My purpose with this paper is to investigate how yong girls with immigrant backgrounds experience the social citizenship. I have focused on civil rights and obligations but also on the experience of access to education, employment and social community. Finally, I have chosen to look at the social citizenship from a gender perspective.

This research tracks the emergence of ‘soft’ workfare in Toronto. This refers to a set of attitudes and practices apparent in the delivery of welfare-to-work programs through the Ontario Works framework, which use compulsion to push people towards employment while simultaneously encouraging limited and specific practices of individual choice. Research findings are derived from eight interviews and relevant policy reports, focusing on the experiences of three non-profit agencies and the City of Toronto, who provide employment assistance and financial assistance through Ontario Works, respectively. These findings indicate that grassroots organizations pioneered employment services for social assistance recipients, and, alongside the municipal government, had been calling for active employment programs. They made use of the distance between policy rules and their own programs to alleviate the most punitive features of OW, but judge compulsion as a means to meet a necessary end. This demonstrates how disciplinary tendencies reside within liberal governmentalities.

This research tracks the emergence of ‘soft’ workfare in Toronto. This refers to a set of attitudes and practices apparent in the delivery of welfare-to-work programs through the Ontario Works framework, which use compulsion to push people towards employment while simultaneously encouraging limited and specific practices of individual choice. Research findings are derived from eight interviews and relevant policy reports, focusing on the experiences of three non-profit agencies and the City of Toronto, who provide employment assistance and financial assistance through Ontario Works, respectively. These findings indicate that grassroots organizations pioneered employment services for social assistance recipients, and, alongside the municipal government, had been calling for active employment programs. They made use of the distance between policy rules and their own programs to alleviate the most punitive features of OW, but judge compulsion as a means to meet a necessary end. This demonstrates how disciplinary tendencies reside within liberal governmentalities.

The aim of this research thesis is to analyze comparatively migration experiences in reference to changing citizenship rights of Turks from Bulgaria in northern Cyprus. Out-migrations in Bulgaria occurred in various historical chronologies out of different motivation for migration factors, and to places of different destinations. Despite the fact that mass migration flows of Turks from Bulgaria happen to be directed to Turkey, northern Cyprus was selected as a special case for this thesis, where Turks from Bulgaria immigrated during 1990&rsquo / s in great numbers. For the fieldwork, conducted in northern Cyprus in 2006, a research sample of 30-immigrant households of Turks from Bulgaria was interviewed with a qualitative in-depth and face-to-face interaction interview technique. The interview questionnaire was directed either towards one female or male member from each household. During the interviews, lived experiences of immigrant Turks from Bulgaria in both the countries of origin and also destination were asked. Therefore, a comparative before and after migration analyses was aimed. In the light of this, specified socio-economic and socio-cultural research themes referred to the overall interpretations of whether citizenship status of immigrant Turks from Bulgaria was inclusive or exclusive of both into the Bulgarian and northern Cypriot societies. The thesis draws a conclusion of notably revealed relationship between citizenship experiences and the shifting identity perceptions as a result of migration. Interview findings indicate that related to the conditions of their socio-economic and cultural environments in both Bulgaria and northern Cyprus, they were either included or excluded from social citizenship status. Immigrant respondents perceived themselves as excluded in the areas of employment and educational opportunities, cultural activities and in establishing associations in Bulgaria. On the other hand, in northern Cyprus they have perceived themselves as excluded in terms of work life and finding an occupation, high-income opportunities, finding decent accommodation and neighborhood relations. Besides, in the former they perceived themselves as discriminated because of their Muslim-Turkish identity and in the latter because they have been accepted as migrants and a marginally subordinate group in the social hierarchy.

