La thèse analyse un document intitulé Record Labeling Hearing (RLH) (1985), qui reprend dans son intégralité une séance qui s’est tenue au Congrès des États-Unis à propos du contenu jugé problématique de certains albums de musique. Au cœur de cette séance, se retrouve le Parents Music Resource Centre (PMRC), un groupe de pression qui voit le jour en 1984. D’après le PMRC, les albums avec des paroles traitant de sexe, de violence, d’occulte, de drogues et d’alcool méritent l’autocollant du « Parental Advisory : Explicit Lyrics » afin d’avertir les parents des thématiques abordées. La séance réunit des sénateurs du Congrès américain, les membres du PMRC et des alliés de ces derniers, dont la National Parent/Teacher Association (NPTA), ainsi que des représentants de l’industrie de la musique et trois artistes. Nous verrons dans la thèse qu’en fait, c’est le heavy metal que le PMRC et ses alliés visaient lors du RLH et non par exemple certains contenus transversaux à divers types d’albums de musique. A cette époque, la sous-culture du heavy metal était encore en émergence et pour tout dire bien fragile. En 1985, elle était même menacée de fragmentation en raison de la popularité de certains de ses sous-genres. Or, en présentant le heavy metal comme une contre-culture, le RLH a aidé ce genre musical à se constituer en véritable sous-culture.

The purposes of this study were to: (a) determine the effects of Senate Bill 7 on expenditures in Texas school districts, (b) compare similarities and differences in expenditures among property-poor, medium-wealth, and wealthy-districts, (c) analyze spending patterns in light of equalization efforts, and (d) provide useful data to researchers in the area of equalization and adequacy.

As análises recentes sobre a participação do Poder Legislativo na definição da política externa nacional criticam o entendimento de que os parlamentares brasileiros seriam desinteressados nas questões externas. Assume-se que o comportamento parlamentar apareceria circunscrito por limitantes político-institucionais, os quais definiriam a forma como ocorre a participação. A presente pesquisa parte desse pressuposto para avaliar os trabalhos legislativos no âmbito da Comissão de Relações Exteriores e Defesa Nacional do Senado Federal. Os achados permitem afirmar que os membros da Comissão assumiram não somente uma postura interessada, mas também exerceram controle e influenciaram a política externa colocada em vigor pelo Executivo. / Recent analyses about the participation of the Legislative Power on the definition of the national foreign policy review the judgment that the Brazilian members of parliament are disinterested in external issues. It is assumed that the parliamentary behavior appears circumscribed by political and institutional restrains, which are defining the manner on which participation occurs. The present research parts from this presumption to evaluate the legislative work in the Foreign Policy and National Defense Committee of the Federal Senate. The findings allow us to affirm that the Committee members not only assumed an interested posture, but also exerted control and influenced the foreign policy carried out by the Executive Power.

Este trabalho discute o federalismo do ponto de vista de suas relações com o regime político democrático. Se o argumento de Alfred Stepan (1999) é de que o federalismo constrange as decisões do centro nacional e por isso seria anti-democrático, contrapõem-se uma visão consociativa, no qual o federalismo é visto como importante para integrar minorias dentro de sociedades eminentemente heterogêneas. A referência aqui é o trabalho de Arend Lijphart (2003). A democracia federativa brasileira é o campo de análise empírico, por meio de uma de suas instituições federativas, o Senado Federal. Examinamos os efeitos da desproporcionalidade desta casa com os da Câmara dos Deputados, a partir das possibilidades eventuais de vetos às propostas de emendas à Constituição. E a partir daí analisamos o governo de Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002), por causa de seu caráter reformista, através de emendas constitucionais, a maior parte delas com impacto federativo. E se dentre estas emendas, as de caráter fiscal são as mais recorrentes, pesquisamos o papel do Senado no processo de ajuste fiscal deste governo, primeiro com relação à renegociação das dívidas estaduais e em segundo nas votações nominais do Fundo Social de Emergência (FSE) e suas renovações. Com isso procuramos verificar se, como e em que situações o Senado atuaria em defesa dos interesses dos estados (e regiões) que representa ou cooperaria com os intereses do governo, por meio dos partidos políticos. / This work discusses federalism from the standpoint of its relationship with the democratic political regime. If the viewpoint of Alfred Stepan (1999) is that federalism constrains decisionmaking at the national center, thus becoming anti-democratic, a consociative view is opposed: federalism would be important for the integration of minorities within eminently heterogeneous societies. In this work, the reference will be the work of Arend Lijphart (2003). The Brazilian federative democracy is the empirical field of analysis, through its federative institutions, the Federal Senate. We examine the effects of the disproportionallity of that body in relation to the Chamber of Deputies, manifest in the eventual possibilities of vetoes to proposed amendments to the Constitution, and we analyze the administration of Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002), because of its reformist character, through constitutional amendments, most of them with federative impact. Since among those amendments, the fiscal-related ones are the most recurrent, we have researched the role of the Senate in the process of fiscal adjustment made by that administration, firstly in relation to the renegotiation of state-debts, and secondly in relation to nominal voting concerning Fundo Social de Emergência (FSE, or Emergency Social Fund) and its extensions. With that we have tried to verify whether, how and in which situations the Senate would be acting on behalf of the interest of the States (and regions) that the Senate represents, or whether it would cooperate with the interests of the administration, through party politics.

