published_or_final_version / History / Master / Master of Philosophy

本研究論文旨在增進對近代內蒙古教育問題的了解，並且整理抗戰時期殘缺之史料使 其清晰易解；方法上採取文獻資料整理及面對面深入訪談方式，蒐集當事者的回憶資 料來彌補正史之不足。全文共十二萬餘言，包括五大章： 第壹章「緒論」：分四節；對以往學者所做的有關著作內容進行閱讀分析和批評，設 法對不盡周詳之處做點滴的增補與推進；從大的角度鳥瞰內蒙地區特色，縱看歷代沿 革，橫察當時環境，從小的角度置主題「教育」於縱橫交會點上。 第參章「抗戰時期內蒙古教育設施」：分三節；概述各級學校教育實況，包括課程、 教學、設備、特種學校、國內深造、國外留學，並對教育成果做功能性的批判，反映 蒙古同胞的期望及政府復員的決心。 第五章「結論」：分二節；推究抗戰十四年間內蒙古教育所遭遇的難題，提出筆者的 批評意見，並就事先的假設予以因果印證和反省。

This study seeks to analyze the differences in the U.S. and China's policies towards freedom of navigation in the South China Sea. The South China Sea is one of the most important waterways in the world, linking the Middle East and Southeast Asia to the Pacific Ocean. It is of crucial interest to the United States for transit of energy and other resources as well as power projection via the American naval fleet. These waters are of interest to China as well, but for different reasons: the PRC claims an historic right to the area as a part of its territorial waters. The analysis uses declassified American Presidential correspondence and policy memoranda, U. S. Department of State publications, and the Congressional Record, among other first-degree sources, to discuss American policy; Chinese policy is explored through domestic law, official statements, government maps, and official news sources. After examining the relevant international law framework, history of the issues, and the work of other academics on the subject, this paper presents each side's individual policy towards freedom of navigation, the South China Sea, and freedom of navigation in the South China Sea. Finally, the two policies are contrasted and recommendations are made for how conflict might be minimized. / This study seeks to analyze the differences in the U.S. and China's policies towards freedom of navigation in the South China Sea. The South China Sea is one of the most important waterways in the world, linking the Middle East and Southeast Asia to the Pacific Ocean. It is of crucial interest to the United States for transit of energy and other resources as well as power projection via the American naval fleet. These waters are of interest to China as well, but for different reasons: the PRC claims an historic right to the area as a part of its territorial waters. The analysis uses declassified American Presidential correspondence and policy memoranda, U. S. Department of State publications, and the Congressional Record, among other first-degree sources, to discuss American policy; Chinese policy is explored through domestic law, official statements, government maps, and official news sources. After examining the relevant international law framework, history of the issues, and the work of other academics on the subject, this paper presents each side's individual policy towards freedom of navigation, the South China Sea, and freedom of navigation in the South China Sea. Finally, the two policies are contrasted and recommendations are made for how conflict might be minimized.

None / In the post-Cold War era, China, Japan and Taiwan entered the new phase of their relationship and were forced to reconsider their security and political dialogues. Despite of the US presence in East Asia, they are becoming more active players in the region, thus, shaping a regional “pseudo-strategic” triangle. The main focus in the research is security issues and concerns among the China, Japan and Taiwan in that period without active interference of the US. In 2002, China and Japan celebrated thirty years of relations` normalization. However, some scholars are not optimistic about future intentions of both countries. Contemporary Chinese and Japanese diplomats try to rely on the friendship diplomacy; however, their efforts in an official level still are described as “a mirage of good relations.” Therefore, in the future, China and Japan will keep “equal-but-distant” relationship. On the contrary, even though Japan and Taiwan do not have official relations, however, they both are getting closer by intensifying “unofficial” channels of communication. Overall, one can see that China, Japan, and Taiwan are interested in peace and stability in the region; yet, it remains unclear, whether all of them mean the same thing by security and stability; therefore, this is an important question for future research and security studies of East Asian region.

Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

Thesis (M.A.)--香港中文大學. / Manuscript. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 1-19 (3d group)). / Thesis (M.A.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue. / Chapter （一） --- 緒論 --- p.1-4 / Chapter （二） --- 關於閩廠的創立背景上若干疑問的討論 --- p.5-31 / Chapter （三） --- 閩廠與中法戰爭有關疑問的討論 --- p.32-58 / Chapter （四） --- 結論 --- p.59-62 / Chapter 附錄 --- 附錄 / Chapter （五） --- 注釋 / Chapter （六） --- 重要參考書目