Os direitos sociais são fruto das lutas dos indivíduos por melhores condições de trabalho e de vida ao longo dos séculos XVIII e XIX, embora os direitos mínimos dos trabalhadores somente tenham sido sistematicamente inseridos nas Constituições e albergados pelos diplomas internacionais ao no decorrer do século XX. No Brasil, os direitos fundamentais do trabalhador foram elencados na Constituição Federal de 1934 e, a partir de então, foram sendo ampliados até a Constituição Federal de 1988, nomeada de cidadã, que inaugurou um marco na constitucionalização desses direitos sociais, integrando-os efetivamente ao rol dos direitos fundamentais, conferindo-lhes aplicabilidade imediata e natureza de cláusulas pétreas. Toda essa sistemática traçada pelo legislador constituinte exige que os aplicadores do Direito tratem esses direitos trabalhistas como realmente fundamentais, inclusive no que tange às questões relativas à eficácia jurídica, efetividade e aplicabilidade. Ao lado do dilema da falta de efetividade das normas que estabelecem esses direitos, pela cultura de seu descumprimento reiterado pelos empregadores, existe outro problema igualmente grave: a ausência de implementação ou a implementação restritiva de vários direitos fundamentais trabalhistas, tanto pela ausência de leis infraconstitucionais que regulamentem as normas que os estatuem, quanto pela interpretação jurisdicional que lhes é conferida. Embora com alguns avanços no campo hermenêutico, a atuação do Poder Judiciário ainda tem sido insuficiente para a implementação plena dos direitos fundamentais sociais, tanto em virtude das resistências externas a uma postura mais ativa do Judiciário, quanto pela tendência de auto-restrição dos juízes em se aceitarem como órgãos legítimos para concretizar os direitos sociais esculpidos na Constituição. Ambos os problemas têm fulcro em uma concepção teórica restritiva de cidadania e, consequentemente, do exercício efetivo dos direitos fundamentais sociais pelos seus titulares, e em uma leitura desatualizada da teoria da separação dos poderes de Montesquieu, que desconsidera o Poder Judiciário como destinatário das normas de direitos fundamentais sociais. Sem embargo, a Constituição de 1988 adotou uma concepção de cidadania ampla, que pode ser denominada de cidadania social, pois o cidadão tem não apenas a prerrogativa de exercer os seus direitos políticos e civis, como também os seus direitos sociais, além de poder requerer ao Judiciário a implementação dos direitos cujo exercício se encontra limitado, inclusive pela interpretação involutiva dos dispositivos constitucionais, totalmente desvinculada da realidade social. O cidadão tem garantido constitucionalmente o acesso a uma ordem jurídica justa, no sentido do acesso aos tribunais, do exercício do direito de ação, com todas as garantias concernentes ao devido processo legal, e de uma prestação jurisdicional adequada e em tempo razoável que concretize os direitos reconhecidos em juízo. Para isso, o juiz deve se valer não apenas da utilização de mecanismos processuais adequados, mas também, em se tratando de pleitos que envolvam direitos fundamentais, da interpretação evolutiva, isto é, da atribuição de novos conteúdos à norma constitucional, sem a alteração do texto do dispositivo constitucional, em virtude de mudanças sócio-econômico-políticas não previstas pelo constituinte. Embora existam exemplos de decisões, majoritárias ou pontuais proferidas por juízes ou pelos Tribunais do Trabalho, em que se vislumbra a interpretação constitucional evolutiva de alguns direitos fundamentais trabalhistas, para a implementação plena desses direitos a atuação desse ramo especializado do Judiciário deve ser mais incisiva e abrangente. Dessa forma, o intento da presente tese é demonstrar que, para garantir a implementação efetiva de vários direitos dos trabalhadores estabelecidos nos artigos 7º a 11 da CF/88 e artigo 10 do ADCT, a Justiça do Trabalho deverá adotar uma hermenêutica jurisdicional pautada na interpretação evolutiva das normas constitucionais e na concepção ampliativa do exercício dos direitos fundamentais, fundada no princípio da cidadania social. / Social rights are the result of individuals\' struggles for better working and living conditions in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, although the basic rights of workers have only been systematically inserted in the Constitution and encompassed by international treaties, covenants and declarations in the twentieth century. In Brazil, the fundamental rights of workers were listed in the Constitution of 1934 and, thereafter, have been extended to the Federal Constitution of 1988, referred to as \"citizen\", which represented a milestone for the constitutionalization of social rights, integrating them effectively to the role of fundamental rights and giving them instant applicability and the quality of entrenched clauses. The same procedure drafted by the constitutional legislators requires that lawenforcers see these labor rights as something really fundamental, including subjects related to the legal effectiveness, efficacy and applicability. Next to the dilemma of lack of effectiveness of the rules that determine these rights, that is to say the employers culture of a repeated failure to comply with them, there is another equally serious problem: the lack of implementation or putting into effect, in a restrictive way, various fundamental labor rights, both because of the absence of infraconstitutional laws which regulate the rules that set them up, as well as the judicial interpretation they were given. Despite some advances in the hermeneutic field, the judiciary has still been not enough for the full implementation of fundamental social rights, both because of external opposition to a more active role of the judiciary, and by the self-restraint judges tendency to accept themselves as a right and proper