This dissertation investigates the emergence and impact of social movements in Chile since the reinstatement of democracy in 1990. Seeking to make an important contribution to the understanding of the reconstruction of collective action in post-transition Chile, I focus on two cases which have been particularly successful in questioning the benefits of market-friendly policies introduced by the military regime (1973-1989) and continued to a great extent by the Concertación governments (1990-2010). The first case is the 2006 Pingüino movement, named after the secondary school students’ penguin-like black and white school uniforms, which forced a substantial discussion on the education system’s segregating effects and its neoliberal underpinnings. The second case is the 2007 Contratista movement, composed of subcontracted workers of CODELCO – Chile’s main state-owned copper-extracting company. The Contratistas repoliticised a long-dormant debate on labour issues and revitalised a trade union movement which had been in decline in previous decades. I draw on the Contentious Politics approach, which stresses social movements’ interaction with the institutional terrain, and explain the emergence of the Pingüinos and Contratistas as the result of three distinct but intertwined processes: the opening up of the structure of political opportunities involved in the rise of President Bachelet; the deeply felt discontent with the education and labour reforms introduced by the military regime and kept largely intact by the Concertación governments; and the movements’ adoption of non-hierarchical organisational forms as a way of reconstructing collective action ‘from below’. In terms of political impact, I show that both the students and the contract workers were successful in introducing issues onto the public agenda that were not there before the emergence of the movements. The extent to which this was translated into bills that reflected the concerns of the movements, however, depended on their capacity to continue to exert pressure on the government and to forge political alliances. In this way, I argue that the impact of the movements was indirect and followed a two-stage process through which first the Pingüinos and Contratistas influenced aspects of their external environment, namely, public opinion and political alliances, and then the latter influenced policy. Overall, my research shows the links between processes at the micro-level (the development of organisational resources and grievance interpretation) and their subsequent impact at the macro-level (agenda-setting and policy impact) – a development that has undoubtedly acquired greater relevance and analytical urgency since the wide range of protests that have taken place around the world since 2011.

This thesis explores the relationship between gender policy, gender culture, and political participation in unified Germany. It investigates the extent to which political regimes shape citizens' attitudes towards gender roles and examines the effect of such attitudes on women's participation in politics. The thesis is divided into three parts: The first part explores the differences in gender regime types between the former German Democratic Republic and Federal Republic of Germany during the Cold War period. Building on existing studies, the analysis considers how generations that were socialised in the divided Germany differ in their attitudes toward gender roles. It finds that citizens from West Germany are more socially conservative than citizens from the East. The second part of the thesis tests the effects of these traditional gender attitudes on citizens' participation, focusing on party membership. The analysis highlights that gender gaps in formal political participation in unified Germany still exist, but that these gaps are smaller in the new federal states. The investigation further shows that traditional gender attitudes exert a negative effect on women’s political engagement beyond the predictive power of socio-economic and demographic factors. The final part of this thesis casts a critical look at the political controversy in Germany over the introduction of a cash-for-care subsidy (the so-called Betreuungsgeld). It explores the normative assumptions and ideas about gender roles that have been promoted by Germany's main political parties throughout the policy negotiation process. Using a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods, the research presented in this thesis draws on, and contributes to, studies on gender, welfare states, political socialisation, and political participation.

People's narratives, interpretations and understandings of the Chad-Cameroon Oil Pipeline and pipeline actors emphasise the uneven exercise of power through which structural violence is effected and experienced. The complexity of the processes of structural violence along with local socio-political context and peoples' dynamic understandings thereof play major roles in shaping resistance practices, in complex ways in Kribi and Nanga-Eboko. Working from these narratives, I offer a theoretical re-articulation of structural violence as (i) tangible through the body, (ii) historically compounded, (iii) spatially compressed and (iv) enacted in a globalised geopolitical nexus by actors who are spatially nested within a racialised and gendered hierarchy of scale. Drawing from critical interdisciplinary work on violence, my theory of a triad of divergent, often interrelated and co-existing, distinguishable indexes of structural violence includes: infra/structural violence, industrial structural violence and institutionalized structural violence. The particular processes and mechanisms of uneven power within structural violence, local socio-political contexts and the epistemologies through which power is conceived (in this case I consider epistemologies of la sorcellerie, or witchcraft) inform resistance practices; I illuminate key operations (within geographies characterised by high levels of infra/structural violence) within the spatial practices of power that influence the tendency for resistance struggles to be quiet, spontaneous and/or labour-based. I conclude with a discussion of the political and intellectual value of academic work on life and being amid structural violence, emphasising the need to move beyond the invisible/visible dichotomy that has often informed intellectual work on structural violence.

