Qui sont les skinheads ? S’agit-il seulement de ces brutes stupides et violentes, xénophobes et racistes sisouvent exposées par les médias ? Qu’en est-il alors de ces premiers skinheads qui, à la fin des années 1960,affectionnaient tant la musique jamaïcaine qu’ils contribueront à sa diffusion et à son succès à travers toutel’Angleterre ? Que s’est-il passé entre ces années 1960 et les années 1980 qui verront l’apparition du phénomènenaziskin ? Il y a t-il une unité du mouvement skinhead ou seulement une juxtaposition de mouvances ?Qu’est-ce qui peut unir les skinheads entre eux, à travers les générations et au-delà de leurs divisions ?Afin d’apporter des réponses à ces questions, le présent travail présentera, dans une première partie, unhistorique du mouvement skinhead qui permettra de suivre et de comprendre son évolution depuis ses originesen faisant ressortir le rôle important que jouera la musique dans toutes ses mutations successives etdans sa dérive politique. Suivra ensuite, dans une seconde partie, une analyse des éléments constitutifs dela subculture skinhead – à commencer par sa constante référence à la classe ouvrière exhibée au travers deses formes stylistiques, son rapport à la violence symbolique ou réelle, les valeurs qu’elle prétend incarneret défendre – et ses incidences idéologiques. La dernière partie sera consacrée à un travail de terrain menéprincipalement en France qui fera apparaitre, au moyen d’entretiens et d’observations, comment se vit,s’organise et se représente ce milieu skinhead.Il s’agira donc de révéler le mouvement skinhead sous ses différents aspects mais aussi de montrer ce quepeut révéler ce mouvement de mode devenu phénomène social quant aux processus de radicalisation, demédiatisation et de diabolisation. / Who are the skinheads ? Are they just these brainless, violent, xenophobic and racist bullies, who are sooften exposed in the media ? What about the very first skinheads who, near the end of the 1960s, were sofond of Jamaican music that they contributed to its spreading and success all over England ? What happenedbetween the 1960s and the 1980s, when the nazi skinhead phenomenon appeared ? Is there only one skinheadmovement or is it made up of many trends ? What makes the skinheads a group as a unified whole, beyondits divisions ?To answer these questions, the first part of this thesis will provide a background history of the skinheadmovement so as to follow, and understand, its evolution since its origins. It will emphasise on the role playedby music on both its successive mutations and its political drift. In a second part, it will analysed the variouselements which constitute the skinhead subculture - from its constant reference to the working-class displayedthrough its stylistic forms, its link to symbolic or actual violence, and the values it claims to embody andfight for – to its ideological consequences. The last part will be dedicated to fieldwork carried out mainlyin France and which will show, thanks to interviews and observations, how the skinhead community lives,organises and sees itself.The purpose of this study is not only to reveal the skinhead movement in its various forms but also todemonstrate what this stylistic social phenomenon, can reveal in terms of radicalisation, media coverageand demonization.

Fault Lines positions a theory of gay male subjectivity as it relates to the Queer skinhead and its dissemination in gay male pornography. In narrating the transformation of the original skinhead as a subcultural youth type to its present re-signification as a fetish and sexual identity within gay male subculture, Fault Lines reveals a tripartite problem of fetishism, sadomasochism and fascism. Through an analysis of Bruce LaBruce's film Skin Gang / Skin Flick (1999) these problems are contextualised within a discourse of gay male pornography, broadening the investigation to consider how problems of masculinity, violence and race manifest within a distinctly gay male sexual imaginary. Examining the representational function of the Queer skinhead, Fault Lines seeks to speculate on how notions of a gay male subject and subjectivity can be established at the intersection of an aesthetic, political and social experience.