means for achieving the social rights guaranteed by the Brazilian Constitution. Both problems have a restrictive theoretical fulcrum conception of citizenship and, consequently, the effective exercise of fundamental social rights by their holders, and an outdated interpretation of the Montesquieus theory of separation of powers, which disregards the judiciary as a recipient of the fundamental social rights standards. Nevertheless, the Constitution of 1988 adopted a broad conception of citizenship, which can be called \"social\" citizenship since citizens has not only the prerogative of exercising their civil and political rights, but also their social rights, as well as requesting the Judiciary for the implementation of rights which exercise is limited, even because of the involuting interpretation of constitutional provisions, totally divorced from social reality. Citizens have a constitutionally guaranteed access to a fair legal system in the sense of accessing courts, exercising the right of action, with all the guarantees pertaining to a due legal procedure and proper adjudication in a reasonable term that makes available the rights recognized in court. For that, judges must not only rely on the use of appropriate procedural mechanisms, but also, in case of claims involving fundamental rights, on the evolutionary interpretation, that is, assigning new content to the constitutional rules, without changing the text of the constitution because of socio-economic and political changes not foreseen by the constituent. Although there are examples of majoritarian or specific decisions taken by judges or by the Labor Courts, which are able to glimpse the evolving constitutional interpretation of some fundamental labor rights, for the full implementation of these rights, the performance of that specialized branch of the judiciary should be more incisive and comprehensive. Thus, the goal of this thesis is to demonstrate that to ensure the effective implementation of various workers\' rights, as laid down in Articles 7 to 11 and Article 10 of CF/88 ADCT, the Labor Court should adopt judicial hermeneutics guided by the evolving interpretation of constitutional rules and the ampliative conception of exercising fundamental rights, based on the principle of social citizenship.

Citizenship, as effective social, cultural and economic participation for refugee groups, depends on appropriate institutional structures and processes in resettlement societies. This thesis using critical social theoretical perspectives addresses the paradox of being legally a citizen, but substantively excluded from the very rights that constitute such citizenship. The thesis draws on theoretical models of newcomer integration in order to promote the development of a more inclusive society for refugees in New Zealand. The issues to be considered include responses from central government and from public institutions—particularly health, education, employment and welfare—in addressing social exclusion and promoting integration. The questions of refugee integration to be addressed conceptually must take into consideration cultural and religious diversity, on the one hand, and socio-economic inequality on the other. In New Zealand, the 1987 review of refugee resettlement policy, which established an annual quota of 750 places, has given priority to those with the highest health and social needs and removed preferences for specific national, ethnic and religious groups. Significantly, in the 1990s radical neo-liberal economic reforms were introduced and publicly provided health, education and welfare systems were restructured. This posed serious challenges to the core idea of social citizenship in general in New Zealand society. Noticeable ethnic diversification has been just one element of the resettlement policy changes; the other has been long-term social and economic exclusion in the refugee groups settled since this time. This study indicates that New Zealand’s notably humanitarian refugee resettlement policy is not matched by adequate central government and public institutional responses and resources with which to integrate refugee groups. This qualitative study examines the role of one institution in particular, health care. The study takes a multi-method approach, using historical and social policy analysis to set the structural context for the interpretation of data from participant interviews. During fieldwork, twenty-eight semi-structured interviews were conducted with health care providers in community, primary and secondary care sectors in the Auckland region, in both governmental and non-governmental agencies. This research demonstrates at a service level, the consequences of overlooking refugee peoples in New Zealand social policy, data collection systems, research and health strategies. Importantly though, the research discovers a number of ‘activation points’—or approaches that have been developed by health care practitioners—that highlight future opportunities for the inclusion of refugee groups. One finding is that the New Zealand health system must address the question of how to effect a shift from universalist conceptions of generalised eligibility for health services to targeted interventions for refugees. The conclusions drawn from the study are: firstly, that an overarching integration policy for refugees, led by central government, is required. Secondly, institutional responses that accommodate the special psychosocial, socio-economic and cultural/religious requirements of refugee groups are needed. This would include the development of a locally relevant multiculturalism to guide social policy in New Zealand. In the long-term, for peoples from refugee backgrounds to become full political, social, economic and cultural members of New Zealand society, there needs to be a rethinking of the contemporary models of citizenship offered.

