The aim of this thesis is to explore how young adults from ethnic minority backgrounds experience social citizenship and social participation. How do they understand their social rights and duties? What are the possibilities and obstacles for their social participation? Based on the background of different studies in Sweden, that usually focus on conditions in bigger cities, this study discusses social citizenship among ethnic minority youth in the context of a middle-sized Swedish town. In contrast to research on ethnicity and youth in Sweden, that discuss social problems and social exclusion in terms of the deficient cultural, linguistic and social competence of the individuals, this study focuses on different kinds of resources and experiences of agency among young people from migrant backgrounds. Their experiences of active social citizenship and social participation fill also a gap in the contemporary research from the perspective of social inclusion. The theoretical framework is based on the concept of social citizenship as discussed by T. H. Marshall (1950), T. Bottomore (1992) and inspired by research on the subjective dimension of social citizenship conducted by R. Lister (1997, 2003, 2007). In order to grasp the subjective dimension of social citizenship, this thesis deals with differentiated expressions of universal social citizenship in terms of agency and participation in different areas of social life. Using a qualitative approach, seventeen people have been interviewed. The interviews have been analysed from an intersectional perspective where gender, age, marital status and longevity in Sweden appear to be concurrent categories. The results point towards tendencies of enclavisation among these young adults usually articulating experience of weak social bonding in relation to the Swedish majority population. Some informants refer to their expectations of living in bigger cities or a third country, and have plans to move as a strategy for better, more integrated and less discriminated conditions of future life. In sum, the central expectations of the interviewees on the improvement of their social citizenship conditions are the following: They want to be active citizens and are willing to contribute to the development of a more inclusive Swedish society. This thesis contributes to our current understanding of how young adults from ethnic minority backgrounds, experience social citizenship and social participation within the areas of: housing, education, labour-market, leisure and policy. / Denna rapport handlar om hur unga kvinnor och män med utländsk bakgrund i en medelstor svensk stad upplever social delaktighet. I fokus står vardagslivets sociala medborgarskap och hur människor förstår sina sociala rättigheter och skyldigheter och på vilket sätt detta påverkar deras medverkan i samhällslivet. Rapporten visar att de unga kvinnorna och männen har engagemang och uttrycker ansvarskänsla och vilja till social delaktighet i det svenska samhället. Samtidig upplever de inte alltid ett fullvärdigt socialt medborgarskap på grund av etnisk diskriminering. Helene Jacobson Pettersson är doktorand i socialt arbete vid Institutionen för vårdvetenskap och socialt arbete, Växjö universitet. Hon är anställd som universitetsadjunkt i socialt arbete vid Högskolan i Kalmar. Detta är hennes licentiatavhandling.

<p>The aim of this thesis is to shed light upon the Swedish nineteenth century poor relief system, how it operated in a local rural context, how it changed over time, and not least, who was supported and why. It raises questions about how the poor laws were interpreted on the parish level, how the welfare systems interacted with local society and about who was considered to be poor and entitled to support. The geographical setting of the thesis is Skellefteå, a rural parish in northern Sweden, and it concentrates upon the period 1830–1875.</p><p>Swedish poor relief was governed by the fundamental principle that each parish had a duty to support their own poor and each parish was allowed a large amount of freedom to adjust their welfare arrangements according to local conditions. In Skellefteå, the main incentive for modification of the poor relief system was not new regulations from the national level, but social and economic transformations on the local level. This implies that local requirements were put before national legislation and suggests the existence of several regional, and perhaps also local, poor relief systems in nineteenth-century Sweden.