study focuses on how the United Nations implemented mine action initiatives in operationalising the concept of peacebuilding in Mozambique. In this context, the study reviews the UN operation in Mozambique (ONUMOZ) and its capacity, responsiveness and vision in implementing mine action initiatives, both in terms of the operational requirements of the ONUMOZ peacekeeping mission and the development oflonger-term humanitarian mine action programmes in Mozambique. To this end, the study views the establishment of a sustainable indigenous mine action capacity as a sine que non for post -conflict peacebuilding. From this perspective, the study interprets the 1999 Mine Ban Treaty Prohibiting the Use, Stockpile, Production and Transfer of Anti-Personnel Mines and on their Destruction and the rights and obligations of Mozambique as a State Party to the Treaty as the most appropriate instrument towards the creation of an indigenous Mozambican mine action capacity to address the long-term effects oflandmines on post-conflict peacebuilding. In terms of methodology the approach was historical-analytical and in essence a deductive method of research was followed. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die einde van die Koue Oorlog het diepgaande verandering teweeggebring ten opsigte van die Verenigde Nasies se vredes en sekuriteits regime ter handhawing van internasionale vrede en sekuriteit. Hierdie periode is gekenmerk deur 'n skerp toename in intra-staatlike konflikte en gevolglik in die kwalitatiewe en kwantitatiewe aard en omvang van Verenigde Nasies vredesoperasies in terme van die VN Handves. Ten einde die verantwoordelikhede van die Verenigde Nasies met betrekking tot die handhawing van vrede en sekuriteit in die snel - veranderende konteks van die post - Koue Oorlog periode aan te spreek, het die Sekretaris - Generaal van die Verenigde Nasies, Boutros Boutros - Gali, in opdrag van die Veiligheidsraad die konseptuele fundering van die VN se rol verwoord in sy pioniersverslag - Agenda vir Vrede (1992). In sy verslag van Julie 1992 identifiseer en omskryf die Sekretaris-Generaal vyf verbandhoudende konsepte wat sou dien as meganismes ter beslegting van internasionale konflik, naamlik voorkomende diplomasie (preventive diplomacy), vredesingryping (peace enforcement), maak van vrede (peacemaking), vredesoperasies (peacekeeping) en post-konflik vredeskonsolidasie (post-conflict peacebuilding). Die Sekretaris-Generaal het post-konflik vredeskonsolidasie omskryf as die "vestiging van sosio-ekonomiese samewerking met die oogmerk om die sosiale, politieke en ekonomiese infrastruktuur te ontwikkel ten einde hernude konflik te voorkom en ter grondlegging van langdurige vrede". Met spesifieke verwysing na die korrelasie tussen landmyne en post-konflik vredeskonsolidasie het die Sekretaris-Generaal benadruk dat landmyne 'n bedreiging inhou vir die konsolidasie van vrede na burgeroorlog en interne konflik, en veral binne die raamwerk van 'n VN vredesoperasie in terme van 'n VN Veiligheidsraad mandaat. Die VN se vredesrol in Mosambiek word allerweë beskou as een van die mees suksesvolle VN vredesoperasies ooit. Die doel van die studie is gevolglik om ondersoek in te stel na die toepassing van die konsep van post-konflik vredeskonsolidasie met spesifieke verwysing na die Mosambiekse vredesproses en die rol van die Verenigde Nasies se Operasie in Mosambiek (ONUMOZ). In die opsig fokus die studie spesifiek op die rol van ONUMOZ (1992-1995) en suksesse en tekortkomings in sy vredesmandaat ten opsigte van die implementering van aksies om die kort-en-langtermyn impak van landmyne in terme van post-konflik vredeskonsolidasie in Mosambiek aan te spreek. Vanuit hierdie konteks, vertolk die studie die Landmyn Verdrag (1999) en die totale verbod op die aanwending, opgaar, produksie en oordrag van landmyne en die vernietiging daarvan as die mees geskikte raamwerk waarbinne Mosambiek 'n inheemse vermoë tot stand kan bring ten einde die langtermyn impak van landmyne op post-konflik vredeskonsolidasie effektief aan te spreek. Vanuit 'n metodologiese oogpunt word in hierdie studie histories analities te werk gegaan en die benadering is beskrywend - verklarend van aard. Verder is die metode van ondersoek in wese deduktief van aard.