Submitted by Jamile Barbosa da Cruz (jamile.cruz@ucsal.br) on 2016-10-25T14:56:28Z No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertação_versão_depósito_F.pdf: 13126958 bytes, checksum: daecef660e31ea6e327cdb3d2d9f3d04 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Emília Carvalho Ribeiro (maria.ribeiro@ucsal.br) on 2016-12-28T20:48:37Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertação_versão_depósito_F.pdf: 13126958 bytes, checksum: daecef660e31ea6e327cdb3d2d9f3d04 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-28T20:48:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertação_versão_depósito_F.pdf: 13126958 bytes, checksum: daecef660e31ea6e327cdb3d2d9f3d04 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-10-23 / Esta pesquisa promoveu a análise crítica da relação jurídico-previdenciária entre o Estado e os povos indígenas, com vistas a verificar como se apresenta a qualidade de segurado do índio relativamente ao Regime Geral de Previdência Social, tendo como pano de fundo a cidadania social. Dessa forma, delimitado o campo de análise, verifica-se que o objeto indica que se trata de uma pesquisa qualitativa. A revisão bibliográfica e a análise documental serviram como métodos para a análise do fenômeno. O estudo evidenciou que, em razão de outras pautas mais urgentes que tocam as causas dos povos indígenas, as questões previdenciárias são prescindidas do cuidado que se requer, tanto pelo Estado quanto pelos interessados. Por outro lado, a importância da previdência social se revela, porque é por meio dela que o Estado ampara o cidadão vinculado ao sistema, em algumas contingências da vida. Como política social, a previdência alcança toda a família do segurado, garantindo o mínimo existencial. Nessa perspectiva, a pesquisa foi dividida em três eixos: no primeiro, foi traçado um panorama histórico da relação entre o Estado e os povos indígenas, desde o período colonial até a Constituição de 1988, tendo como base de sustentação teórica livros e documentos públicos; no segundo, foi analisado o Regime Geral de Previdência Social, sem prescindir de sua contextualização vinculada à crise do Estado e do Welfare State, tendo sido utilizados livros específicos da seara previdenciária e sobre a crise do Estado; no terceiro eixo, verificou-se como se apresenta a qualidade de segurado do índio e se há ou não necessidade de adequação, ante a visão administrativa, por meio da análise de documentos públicos e atos administrativos. Nas considerações finais, a hipótese da pesquisa foi confirmada, revelando que o enquadramento do índio como segurado do Regime Geral de Previdência encontra-se inadequado. / Having social citizenship as background, this research promoted a critical analysis of the legal and social security relationship between the State and indigenous peoples in order to see how the insured status of such peoples are presented by the General Regime for Social Security. After determining the field of analysis, the object of the study suggested the need for a qualitative approach to carry out the research. The methods employed for analyzing the phenomenon included literature review and document analysis. The study revealed that due to other pressing agendas related to the indigenous peoples, social security issues have been neglected not only by the State, but also by the concerned ones. On the other hand, the importance of social security was acknowledged as it is through such means that the State maintains citizens affiliated to the system in some contingencies of life. As a social policy, social security reaches the families of the insured ones. From this perspective, the present research was divided into three parts. Firstly, a historical overview of the relationship between the State and the indigenous peoples was outlined (from the colonial period up to the 1988 Constitution), having books and public documents as theoretical support. Secondly, the General Regime for Social Security was analyzed without disregarding its contextualization linked to the crisis of the State and to the Welfare State. Such analysis was carried out by using specific books on social security and on the crisis of the State. Thirdly, and also by researching via public documents and administrative acts, the insured status of the indigenous peoples was analyzed in order to find out whether it needs to be adapted by the administrative viewpoint. In the final considerations, the research hypothesis was confirmed by disclosing that the adjustment of indigenous peoples into the General Regime for Social Security is inadequate.

