This master’s thesis analyzes how cultural policy was problematized in three governmental policy areas; culturalpolicy for the free sector, education policy and popular education policy, during the social democrat Ragnar Edenman’s time (1957-67) as minister of ecclesiasticalaffairs. Earlier research has examined the policy for the free sector, concerning artist’s economic problems. This thesisadds an analysis of the other fields of policy, which were reformed in the 1960’s by the same ministry. The purpose is twofold: first to examine if the two fields wereproblematized as a cultural policy. The conclusion is that popular education was part of what Edenman problematizedas a “wider cultural policy”. Education policy was not included in this field of reform, but not conceptually different from it. Secondly to examine what these threepolicies had in common as a problematization. This concept is combined with the concept of governmentality into ananalysis of how wider cultural policy was defined by two technologies, aesthetic education and environment. These elements are analyzed in programs for these fields of policy, their use of behavioral sciences and ideological programs after 1946. The conclusion is that the wider problematizationduring the early part of the period was part of a governmentality held together by a psychologically defined democratic subject. When cultural policy was defined as aseparate field of policy in the 1960’s, it lost contact with this governmentality’s focus on the citizen’s ethical behavior.Instead, its purpose was to fulfill goals of the citizen’s wellbeing in society. / Program: Bibliotekarie

<p>The aim of this thesis is to examine the politics and activities of the Social Democratic students´ association Spartakus. Their relationships and political and ideological differences towards the Swedish Social Democratic Party (SAP) and the remaining parts of the Social Democratic youth organisation (SSU) in Linköping during 1969-1971 are examined. To fulfil this aim I have studied relevant literature and interviewed people who were active in Spartakus, as well as people from SSU and SAP in the municipal during the period. I have also studied written material produced by the students´ association itself during the period. The theoretical frame of reference consists of Dahl´s theory on a democratic political order, and party theories like the mass party theory of Duverger, theories from Sjöblom, Panebianco, Lipset and Tingsten and also Gidlund&Möller´s theory about different kinds of party members. The results of the thesis shows that Spartakus originally was a traditional Social Democratic students´ association whose relations towards its party and SSU were working well. However new active members who were very much inspired by the left-wing views that were spreading during that period. They changed Spartakus into a club that was very active, radical and critical towards the party, with a goal to bring the social democratic party politically further to the left. Spartakus acted during a couple of intense years, but when they used communist rhetoric to try to take control over SSU in the region and with governmental critics bid defiance towards the democratic order of the party, these organisations had had enough. The most left-wing part of Spartakus was made to leave the party and their positions on the boards of SSU.</p>

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The aim of this thesis is to examine the politics and activities of the Social Democratic students´ association Spartakus. Their relationships and political and ideological differences towards the Swedish Social Democratic Party (SAP) and the remaining parts of the Social Democratic youth organisation (SSU) in Linköping during 1969-1971 are examined. To fulfil this aim I have studied relevant literature and interviewed people who were active in Spartakus, as well as people from SSU and SAP in the municipal during the period. I have also studied written material produced by the students´ association itself during the period. The theoretical frame of reference consists of Dahl´s theory on a democratic political order, and party theories like the mass party theory of Duverger, theories from Sjöblom, Panebianco, Lipset and Tingsten and also Gidlund&amp;Möller´s theory about different kinds of party members. The results of the thesis shows that Spartakus originally was a traditional Social Democratic students´ association whose relations towards its party and SSU were working well. However new active members who were very much inspired by the left-wing views that were spreading during that period. They changed Spartakus into a club that was very active, radical and critical towards the party, with a goal to bring the social democratic party politically further to the left. Spartakus acted during a couple of intense years, but when they used communist rhetoric to try to take control over SSU in the region and with governmental critics bid defiance towards the democratic order of the party, these organisations had had enough. The most left-wing part of Spartakus was made to leave the party and their positions on the boards of SSU.