</p><p>On the local level, the results indicate the existence of a parochial social citizenship based upon a common understanding of social rights and duties in the community, and grounded in a strong sense of affiliation with the local society. Generally there was a larger distance between the poor and their providers in the wealthier and more socially stratified villages, hence a more egalitarian context seem to have facilitated identification and empathy with the poor. The local provision for the poor created and maintained bonds within a community, as well as it helped to build and reinforce boundaries towards those who did not belong. A sometimes suspicious and negative attitude towards outsiders was to some extent caused by a fear of increased poor relief expenses, but it also bears witness to a rural culture with a strong sense of belonging to one’s own village or hamlet.</p><p>The majority of men and women supported by poor relief in Skellefteå belonged to the lower strata of society long before they became welfare recipients. They were landless rural people with weak kinship networks, that in most cases were unable to mobilize any significant support in times of need. Childhood, early middle age, and old age were identified as phases in the life cycle that seem to have entailed an increased risk of poverty and dependence. A substantial proportion of the poor were breadwinners, middle aged men with large households to support, while the widowed and unmarried paupers usually were women. For many of these households the life cycles’ vulnerable periods were further reinforced by other factors: a breadwinner’s illness or disability, the death of a spouse, a major subsistence crisis, or a larger marginalization caused by a deviation from society’s moral standards. In most cases there seems to have been a delicate interplay between several social risks that determined if and when a person or a household was to end up being supported by poor relief.</p>

The aim of this thesis is to shed light upon the Swedish nineteenth century poor relief system, how it operated in a local rural context, how it changed over time, and not least, who was supported and why. It raises questions about how the poor laws were interpreted on the parish level, how the welfare systems interacted with local society and about who was considered to be poor and entitled to support. The geographical setting of the thesis is Skellefteå, a rural parish in northern Sweden, and it concentrates upon the period 1830–1875. Swedish poor relief was governed by the fundamental principle that each parish had a duty to support their own poor and each parish was allowed a large amount of freedom to adjust their welfare arrangements according to local conditions. In Skellefteå, the main incentive for modification of the poor relief system was not new regulations from the national level, but social and economic transformations on the local level. This implies that local requirements were put before national legislation and suggests the existence of several regional, and perhaps also local, poor relief systems in nineteenth-century Sweden. On the local level, the results indicate the existence of a parochial social citizenship based upon a common understanding of social rights and duties in the community, and grounded in a strong sense of affiliation with the local society. Generally there was a larger distance between the poor and their providers in the wealthier and more socially stratified villages, hence a more egalitarian context seem to have facilitated identification and empathy with the poor. The local provision for the poor created and maintained bonds within a community, as well as it helped to build and reinforce boundaries towards those who did not belong. A sometimes suspicious and negative attitude towards outsiders was to some extent caused by a fear of increased poor relief expenses, but it also bears witness to a rural culture with a strong sense of belonging to one’s own village or hamlet. The majority of men and women supported by poor relief in Skellefteå belonged to the lower strata of society long before they became welfare recipients. They were landless rural people with weak kinship networks, that in most cases were unable to mobilize any significant support in times of need. Childhood, early middle age, and old age were identified as phases in the life cycle that seem to have entailed an increased risk of poverty and dependence. A substantial proportion of the poor were breadwinners, middle aged men with large households to support, while the widowed and unmarried paupers usually were women. For many of these households the life cycles’ vulnerable periods were further reinforced by other factors: a breadwinner’s illness or disability, the death of a spouse, a major subsistence crisis, or a larger marginalization caused by a deviation from society’s moral standards. In most cases there seems to have been a delicate interplay between several social risks that determined if and when a person or a household was to end up being supported by poor relief.