At the beginning of the 21st century, youth unemployment is paid attention to by the Swedish government and media. A grand part of the unemployed youth live at their parents´ house because of economic reasons contrary to their primary goal to be able to make their own living. It can be argued that the young unemployed´ s social citizenship is inferior to working citizens´ social citizenship. The thesis will not deal with suggestions on practical solutions, but rather seek for theoretical answers to whether the responsibility for the young people referred to should be a responsibility of the State or of the family. Communitarianism is a relatively young theory which is interesting for this thesis because it sheds light on the dichotomy individual - community. There are different strands within the communitarian debate. I will deal with conservative, liberal and leftist communitarianism. The classical leftist ideal of the communitarianist community includes rights and duties for the common good and is based on the assumption of people as social beings not being able or wanting to escape from the influence of her community. Liberal communitarianism, represented foremost by Will Kymlicka and Joseph Raz, is a theoretical strand coming up as a response on the (leftist) communitarianism. Also, a theory of conservative communitarianism, which´ s ideas date back to Aristotle, can be traced in the writings of Roger Scruton. Conclusions reached are, simplified, as follows: Conservative communitarians are prone to let the parents take theresponsibility for their children. It is a natural consequence of their view of the society as an organic unity where family life and political affairs should be separated. Leftist communitarians and liberal communitarians are less apparent in their preferences. Stressing leftist communitarians´ emphasis of citizenship duties, the responsibility of the citizen indicates that state measures should not be the first tried solution. The family has an important role for leftist communitarianists but only as a link between the individual and the state. Liberal communitarians look foremost to the individual´ s own preferences concerning medium for a solution of the unemployed´ s situation. Family is not seen as a significant institution, unless it is accredited importance by its members.

Os direitos sociais são fruto das lutas dos indivíduos por melhores condições de trabalho e de vida ao longo dos séculos XVIII e XIX, embora os direitos mínimos dos trabalhadores somente tenham sido sistematicamente inseridos nas Constituições e albergados pelos diplomas internacionais ao no decorrer do século XX. No Brasil, os direitos fundamentais do trabalhador foram elencados na Constituição Federal de 1934 e, a partir de então, foram sendo ampliados até a Constituição Federal de 1988, nomeada de cidadã, que inaugurou um marco na constitucionalização desses direitos sociais, integrando-os efetivamente ao rol dos direitos fundamentais, conferindo-lhes aplicabilidade imediata e natureza de cláusulas pétreas. Toda essa sistemática traçada pelo legislador constituinte exige que os aplicadores do Direito tratem esses direitos trabalhistas como realmente fundamentais, inclusive no que tange às questões relativas à eficácia jurídica, efetividade e aplicabilidade. Ao lado do dilema da falta de efetividade das normas que estabelecem esses direitos, pela cultura de seu descumprimento reiterado pelos empregadores, existe outro problema igualmente grave: a ausência de implementação ou a implementação restritiva de vários direitos fundamentais trabalhistas, tanto pela ausência de leis infraconstitucionais que regulamentem as normas que os estatuem, quanto pela interpretação jurisdicional que lhes é conferida. Embora com alguns avanços no campo hermenêutico, a atuação do Poder Judiciário ainda tem sido insuficiente para a implementação plena dos direitos fundamentais sociais, tanto em virtude das resistências externas a uma postura mais ativa do Judiciário, quanto pela tendência de auto-restrição dos juízes em se aceitarem como órgãos legítimos para concretizar os direitos sociais esculpidos na Constituição. Ambos os problemas têm fulcro em uma concepção teórica restritiva de cidadania e, consequentemente, do exercício efetivo dos direitos fundamentais sociais pelos seus titulares, e em uma leitura desatualizada da teoria da separação dos poderes de Montesquieu, que desconsidera o Poder Judiciário como destinatário das normas de direitos fundamentais sociais. Sem embargo, a Constituição de 1988 adotou uma concepção de cidadania ampla, que pode ser denominada de cidadania social, pois o cidadão tem não apenas a prerrogativa de exercer os seus direitos políticos e civis, como também os seus direitos sociais, além de poder requerer ao Judiciário a implementação dos direitos cujo exercício se encontra limitado, inclusive pela interpretação involutiva dos dispositivos constitucionais, totalmente desvinculada da realidade social. O cidadão tem garantido constitucionalmente o acesso a uma ordem jurídica justa, no sentido do acesso aos tribunais, do exercício do direito de ação, com todas as garantias concernentes ao devido processo legal, e de uma prestação jurisdicional adequada e em tempo razoável que