Submitted by PPG Ci?ncias Sociais (csociais-pg@pucrs.br) on 2018-08-24T18:00:13Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Rafael_ Alves_ Devos_Dis.pdf: 1737824 bytes, checksum: e8b94a0cdefd5c4cad47ca5450d7efa4 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Sheila Dias (sheila.dias@pucrs.br) on 2018-08-27T13:31:35Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Rafael_ Alves_ Devos_Dis.pdf: 1737824 bytes, checksum: e8b94a0cdefd5c4cad47ca5450d7efa4 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-27T13:35:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rafael_ Alves_ Devos_Dis.pdf: 1737824 bytes, checksum: e8b94a0cdefd5c4cad47ca5450d7efa4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-06-27 / The study carried out proposes to analyze which are the speeches present in the amendments proposed in Bill 236 of the Federal Senate. This project is an update and joinment of the criminal laws in a new penal code. To conduct the research, the union of interdisciplinar knowledge areas such as Political Science, Criminology and Sociology has been necessary. We have seeked to delimit the subject of our research to the consumption and sale of narcotics, since it is one of the main problems faced by the penal system nowadays. For such, we have selected the legislative amendments related to the topic and tabulated them, which allowed us to reach some conclusions. We have divided the research in two distinct axes: one dealing the drug prohibition, its theoretical support and consequences, and the other discussing the alternative possibilities to the model, such as harm reduction policies and the drug decriminalization process.The chosen methodology has provided the analysis of the amendments related to the subject, which allowed the researcher to study the parliamentarians' individual ideas, and with the later confrontation, he might realize whether they are similar to the proposals or speeches of the legend. Besides that, the behavior of the left has been according to one of the hypothesis formulated. This behavior can be justified based on the concepts of symbolic penal law and punitive populism / O estudo realizado se prop?e a analisar quais os discursos presentes nas emendas propostas no projeto de lei 236 do Senado Federal. Tal projeto ? uma atualiza??o e reuni?o das leis penais em um novo c?digo penal. Para efetuar a pesquisa foi necess?rio a uni?o de conhecimento de diferentes ?reas do conhecimento, como a Ci?ncia Pol?tica, a Criminologia e a Sociologia. Buscamos delimitar o tema de nossa pesquisa relativo ao consumo e venda de entorpecentes, visto que se trata de um dos principais problemas que o sistema penal enfrenta na atualidade. Para tal selecionamos as emendas legislativas referentes ao tema e as tabulamos o que nos permitiu chegarmos a algumas conclus?es. Dividimos assim a pesquisa em dois eixos distintos, um tratando do proibicionismo a respeito das drogas, seu suporte te?rico e consequ?ncias, e o outro discutindo as possibilidades alternativas ao modelo posto, como as pol?ticas de redu??o de danos e o processo de descriminaliza??o das drogas. A metodologia utilizada propiciou a an?lise das emendas relativas ao tema o que possibilitou ao pesquisador o estudo das ideias individuais do parlamentar e com o posterior confronto este pode perceber se elas s?o semelhantes ?s propostas ou discursos da legenda. Al?m disso o comportamento da esquerda foi de acordo com uma das hip?teses formuladas. Podemos justificar este comportamento com base nos conceitos de direito penal simb?lico e populismo punitivo.

After Senate Bill (SB) 1720, exempt students enrolling in colleges in Florida no longer have to take a college placement test or enroll in developmental education courses before enrolling in college-level classes. SB1720 caused Florida colleges to find new methods of placement for incoming students, a concern because incorrect placement can have detrimental effects for the student and institution. Bounded rationality theory and Bahr's interpretation of student typology informed this study. The purpose of this survey study was to compare the exempt students who enrolled in remedial math to those who enrolled in college-level math. Research questions asked what differences existed between the 2 groups of students comparing high school grade point average (GPA), student typology, prior knowledge of enrollment decisions, confidence in enrollment decision, satisfaction with the course, and expected course grade. A survey was distributed to all students at a Florida college affected by SB1720, and 84 responses were received from 15 developmental students, 51 gateway students, and 18 college-level students. Analysis of variance test results only showed a significant difference, F(1, 82) = .54, p = .040, between exempt students enrolled in developmental math and students enrolled in gateway or college-level math comparing high school GPA. Based on the study results, college administrators should use high school GPA as an alternative method for better placement of students in their first college-level math course. Enrolling students in the correct courses from the start could eliminate the costs of time, money, and credit hours, resulting in more students completing college on time.