En prenant appui sur dix romans anglophones contemporains par les auteures indiennes et pakistanaises, cette étude explore et évalue les enjeux politiques et poétiques de la représentation de l'amitié et de l'amour inter-classes dans une littérature souvent considérée comme essentiellement ‘élitiste'. Cette thèse s'écarte de l'approche habituelle dans les études postcoloniales qui privilégie l'idée d'hybridité conçue uniquement en termes binaires (Occident/Orient ou Nord/Sud) et au cœur de l'étude se trouvent la figure du subalterne et la négociation complexe des identités liées à la classe, à la caste et au sexe dans le sous-continent indien. Si les textes examinés révèlent la précarité des rapports humains qui transgressent les diverses frontières sociales, ils soulignent également leurs possibilités contestataires. Cette étude s'intéresse aussi aux enjeux éthiques des choix formels dont témoignent les textes examinés et à la manière dont ces choix peuvent à la fois confirmer et contredire le projet politique du texte. / This dissertation is a detailed analysis of ten contemporary Anglophone novels by women writers from India and Pakistan. It explores and evaluates the politics as well as the poetics of the literary depiction of cross-class love and friendship in Anglophone literature of the Indian sub-continent, which is often considered ‘elitist'. The figure of the subaltern lies at the heart of our study and by focusing on the portrayal of the negotiation of class, caste and gender identities in the Indian sub-continent, this dissertation moves away from postcolonial studies' customary focus on the notion of hybridity, often conceived solely in East/West or North/South terms. The texts examined reveal not only the tenuousness of cross-class relationships but also underscore their subversive possibilities. The ethical ramifications of questions of form are also explored as are the ways in which the poetics of a text can both confirm and contradict its politics.

No Brasil, entre 1955 e 1990, a modernização industrial induzida pelo estado, através de variadas estratégias de planejamento, atingiu seu apogeu e decadência. Um dos principais legados desta trajetória de crescimento foi a reiteração de uma estrutura econômica de nítido perfil concentrador da riqueza e da renda. Este exame tem como objetivo analisar a dinâmica das greves urbanas e as suas relações, primeiro, com conjunturas dos ciclos econômicos observados entre 1955 e 1990 e, segundo, com alguns indicadores econômicos relevantes como preços, salários, distribuição da renda e desigualdade. A análise procura verificar se a ação organizada dos trabalhadores urbanos através das greves foi capaz de oferecer resistência efetiva às conjunturas que tendiam à penalizar os salários e incrementar a desigualdade, atenuando, por esta via, os efeitos sociais adversos do modelo concentrador. / In Brazil, between 1955 and 1990, the industrial modernization promoted by the state through various planning strategies achieved its peak and decay. One of the major legacies of this growth path was enforcement of an economic structure with a profile of wealth and income concentration. The objective of this examination is to analyze the dynamics of urban strikes and their relations, first, within the economic cycles observed between 1955 and 1990, and second, with some economic relevant indicators like prices, wages, income distribution and inequality. The analysis seeks to determine whether the organized action of urban workers through strikes was able to pose effective resistance to situations that tended to lower the wages and increase inequality, thus, reducing the adverse social effects of the hub model.