concretize os direitos reconhecidos em juízo. Para isso, o juiz deve se valer não apenas da utilização de mecanismos processuais adequados, mas também, em se tratando de pleitos que envolvam direitos fundamentais, da interpretação evolutiva, isto é, da atribuição de novos conteúdos à norma constitucional, sem a alteração do texto do dispositivo constitucional, em virtude de mudanças sócio-econômico-políticas não previstas pelo constituinte. Embora existam exemplos de decisões, majoritárias ou pontuais proferidas por juízes ou pelos Tribunais do Trabalho, em que se vislumbra a interpretação constitucional evolutiva de alguns direitos fundamentais trabalhistas, para a implementação plena desses direitos a atuação desse ramo especializado do Judiciário deve ser mais incisiva e abrangente. Dessa forma, o intento da presente tese é demonstrar que, para garantir a implementação efetiva de vários direitos dos trabalhadores estabelecidos nos artigos 7º a 11 da CF/88 e artigo 10 do ADCT, a Justiça do Trabalho deverá adotar uma hermenêutica jurisdicional pautada na interpretação evolutiva das normas constitucionais e na concepção ampliativa do exercício dos direitos fundamentais, fundada no princípio da cidadania social. / Social rights are the result of individuals\' struggles for better working and living conditions in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, although the basic rights of workers have only been systematically inserted in the Constitution and encompassed by international treaties, covenants and declarations in the twentieth century. In Brazil, the fundamental rights of workers were listed in the Constitution of 1934 and, thereafter, have been extended to the Federal Constitution of 1988, referred to as \"citizen\", which represented a milestone for the constitutionalization of social rights, integrating them effectively to the role of fundamental rights and giving them instant applicability and the quality of entrenched clauses. The same procedure drafted by the constitutional legislators requires that lawenforcers see these labor rights as something really fundamental, including subjects related to the legal effectiveness, efficacy and applicability. Next to the dilemma of lack of effectiveness of the rules that determine these rights, that is to say the employers culture of a repeated failure to comply with them, there is another equally serious problem: the lack of implementation or putting into effect, in a restrictive way, various fundamental labor rights, both because of the absence of infraconstitutional laws which regulate the rules that set them up, as well as the judicial interpretation they were given. Despite some advances in the hermeneutic field, the judiciary has still been not enough for the full implementation of fundamental social rights, both because of external opposition to a more active role of the judiciary, and by the self-restraint judges tendency to accept themselves as a right and proper means for achieving the social rights guaranteed by the Brazilian Constitution. Both problems have a restrictive theoretical fulcrum conception of citizenship and, consequently, the effective exercise of fundamental social rights by their holders, and an outdated interpretation of the Montesquieus theory of separation of powers, which disregards the judiciary as a recipient of the fundamental social rights standards. Nevertheless, the Constitution of 1988 adopted a broad conception of citizenship, which can be called \"social\" citizenship since citizens has not only the prerogative of exercising their civil and political rights, but also their social rights, as well as requesting the Judiciary for the implementation of rights which exercise is limited, even because of the involuting interpretation of constitutional provisions, totally divorced from social reality. Citizens have a constitutionally guaranteed access to a fair legal system in the sense of accessing courts, exercising the right of action, with all the guarantees pertaining to a due legal procedure and proper adjudication in a reasonable term that makes available the rights recognized in court. For that, judges must not only rely on the use of appropriate procedural mechanisms, but also, in case of claims involving fundamental rights, on the evolutionary interpretation, that is, assigning new content to the constitutional rules, without changing the text of the constitution because of socio-economic and political changes not foreseen by the constituent. Although there are examples of majoritarian or specific decisions taken by judges or by the Labor Courts, which are able to glimpse the evolving constitutional interpretation of some fundamental labor rights, for the full implementation of these rights, the performance of that specialized branch of the judiciary should be more incisive and comprehensive. Thus, the goal of this thesis is to demonstrate that to ensure the effective implementation of various workers\' rights, as laid down in Articles 7 to 11 and Article 10 of CF/88 ADCT, the Labor Court should adopt judicial hermeneutics guided by the evolving interpretation of constitutional rules and the ampliative conception of exercising fundamental rights, based on the principle of social citizenship.