The purpose of the thesis is to provide an empirical study of a Sino-foreign joint venture negotiation model that integrates strategies from western literature into a Chinese environment and cultural context. The findings and recommendations of the study aim to help foreign negotiators penetrate the important Chinese market through a systematic approach emerging from this Sino-foreign joint venture negotiation model. The thesis provides a holistic view on Sino-foreign joint venture negotiation. Case study method was determined as the best methodology. The suitability of the Sino-foreign joint venture negotiation model and the research protocol of this study were demonstrated via 5 in-depth interviews and a pilot test before the actual fieldwork. The major findings of this thesis suggest that foreign negotiators need to manage complex areas such as the Chinese environment, the company requirements of both organisations and the Chinese negotiating process. Besides, the foreign negotiators need to equip themselves with Problem Solving Attitude (PSA) and an understanding of Chinese cultural concepts, such as guanxi, face, renqing, reciprocity and trust so as to make the negotiation effective. Different strategies emerge at different stages of the process and there is no direct relationship between successful negotiation and joint venture outcomes. A model and strategies for joint venture establishment in China are provided, but the model itself has no predictive power on joint venture outcomes such as profit satisfaction. / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

中共政權自成立以來，便一直支持緬甸共產黨，企圖以武裝革命手段顛覆緬甸政府，因此在研究中共與緬甸關係時，常認為中共在緬甸進行革命輸出。不過，中共對外政策絕不僅限於意識型態的功能運作而已，其外交作為現實主義的成份要大於意識型態。中共外交政策的現實性可由中共在與蘇聯關係惡化後，擴大解釋和平共處五原則的適用範圍看出。這套原則原先是強調處理不同社會制度國家間的關係，不過中共於一九五六年十一月一日宣稱，「社會主義國家的相互關係更應該建立在和平共處五項原則的基礎上。」自一九六九年，中蘇共爆發嚴重邊界衝突後，一直到一九八○年代中期，蘇聯成為中共最主要的敵人及國家安全的威脅來源。至此中共不僅要拉攏非共國家，同時也要維持與其他共黨國家之關係，以突破美蘇雙重包圍。擴大和平共處五原則之適用範圍是理所當然的了。在此國際背景之下，中共與緬甸的關係是以外交考量為主，其他影響彼此關係之因素如經貿往來、緬共及華僑問題事實上也都以外交為主軸。中（共）緬雙方之所以如此重視彼此外交關係，實有其不得不然之苦衷。就緬甸而言，緬甸很早就已認為北方中國是緬甸最大威脅，為求生存，緬甸選擇中立主義。就中共而言，無論在地緣上或政治上緬甸都具有特殊之地位，使中共不得不容忍緬甸之中立主義外交政策。因此，中共運用兩手策略，一面以利誘，一面施以壓力，促使緬甸維持其中立外交政策，進而將緬甸納入其勢力範圍。總而言之，中共與緬甸自一九五○年至一九九○年四十年間，雙方之所以能維持和平關係，彼此相安無事，乃緬甸運用中立主義，及中共採取務實而理性的策略等因素，產生微妙的平衡的結果。

中東路事件可說是中國民族主義嘗試挑戰蘇聯在東北的利權，不論成敗，列強在中國的勢力版圖必然有所變動。追求列強在華勢力均等的英國，按理不會任由事態發展而不插手。而其自身面對中國民族主義挑戰的經驗，英國縱使不向當時非盟友的蘇聯傳授心得，也必定會與其他列強相聯絡。過往研究沒有看到英國的任何明顯行動，也沒有見到為何英國沒有任何行動的解釋，更沒有見到使用英國檔案為主的視角。本篇論文以這疑問出發，嘗試使用英國外交部檔案，來考察英國在中東路事件當中，究竟採取什麼態度，是否有什麼政策，進行什麼活動。並藉由英國對中東路事件的考察視角，關照南京外交在中東路事件的行動，從中得到一些與過去中東路事件研究不同的成果。

Cette thèse traite de la phonologie et de la morphologie verbale du japhug, <br />une langue sino-tibétaine de la sous-famille rgyalrong, parlée dans le <br />district de rNga-ba dans la province du Sichuan, en Chine. Ce travail <br />comporte une partie de phonologie synchronique descriptive, où la structure <br />de la syllabe est analysée en détail sur la base des alternances <br />morphophonologiques. Ensuite, il inclut une étude de phonologie <br />diachronique, où nous proposons un ensemble de critères pour distinguer les <br />emprunts au tibétain des mots hérités du proto-sino-tibétain en japhug et <br />en tibétain, et où nous mettons en évidence certains changements <br />phonétiques propres au japhug sur la base de la comparaison avec d'autres <br />langues de la sous-famille rgyalrong. Enfin, notre thèse traite de la <br />morphologie verbale, aussi bien la morphologie flexionnelle, la morphologie <br />dérivationnelle et la formation des mots déverbaux. Les langues de la <br />sous-famille rgyalrong sont d'un archaïsme remarquable, aussi bien du point <br />de vue phonologique que morphologique. Elle conservent nombre de <br />caractéristiques de la proto-langue qu'on ne retrouve que sous forme de <br />traces en tibétain ou en chinois. En dépit de l'intérêt particulier de ces <br />langues pour la grammaire comparée du sino-tibétain, elles sont restées <br />relativement mal décrites. Ce travail est la première monographie consacrée <br />à la langue japhug.