<p>The aim of this thesis is to explore how young adults from ethnic minority backgrounds experience social citizenship and social participation. How do they understand their social rights and duties? What are the possibilities and obstacles for their social participation? Based on the background of different studies in Sweden, that usually focus on conditions in bigger cities, this study discusses social citizenship among ethnic minority youth in the context of a middle-sized Swedish town. In contrast to research on ethnicity and youth in Sweden, that discuss social problems and social exclusion in terms of the deficient cultural, linguistic and social competence of the individuals, this study focuses on different kinds of resources and experiences of agency among young people from migrant backgrounds. Their experiences of active social citizenship and social participation fill also a gap in the contemporary research from the perspective of social inclusion. The theoretical framework is based on the concept of social citizenship as discussed by T. H. Marshall (1950), T. Bottomore (1992) and inspired by research on the subjective dimension of social citizenship conducted by R. Lister (1997, 2003, 2007). In order to grasp the subjective dimension of social citizenship, this thesis deals with differentiated expressions of universal social citizenship in terms of agency and participation in different areas of social life. Using a qualitative approach, seventeen people have been interviewed. The interviews have been analysed from an intersectional perspective where gender, age, marital status and longevity in Sweden appear to be concurrent categories. The results point towards tendencies of enclavisation among these young adults usually articulating experience of weak social bonding in relation to the Swedish majority population. Some informants refer to their expectations of living in bigger cities or a third country, and have plans to move as a strategy for better, more integrated and less discriminated conditions of future life. In sum, the central expectations of the interviewees on the improvement of their social citizenship conditions are the following: They want to be active citizens and are willing to contribute to the development of a more inclusive Swedish society. This thesis contributes to our current understanding of how young adults from ethnic minority backgrounds, experience social citizenship and social participation within the areas of: housing, education, labour-market, leisure and policy.</p> / <p>Denna rapport handlar om hur unga kvinnor och män med utländsk bakgrund i en medelstor svensk stad upplever social delaktighet. I fokus står vardagslivets sociala medborgarskap och hur människor förstår sina sociala rättigheter och skyldigheter och på vilket sätt detta påverkar deras medverkan i samhällslivet. Rapporten visar att de unga kvinnorna och männen har engagemang och uttrycker ansvarskänsla och vilja till social delaktighet i det svenska samhället. Samtidig upplever de inte alltid ett fullvärdigt socialt medborgarskap på grund av etnisk diskriminering. Helene Jacobson Pettersson är doktorand i socialt arbete vid Institutionen för vårdvetenskap och socialt arbete, Växjö universitet. Hon är anställd som universitetsadjunkt i socialt arbete vid Högskolan i Kalmar. Detta är hennes licentiatavhandling.</p>

This thesis examines the political ideas of citizenship that can be found in Swedish education policies between 1962 and today. Furthermore, the thesis also examines how these ideas have changed over time. The material consist of four education policy bills that was adopted during the studied time period. The analytical tool of the study is based on three different ideal types of social citizenship: The socio-liberal citizenship, the libertarian citizenship and the republican citizenship. These ideal types also contains three different dimensions of social citizenship: Goals and values, characteristics of the citizens and rights and obligations. The primary findings of the study shows that a focus on public good and community engagement associated with the republican citizenship can be found in the bill from 1962, while in the bills from 1991-1993 the focus has shifted towards individual satisfaction and freedom of choice associated with the libertarian citizenship. In the bill from 2009 the shift is not as clear as ideas associated with the libertarian citizenship reappears in this bill as well. Although, the primary focus of the bill can be claimed to be on social justice, equality and social inclusion, associated with the socio-liberal citizenship. The results of the study thus indicates a shift from the republican citizenship in the 1960s, towards the libertarian citizenship in the 1990s and then towards the socio-liberal citizenship in the 2010s.