People with dementia are commonly in need of some form of social care from the social services in order to manage their everyday situations. However, social services are shaped by the construction of policy targets. The aim of this dissertation is to explore the social citizenship for people with dementia. Social citizenship for people with dementia is explored by studying how people with dementia, in policy documents, have been constructed as a target group and also by studying how policies are enacted in practice by care managers, in their work and in their meetings with people with dementia. This is illustrated by studying policy documents from national level which range over nearly 40 years and 19 interviews with care managers. It is shown that, if and when, people with dementia are visible in policy documents, they commonly have a negative construction based on their cognitive and communicative abilities, as a burden, disturbing and incapable. It is further investigated how street-level bureaucrats, in this case care managers, experience meeting with people with dementia when they apply for social services. It is shown that care-managers experience difficulties concerning this group comprised of the exchange of information between care managers and people with dementia, refusal of social services by the person, the influence of relatives and other professions as well as moral dilemmas, such as the relations between the person with dementia and their relatives. The study shows that care managers have little support from policies, e.g. legislation and guidelines, in how to handle these dilemmas, and must thus create their own local ways of handling these situations. Care managers are thus influential policy actors concerning the policy target group of people with dementia. The policy processes which this dissertation illustrates, affect the social citizenship of people with dementia. It is shown that they, to an extent, have difficulties in influencing their own everyday situation concerning social services. Finally, the policy processes, will affect their possibility to influence their social citizenship. / Personer med demenssjukdom behöver vanligtvis någon form av socialt stöd från socialtjänsten för att kunna hantera sin egen vardag. Emellertid så är socialt stöd format av konstruktionen av policymålgrupper. Syftet med denna avhandling är att undersöka det sociala medborgarskapet för personer med demenssjukdom genom att studera hur dessa personer, som policymålgrupp, har konstruerats i policydokument samt hur policys iscensätts i praktiken av biståndshandläggare inom socialtjänsten, i deras arbete och i deras möten med personer med demenssjukdom. Detta belyses genom studier policydokument på nationell nivå som spänner över nästan 40 år samt intervjuer med 19 biståndshandläggare. Studien visar att om och när personer med demenssjukdom är synliga i policydokument så har de vanligtvis en negativ konstruktion som baseras på deras kognitiva- och kommunikativa förmågor, som betungande, störande och inkapabla. Vidare undersöks i denna avhandling hur gräsrotsbyråkrater, i form av biståndshandläggare, upplever mötet med personer med demenssjukdom då de ansöker om socialt stöd från socialtjänsten. Det visas att handläggare upplever svårigheter i deras möten med denna grupp. Svårigheterna ligger i utbytet av information mellan handläggare och personen med demens, vägran från personen att ta emot stöd, inflytande från anhöriga och andra professioner samt moraliska dilemman som relationen mellan personen med demenssjukdom och anhöriga. Handläggare har lite stöd från policys, såsom lagar och riktlinjer, i hur de ska hantera dessa svårigheter och måste således hitta egna, lokala, sätt att hantera dessa situationer. Handläggare är således inflytelserika policyaktörer rörande policymålgruppen personer med demenssjukdom. De policyprocesser som avhandlingen berör påverkar det sociala medborgarskapet för personer med demenssjukdom. Det visas att de, till viss del, har svårigheter att påverka sin egen vardag i relation till stöd från socialtjänsten. Slutligen påverkar policyprocesser möjligheten för personer med demens att påverka sitt sociala medborgarskap.