Diante da preocupação generalizada em relação à qualidade da educação pública básica e às dificuldades de acesso ao ensino superior público em São Paulo, a presente pesquisa se propõe a analisar as condições educacionais que inibem os estudantes das escolas públicas a terem as universidades públicas como possibilidade ou meta ao prestar o vestibular. Defendese, nesse trabalho, que a ausência de perspectiva em relação ao ensino superior, por parte dos estudantes, é mais do que a simples falta de informação do aluno frente ao vestibular. Trata-se antes de um dos efeitos das ideologias envolvidas na constituição e desenvolvimento do sistema educacional brasileiro. É necessário sublinhar também que a escola pública está se habituando à redução das possibilidades de acesso de seus estudantes ao ensino superior. Para tanto, explorou-se a bibliografia sobre o tema, procurando aprofundar uma discussão teórica e analisar dados estatísticos disponíveis sobre o ingresso nos vestibulares de universidades públicas paulistas. Essa pesquisa permitiu apreender efeitos das políticas públicas até agora empreendidas para o acesso ao ensino superior, tanto aquelas adotadas pelos órgãos governamentais como aquelas geradas pelas próprias universidades públicas. Como meio de aprofundar os significados abertos pela palavra dos sujeitos-alvos dessas políticas e vítimas dessa exclusão, entrevistamos jovens estudantes do 3º ano do ensino médio de uma escola pública paulista a respeito das suas ambições escolares e das suas expectativas de ingresso no ensino superior. / Considering widespread concerns about the quality of the public elementary educational system and about the dificulties to access higher education in São Paulo, this research intends to analize the educational conditions that inhibit students of public schools from seeing public universities as their goal when trying to access higher education. This research defends that the student\'s absence of perspectives relating to higher education is more than a simple result of the lack of information about the selective process that leads to the public university. We believe it is only one of the many effects of the ideologies involved in the constitution and development of the brazilian educational system. It is also important to underline that the public school is becoming used to the idea that its students will not have the opportunity to access public higher education. To defend these arguments, we have explored the relevant bibliography on the issue, trying to deepen the theoretical discussion and to analize statistical data available about admission in selective processes to public universities in São Paulo. This research allowed us to apprehend the effects of public policies developed by governmental institutions and by public universities regarding the access to higher educational system. Trying to deeply understand the meanings involved in the discourse of those to whom these policies where created and who are the victims of this process of exclusion, we have interviewed young students of a public school in São Paulo about their educational ambitions and their expectations of accessing higher education.

Introduction : Les programmes universels de réduction du surpoids peuvent potentiellement contribuer aux inégalités de santé. L’objectif principal de la thèse était de concevoir, de mettre en place et d’évaluer des interventions d’accompagnement par des pairs appariés sur le milieu social. Méthodologie : La pertinence de l’éducation par les pairs, en général, et plus spécifiquement comme réponse possible à la problématique des inégalités de santé, a été analysée. Deux interventions ont été développées par le biais de deux modalités différentes. La première était la sélection, formation et le suivi de pairs facilitateurs ayant pour mission la réalisation concrète d’activités nutritionnelles communes avec des pairs receveurs. La deuxième a été développée sur Facebook et encourageait le partage virtuel d’expériences de réalisation d’activités nutritionnelles. Résultats : L’analyse de la pertinence de l’éducation par les pairs a conduit à deux choix stratégiques : un accompagnement basé sur la théorie sociocognitive plutôt que la posture classique d’éducation par les pairs centrée sur l’instruction et le fait de sélectionner des pairs accompagnateurs issus de milieu moins favorisé. L’intervention facilitateurs-receveurs a permis le recrutement de plusieurs dyades et la réalisation d’activités en dehors du milieu scolaire. Suite à une évaluation détaillée, plusieurs recommandations sont formulées pour améliorer la mise en œuvre de cette intervention. L’utilisation de Facebook ne semble pas courir le risque d’augmenter les inégalités puisqu’environ 80% des adolescents ont accès à Facebook. Néanmoins, il n’y avait pas d’échange entre les participants sur le groupe de défis nutritionnels, ce qui remet en question le modèle logique initial de l’intervention. Discussion : Les modalités d’intervention par les pairs sur réseau social doivent être modifiées pour étendre sa portée et son impact. Pour sa part, l’intervention en dyade facilitateurs-receveurs est faisable et complémentaire à un