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This thesis examines the motives, methods and successes of opposition to C. Julius Caesar in the period 60-50 leading to the outbreak of civil war in 49. An attempt has been made to distinguish between traditional and innovative methods of opposition. An evaluation of creativity levels and the social acceptability of actions has been conducted in an effort to understand adherence to moral standards in the pre-war period. In Chapter 2, opposition to Caesar in 60 and 59 is examined and found to be fierce, persistent and, despite Caesar ultimately achieving his aims, successful in a limited way. Chapter 3 examines the circumstances of 58-57. Caesar’s position was more firmly secured through the agency of Clodius’ tribunate, during which Cicero was exiled and Cato was removed from the political scene for both political and personal reasons. Examination of opposition to Caesar in Chapter 4 focuses on the period 56-54. It is demonstrated that prior to the conferences of Luca and Ravenna, opposition to Caesar was broadly undertaken by groups or individuals who fomented dissent between Crassus and Pompey in order to undermine the triumvirate as a whole. In 55 opposition to Caesar was nullified by a renewal of the triumvirate. In 54 opposition was resurgent and dominated the courts with limited success. In Chapter 5, opposition to Caesar in the period 53-50 is examined and is shown to be marked by anarchy, attempted reforms and the disintegration of the triumviral alliance. Given widespread impressions of pressure, corruption, violence and breakdown, especially in modern accounts of the period, it is suprising to discover that tactics used by Caesar’s opponents were traditional and socially acceptable for the most part, despite vehement political and personal disagreement. The will of the people was still respected by Caesar’s opponents; popular opinion in 59 was in fact the cause of opposition failure. While the Republic had suffered civil war in the opening decades of the first century BC, the state had resumed constitutional operation prior to 60. Traditional moral values and methods of gaining rank and prestige were still important and continued to be adhered to after 60. Methods of influence and social communication remained largely unchanged in the 50s, and ensured the continuity of political exchange without substantial innovation. From 56 to 54 opposition methods were opportunistic, a result of the renewal of the triumvirate. Caesar’s opponents continued to adhere to traditional political practice, despite dominance of the political machinary by the triumvirate. In 54 Caesar’s opponents gained control of the law courts, which resulted in numerous trials but no break with traditional or socially acceptable behaviour. Opposition between 53 and 50 remained traditional in most cases within an environment marked by anarchy and political stalemate, fueled by the intransigence of Caesar and Pompey who refused to recognise each others’ dignitas. The Civil War, then, was not caused by an extended period of constitutional instability. The Civil War was the result of political deadlock at the end of the 50s, motivated by the social and political inflexibility of a small group of Senators.

This thesis focuses on the rhetorical formations of identities of people of color through news media coverage. Specifically, I investigate news media coverage of the Arizona immigration legislation, Senate Bill 1070. Major commercial media and Spanish-language media systems associate the immigrant identity to the U.S. Latina/o identity and position U.S. Latina/os as second-class citizens in American society. The language of the legislation, in addition to media coverage of it, works to reinforce race relations and the ideologies of meritocracy and cultural difference in the United States. Chapter one presents up-to-date demographic data, stressing the continuing growth of a diverse American people. Specifically, I use data on the U.S. Latina/o population as a way to establish this reality given that the data are recent. This chapter also presents the argument that current norms and standards in political opinions, such as those considered by policy makers, excludes opinions deriving from people with distinct cultural backgrounds. I present this argument in order to define and exemplify contemporary U.S. culture. The next chapter is a comparative close-textual analysis of news media coverage of Arizona SB 1070. Chapter two also outlines a theoretical framework in order to understand the functions of the media in society in relation to the rhetorical forms of reinforcing dominant ideological values. Chapter three utilizes survey data that speaks to the identity of U.S. Latina/o college students. As part of the questionnaire, I pose questions regarding language preference, generational status, media consumption and political knowledge. The results exemplify the prevailing bicultural component of U.S. Latinas/os and suggest that this ethnic group draws from different and contrasting ideologies. When comparing the identities presented by the media to the results of the questionnaire, discourse analysis suggests the notion that bicultural Americans are not acknowledged fully as citizens. / text

This item contains the agenda, minutes, and attachments for the Faculty Senate meeting on this date. There may be additional materials from the meeting available at the Faculty Center.