This Master’s thesis examines the interesting paradox of why employee ownership is morecommon in the United States of America than in Sweden, when other forms of rights andbenefits for employees are more developed in the latter. This paradox boils down tounderstanding the characteristics of employee ownership and its relationship to thetraditional political left-right scale. In other words, from a political point of view, shouldemployee ownership be seen as a left or right phenomenon? Instead of approaching thisquestion from a philosophical angle about how things should be seen, this thesis uses a morepractical empirical approach. By comparing the institutions on macro-level in Sweden andthe United States, and applying the theory of ‘varieties of capitalism’, the goal is tounderstand in which institutional and political contexts employee ownership flourish. This isdone using a comparative case study design, focusing on historical and institutionaldifferences between how the two countries regulate their political economies. The theory of‘varieties of capitalism’ is used in the form of two ideal types, liberal- and social(coordinated) market economy, which are used as analytical tools to examine institutionaldifferences. The aim of the study can be summarized by the two research questions: 1) Isemployee ownership a liberal or social-democratic phenomenon? and 2) Can the differencesin occurrence of employee ownership between Sweden and the United States be explainedusing the ideal types liberal- and social market economy? The findings indicate that employeeownership is in fact a liberal phenomenon, and that the ideal types and theory of ‘varieties ofcapitalism’ is useful for explaining this. The conclusion is that there seems to be a substitutioneffect between employee ownership and the Swedish model on the labor market. It seems likethe strong labor market- and welfare-state institutions in Sweden already provide employeesand employers with enough coordination, rights, benefits and influence to make the interestfor employee ownership too small. In contrast, the lack of strong institutions for coordinationbetween employees and employers in the liberal market economy of the United States seem tocreate a bigger need for companies to tie their employees closer to them. The fact thatemployee ownership is often created on the initiative of the company management alsostrengthens this hypothesis: employee ownership is a liberal phenomenon driven by thecorporations to compensate for the lack of strong labor market institutions in a liberaleconomy.

Efterkrigstidens Sverige och dess säkerhetspolitik har kommit att uppmärksammas allt mer, även de omedelbara efterkrigsåren som präglades av osäkerhet. Något som länge stått i centrum är alliansfriheten och neutralitetspolitiken. Frågan om deras innebörd och hur teori och praktik hängt samman har diskuterats livligt. Det diplomatiska och politiska spelet har behandlats utförligt. Mindre uppmärksamhet har dock ägnats hur försvarsfrågan hanterades och krigsmaterielförsörjningen utvecklades. Den svenska flygplansindustrin är en anmärkningsvärd företeelse. Inte minst i förhållande till landets begränsade storlek och relativt avskilda, ohotade läge. Industrins förmåga var vid krigsslutet 1945 begränsad; inte något enda fullt modernt flygplan hade tillverkats. Utvecklingen ledde emellertid till att flygplansindustrin kom att etableras och bli något av en hörnsten för det svenska försvarets struktur. Ett svenskt militärindustriellt komplex kring den svenska flygindustrin kom att anta fast form, ett komplex vi lever med än idag. Hur går det att förklara den här utvecklingen? Hur kunde Saab börja tillverka state-of-the-art stridsplan? I avhandlingen nystas gåtan rörande den svenska flygplansindustrins efterkrigstida överlevnad och framväxt upp. Ett antal sammanflätade processer följs där ekonomiska, tekniska, militära och politiska spörsmål relaterade till flygvapnets och flygindustrins utveckling behandlats. Genom processerna, som utspelas både på ett inrikes och på ett internationellt plan, och deras sammanlänkning, framträder multikausala förklaringsmönster till hur det var möjligt att bygga moderna stridsflygplan i Sverige och framför allt varför de beställdes. Likaså berörs flygets roll i den större försvarsfrågan och därmed också för säkerhetspolitiken. Boken är i mycket en historia över Svenska Aeroplan Aktiebolaget, Saab, men även över flygförvaltningen och flygvapnet. En historia inbäddad i ett vitt sammanhang där formativa moment granskas under några kritiska år. / <p>Diss. Stockholm : Handelshögskolan, 2008</p>

This essay explores if and how welfare attitudes in Sweden and in the United Kingdom have changed since the 1990s. Due to an increase in privatization and globalisation during the last 20-30 years, Sweden has become more economically liberal or right wing, aligning more with countries like the United Kingdom. The question therefore is to see if Sweden’s welfare attitudes have changed to become more like the welfare attitudes in the United Kingdom. There is a lack of research on how welfare attitudes change over time, as earlier research has focused more on comparison between countries or between groups. This essay uses empirical data from The International Social Survey Programme, in which three surveys from the years of 1996, 2006 and 2016 has been selected. In these surveys respondent have been asked how much responsibility they think the government should have for its citizens. The results show that the development in welfare attitudes in Sweden and United Kingdom are remarkably similar to each other. The analysis of the empirical data showed no differences between Sweden and the United Kingdom in welfare attitudes across all time periods. Compared to 1996, most groups in these countries wanted less state intervention in welfare generosities which is meant to aid poorer and more economically vulnerable people in their own society.