programme de santé dans sa forme actuelle avec quelques ajustements. Celle-ci poursuit un double objectif de santé publique : la réduction du surpoids à travers le changement de comportement des receveurs, et la réduction des inégalités sociales pour les receveurs mais aussi pour les facilitateurs issus de milieu social défavorisé par la formation et la valorisation / Introduction: Universal prevention programs for reducing overweight can potentially contribute to widening health inequalities. The main objective of this thesis was to design, implement and evaluate peer interventions targeting adolescents matched on socioeconomic status. Methodology: The relevance of peer education was analysed, both in general and more specifically regarding its potential to reduce health inequalities. Two interventions were developed based on two different modes of delivery. The first intervention consisted in the selection, training and regular follow-up of peer facilitators whose mission was to carry out nutritional activities with peer receivers. The second intervention was developed on Facebook and encouraged the virtual sharing of experiences relating to nutritional activities. Results: The analysis of the relevance of peer education led to two strategic choices: the first was to base the interventions on socio cognitive theory, as opposed to the more traditional didactic approach, and the second was to select and train peer facilitators from less advantaged backgrounds. The facilitator-receiver intervention led to the successful recruitment of several dyads and nutritional activities were implemented outside of school premises. A detailed evaluation led to recommendations for improving implementation. Using Facebook does not seem likely to widen health inequalities since over 80% of adolescents had access to Facebook. However, there was no sharing of experience between participants on the nutritional challenges group, which puts into question the initial logic model of this intervention. Discussion: The delivery and implementation of the online peer intervention must be modified in order to increase its range and impact. In contrast, the facilitator-receiver intervention in its current form with only minor adjustments is feasible and complements a health intervention well. This intervention has a double target: the reduction of overweight through the behaviour change of the receivers and the reduction of social inequalities not only for the receivers but also by empowering facilitators from disadvantaged backgrounds

Dans les pays industrialisés, la durée de scolarisation s’allonge, formant des cohortes d’individus de plus en plus diplômés. Dans un contexte de fort taux du chômage en France et plus particulièrement des jeunes, l’alternance (et plus particulièrement l’apprentissage) est promue comme « la » solution par les institutions. L’alternance aurait des vertus en termes de professionnalisation et d’insertion dans l’emploi par une logique d’adéquation formation-emploi. Cependant, la population des alternant e s ne constitue pas un miroir fidèle de la composition des jeunes en formation sur le territoire national en termes de mixité sociale, de sexe ou des origines. Parmi ces jeunes, certain-e-s choisissent une formation en alternance du supérieur court – dont l’objectif est l’insertion rapide – avec des destinées différentes : le marché de l’emploi ou la poursuite de leur formation. Dans ce contexte, notre recherche s’intéresse à l’élaboration du projet d’orientation et professionnel des alternant-e-s engagé-e-s dans des formations dispensées par des organismes privés dans deux spécialités transversales aux secteurs d’activités des entreprises. L’objectif de cette recherche est de mieux comprendre la dynamique des processus en jeu durant cette période et leur impact sur les projets et leurs concrétisations en fin de formation. Dans cette perspective, notre travail se concrétise par une recherche qualitative et longitudinale avec une focalisation sur les relations entre les environnements, les comportements et la personne. L’analyse montre que le recrutement est une rencontre « forcée » entre des entreprises de tailles différentes et des publics aux intentions et aux origines diverses (spécialités, voies de formation, statuts). Cette rencontre produit des effets différents tout au long de la formation en fonction de la biographie des individus sans bouleverser les habitus de genre du monde du travail / In industralised countries the duration of schooling stretches out, and more and more people have a high academic level. In a French context of high rates of unemployment and more particularly among young people, institutions promote the alternation as "the" solution (and more particularly the training through apprenticeship). The alternation would have virtues in terms of professionalisation and insertion in the field of employment by the logic of adequacy training-employment. However the population of the students on work-based training is not a faithful mirror of the composition of the young people in training on the national territory in terms of social mix, sex or origin. Among these young people, some-are choosing a sandwich