This historic study is expanded with a contemporary view. It has interdisciplinary connections to fashion--‐, gender--‐ and postcolonial studies. The analysis is based on interwievs with Swedish skinheads with a wide range of backgrounds and experiences. One of the questions answered is which factors creates inclusion versus alienation in relation to the skinhead culture. The sources tell stories about a romanticisation of the workingclass, a homosocial expectation based on gender and a distinct heteronormativity. They also show how some non--‐normative functionalities pass, while others are seen as deviant which creates an alienation from the community. Are there any connections between skinhead culture, violence, nationalism and Nazism and if so, how does this show? The image of the skinhead in mass media is heavily coded with Nazism though many of the sources have experienced their subculture as highly diverse. The skinhead get’s to play the role of The Other  in the  Swedish debate on nationalism  and nazism.  To depict skinheads as the ”true” nazis becomes an effective way to make both everyday racism as well as dressy Nazism invisible. Also institutionalized violence, racial profiling and white violence  is made  invisible by this making of The Other. How come typical skinhead features have become popular in mainstream culture right now and what does this popularisation do to the subculture? The present political situation creates an aesthetic discussion which  does not limit itself to the subcultural domains.  At a time when skinhead features become mainstream it might take a more extreme expression to continue as sub--‐culture. The heavily charged aesthetics can be used as a subversive tool for shifting power perspectives, this is especially flagrant within the gayskin culture which uses the aesthetics as a camp play with stereotypes.

蘇聯解體之後的俄羅斯，雖然得到主權上的獨立，但卻因為土地及人口的減少和經濟問題的浮現，導致以前能與美國抗衡的強權地位喪失，面對蘇聯的瓦解和國內動盪的社會局勢，俄羅斯民族主義開始強烈反彈。 本論文研究方法採用個案分析法及文獻分析法，首先以歷史的發展進程以及政治文化背景的角度檢視為何當代俄羅斯極端民族主義會興起，接著藉由回顧俄羅斯極端民族主義與國族認同的文獻，充分了解俄羅斯極端民族主義的意涵，最後針對「光頭黨」、「民族布爾什維克黨」兩個影響最大的極端民族主義團體的歷史緣起、理念與行為來探討與俄羅斯國族認同的關係。 綜合本論文的文獻可得知「俄羅斯極端民族主義是保守式的極端民族主義」，懷疑多元種族、多元文化的社會信仰能夠穩定；「俄羅斯極端民族主義團體不利於國族認同的發展」，無論是光頭黨或民族布爾什維克黨都不利於俄羅斯社會的凝聚力還有多元社會的發展；俄羅斯政府把打擊極端民族主義團體視為重要目標，因此「政府對極端民族主義的打擊影響極端民族主義團體日後的發展」。 關鍵字：俄羅斯、極端民族主義、國族認同、光頭黨、民族布爾什維克黨 / Abstract Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia assumed independent sovereignty. However, Russia lost its previous power status, which had enabled competition with the United States, because of its diminishing land area and population, as well as increasing economic problems. In response to the collapse of the Soviet Union and rising social unrest, Russian nationalism began to emerge. For this research, case study and literature analysis methods were adopted. This study first examined the reasons for the emergence of contemporary Russian ultranationalism from the perspectives of historical development and political and cultural backgrounds. Subsequently, this study conducted a literature review regarding Russian ultranationalism and national identity to fully understand the content of Russian ultranationalism. Finally, this study examined the relationship between Russian national identity and the historical origins, ideology, and behavior of the 2 most influential ultranationalist groups, specifically, the “skinheads” and “National Bolshevik Party”. Summarizing related literature, this study determines that Russian ultranationalism can be classified as conservative ultranationalism, and the stability of multiethnic and multicultural social beliefs was doubtful. In addition, Russian ultranationalism is detrimental to the development of national identity; specifically, neither the skinheads nor the National Bolshevik Party contributed to the cohesiveness and multifaceted development of Russian society. The quelling of ultranationalist groups has become a significant objective for the Russian government, and the efforts implemented by the Russian government to suppress ultranationalist groups have affected the subsequent development of ultranationalist groups. Keywords: Russia, ultranationalism, national identity, skinhead, National Bolshevik Party