This thesis investigates Zigenarundersökningen [the Gypsy study] – a socio-medical study of Swedish Roma conducted in 1962-1965. The Study was financed by the National Labour Market Board, which sought scientific information on every adult Roma citizen in order to plan for targeted authority interventions. The socio-medical team used a number of different medical and social techniques, drawing together different kinds of data – from the molecular to the social level – and adding “objective” records from public institutions, which resulted in the creation of detailed and voluminous individual case files. On the basis of these files, the public health specialist John Takman in charge of the socio-medical examinations formulated a professional opinion on each individual and family. During the execution of the study, new scientific and social questions were articulated, resulting in that the originally limited investigation concerning only a smaller group of Roma citizens evolved into a comprehensive research project covering all people identified as Swedish Roma. In this thesis, this expansion is analysed using methodological tools from Science and Technology Studies that focus on the reflexivity between the goals of scientific actors, and the social conditions and problematisations that surround them. In this way, science and policy mutually influence each other in situated practices, which also involves the drawing of scientific boundaries that serve to establish epistemic authority.   Departing from Engin F. Isin’s theory on social citizenship, and its alterities, as constituted in contingent and contextualised social practices, and from Franca Iacovetta’s study of Canadian gatekeepers’ work in cold-war Canada, the thesis investigates how the, with time, increasing and more comprehensive activities of experts and professionals created new dimensions of citizenship. Against this background, the thesis draws the conclusion that the scientific-political examinations of problematised citizenship and citizens in Sweden in the 1960’s, while defining deviance, also defined normality. This implies, furthermore, that scientific measurements and classifications of alterity contributed to constituting those measuring and classifying – the experts and professionals – as virtuous citizens, in accordance with contemporary norms of professionalism and expertise, while the Roma were continually constructed as problematic citizens. Hence, scientific-political activities concerning Swedish Roma in the 1960’s created new spaces of social citizenship, where the contents of both normality and deviance were nuanced and (re)defined.

Ce travail ambitionne de comprendre comment ont évolué les dispositifs qui permettent en france aux personnes de nationalité étrangère d'accéder à la prévention et aux soins en ville et à l'hôpital. nous nous demanderons comment et pourquoi sur une période longue un etat permet ou au contraire empêche l'accès d'une population majoritairement plus pauvre que la population générale, les étrangers, à un bien supérieur, la santé.l'objectif est de rendre compte du mouvement apparemment paradoxal que l'on observe depuis près d'une trentaine d'années : d'une part, des politiques migratoires de plus en plus restrictives et répressives, de l'autre, la santé devenue 'un des derniers refuges du droit' (didier fassin) pour les étrangers. cette période a été marquée par des évolutions législatives majeures, qui scanderont notre travail, notamment la mise en place de l'aide médicale d'etat et du droit au séjour pour soins en 1999. nous nous intéresserons aux acteurs étatiques, et en premier lieu, au ministère de la santé mais également à la sécurité sociale et aux associations qui ont joué un rôle double : elles ont mené un intense travail de plaidoyer pour le maintien et le perfectionnement des dispositifs d'accès aux soins et se sont vues délégués une partie de la dispense de soins auprès des populations étrangères. l'accès aux archives officielles étant limité du fait du caractère très contemporain du sujet, nous nous appuierons sur les fonds détenus par les organismes et les personnes privés ainsi que sur la constitution d'archives orales. s'il s'agit d'un travail d'histoire, nous intégrerons des données ethnographiques recueillies lors d'enquêtes de terrain. / In France, the healthcare costs of undocumented foreign nationals are covered by a specific welfare benefitcalled State Medical Aid (Aide médicale d’État). This benefit was created in 2000, as part of the law onUniversal Medical Insurance (Couverture médicale universelle) which enables French nationals andundocumented foreign nationals to benefit from the state health insurance scheme (Assurance maladie) as longas they are resident in France. This thesis explores the origins of a measure created exclusively for people whosepresence on French territory is judged illegal and the impact of the existence of this particular healthcarecoverage.The approach brings together a history of public policy and an ethnography of care settings and reception centresfor undocumented foreign nationals.Part One retraces the stages involved in opening up access to the state health insurance scheme from the mid-1980s onwards. It focuses on the way in which a distinction progressively emerged between the public healthissue of undocumented people accessing healthcare, and that of poor people accessing healthcare. The role ofhumanitarian associations, notably Doctors without Borders and Doctors of the World, who opened freehealthcare centres in France from 1986 onwards, is underscored, as are their links with movements defending therights of foreigners. These processes are located within a longer history of debates about access to welfare forthe poorest going back to the nineteenth century, and the subordination of social policy to the objectives ofcontrolling migratory flows.Part Two, based on research carried out in a hospital and in a health rights organization, analyses theconsequences of the introduction of immigration administrative categories into the healthcare system as well asthe emergence of a degraded form of social citizenship for people living illegally in France.