training of higher education – the objective of which is fast insertion – with different fates : the market of employment or the pursuit of their training. In this context, our research is interested in the elaboration of the project of orientation and professional of the students on work-based training. The objective of this research is to understand the better dynamics of the processes during this period and their impact on the projects, and their realisation at the end of the training. In this context, our work is concretised by qualitative and longitudinal research with a focus on the relations between the environments, the behaviour and the person. The analysis shows that recruitment is a "forced" encounter between companies of different sizes and candidates with different purposes and origins (specialities, training paths, status). This encounter produces different effects throughout the training according to the biography of the individuals without upsetting the gender habitus of the world of work

A presente dissertação trata do tema das desigualdades sociais em saúde, tendo como objetivo principal investigar os efeitos da ação do Estado sobre as condições de saúde da população. Adotou-se como delineamento de pesquisa o quase experimental de natureza quantitativa para buscar o objetivo proposto. Foram utilizadas técnicas de estatística descritiva e inferencial, e como unidade de análise as regiões de saúde brasileiras, caracterizando um estudo ecológico. A abordagem é hipotética dedutiva, tendo como hipótese central a expectativa de que quanto maior o nível de intervenção do Estado na área da saúde (gasto, oferta de estrutura e profissionais e cobertura do Sistema Único de Saúde - SUS), controlando por outros fatores determinantes sociais da saúde, menores são as chances de a região estar na categoria Taxa de Mortalidade Infantil (TMI) alta vis-à-vis não estar na categoria TMI alta. Como objetivos específicos buscou-se descrever o cenário da desigualdade social em saúde no Brasil, quanto às relações entre condição de saúde e fatores socioeconômicos e geográficos das regiões de saúde e caracterizar como o Estado intervém na área da saúde no que se refere ao gasto público em saúde, oferta de estrutura e profissionais do SUS e cobertura de algumas ações e serviços do SUS entre as regiões de saúde no Brasil. Dentre os resultados encontrados destaca-se a demonstração com evidências empíricas da magnitude das diferenças que existem entre as regiões de saúde tanto em termos de determinantes socioeconômicos da saúde, quanto do provimento de ações e serviços de saúde pelo Estado. Foram constatadas tendências na ação do Estado que favorecem territórios do ponto de vista social e de localização geográfica, com exceção da distribuição do indicador de Cobertura de Atenção Básica. Os resultados apontaram que a hipótese principal foi confirmada parcialmente. Pode-se afirmar que o nível de ação do Estado tem efeito de diminuição nas chances da região estar classificada com TMI alta estatisticamente significativo, a depender dos demais fatores determinantes da saúde considerados. A única variável que mede ação do Estado com efeito significativo (p<0,01) em todos modelos ajustados foi a Proporção de Nascidos Vivos com 7 ou mais consultas pré-natal. Salienta-se nos resultados o efeito substancial e significativo da variável socioeconômica na determinação nas chances de a região de saúde ser classificada com TMI alta ou não, corroborando com a literatura da área. Por fim, pode-se refletir sobre a identificação dos efeitos cumulativos das desigualdades, as regiões de saúde com menor nível de renda dispõem em geral de menos ações e serviços de saúde ofertados pelo Estado. Ao mesmo tempo, as conclusões apontam que a ação do Estado tem potencialidade para incidir sobre as desigualdades em saúde. / This dissertation addresses the issue of social inequalities in health. The main objective was to investigate the effects of State action on health conditions. The research design was based on a quasi-experimental and quantitative approach. Descriptive and inferential statistical techniques were used, and the unit of analysis was the health regions, characterizing this research as an ecological study. The main hypothesis was that the higher the level of State intervention in health, controlling for other determinants, the lower the chances of the region being in the category of high Infant Mortality Rate (IMR) vis-à-vis not being in the high IMR category. The specific objectives were to describe the scenario of social inequality in health in Brazil, based on the relationship between health condition and socioeconomic and geographical factors; and to characterize how the State intervenes in the health area considering public expenditure in health, structure availability, access to professionals and coverage of some actions and services of the Unified Health System. Among the results, this study highlighted with empirical evidence the magnitude of the differences between the health regions, both in terms of socioeconomic determinants of health, and of the provision of health services and actions by the State. It was found that there were trends in State action in favor of territories from a social and geographical point of view, with the exception of the distribution of the indicator of Primary Care Coverage. The results indicated that the main hypothesis was partially confirmed. It can be affirmed that the level of action of the State has a decreasing effect on the chances of the region being classified as having a high IMR that is statistically significant, depending on the other health determinants considered. The only variable that measures State action with a significant effect (p <0.01) in all adjusted models was the proportion of live births with seven or more prenatal consultations. The results show the substantial and significant effect of the socioeconomic variable on the determination of the health region's chances of being classified as having a high IMR, corroborating the literature. Finally, it is possible to reflect on the identification of the cumulative effects of inequalities; the regions with a lower level of income generally have fewer actions and health services offered by the State. At the same time, the conclusions point out that State action has the potential to influence health inequalities.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-04T18:29:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Mara Aparecida Lissarassa Weber.pdf: 1216913 bytes, checksum: 2e85eb10324d7ee4690b83a985c7453f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-02-02 / Universidade Estadual Paulista J?lio de Mesquita Filho / Inequalities of our society and the difficulty of existing humanized relationship between adults and children based on the values of the Statute of Children and Adolescents has motivated this study. Thus, this research was aimed in knowing how the values of the triad of Entire Protection Doctrine- liberty, dignity and respect were understood by parents and teachers and its implication on the children?s daily life. This research was taken at a public preschool, having as participants its children?s parents and teachers. The data of this study was produced during the discussion groups as well as the researcher s field diaries records developed during her presence at the school. The results were analyzed according to the historical and dialectical materialism since we believe on the interpretation of the phenomenon from the existing contradictions of daily life. It was proved that the ideology of the capitalism system rules parents and teachers of which subdue to this system even believing that they are the ones who establish the rules and limits. For them the warranty of dignity value is associated with the family?s wealth, respect is related with children?s autonomy, even though adults and children subdue to the society?s oppressive relation and liberty has been understood as the permission for children to express themselves and do whatever they want to, thus it was not observed during our presence at the school. The Statute cannot guarantee a humanized life to this population once social inequalities restrain an equal treatment for those who live such distant reality. The school psychologist needs to assume a role of social transformation promoting the access, the argument and the criticism to what is imposed. / As desigualdades vividas em nossa sociedade e a dificuldade em existirem rela??es humanizadas entre adultos e crian?as tendo como base os valores atribu?dos no Estatuto da Crian?a e do Adolescente motivaram a realiza??o deste estudo. Assim, esta pesquisa teve como objetivo principal conhecer como os valores da trilogia da Doutrina da Prote??o Integral - liberdade, dignidade e respeito - eram compreendidos por pais e educadores e as suas implica??es no cotidiano da crian?a. Realizamos esta pesquisa em uma escola p?blica de educa??o infantil, tendo como participantes os pais e os educadores das crian?as que l? estudavam. Nossos dados foram produzidos nos grupos de discuss?o que realizamos com esses participantes, al?m dos registros dos di?rios de campo da pesquisadora, elaborados ao longo de sua inser??o na escola. Os resultados obtidos foram analisados ? luz do materialismo hist?rico e dial?tico, por acreditarmos na interpreta??o dos fen?menos a partir das contradi??es existentes na realidade cotidiana. Evidenciamos que a ideologia do sistema capitalista domina pais e educadores, os quais se submetem ao sistema, apesar de acreditarem que s?o eles que determinam suas regras e limites. Para eles a garantia do valor da dignidade est? associada ao poder aquisitivo da fam?lia, o respeito relaciona-se com a autonomia das crian?as, apesar de adultos e crian?as se submeterem ?s rela??es opressivas da sociedade e a liberdade foi compreendida como a permiss?o para a crian?a se expressar e realizar aquilo que desejasse, apesar de n?o ser isso que evidenci?vamos na nossa inser??o na escola. O Estatuto n?o ? capaz de garantir uma vida humanizada a essa popula??o uma vez que as desigualdades sociais impedem um tratamento igual para quem vive realidades t?o distantes. O psic?logo escolar, diante disso, precisa assumir um papel de transforma??o social oportunizando o acesso, o questionamento e as cr?ticas ?quilo que est? imposto.