Orientador: Ricardo Antunes / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-05T19:34:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Romao_FredericoLisboa_D.pdf: 3550867 bytes, checksum: 77b6030d602f42eef4dbd1df4cc74bb5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / Resumo: O presente estudo tem como objetivo analisar a greve dos petroleiros ocorrida em maio/junho de 1995, destacando sua relação na reafirmação das formas relacionais excludentes do Estado com as classes trabalhadoras no Brasil. A pesquisa levantou dados nacionalmente dentro de critérios qualitativos. A exposição está dividida em quatro capítulos. No primeiro, buscamos elementos da inter-relação entre reestruturação produtiva, do esvaziamento do Estado de bem-estar e do advento do neoliberalismo com os trabalhadores e suas organizações. No segundo, esboçamos o quadro político-econômico e social sob o qual a greve dos petroleiros de 1995 se desenrolou. No terceiro, caracterizamos técnica e socialmente a Petrobrás, os petroleiros e suas organizações. No último, apresentamos a greve nos seus elementos conceituais e sua objetivação na Inglaterra e no Brasil. Os dados demonstraram o imbricamento dessa greve com as mudanças que campeavam pelo mundo a partir da globalização neoliberal. Deixaram explicitados que o tratamento dado à mesma por FHC e pelas instituições do Estado brasileiro expressaram a crise do capital em um país periférico, demonstrando inequivocamente que no novo arranjo societal não caberia a fala dos que não têm parte; não caberia o dissenso. As mudanças operadas via reestruturação produtiva do capital, fizeram retroceder o processo de organização e conquistas iniciado com as lutas operárias nos fins dos anos 70, concorrendo para a precarização das condições e relações de trabalho dos petroleiros, especialmente após a greve de 1995 / Abstract: The objective of the present study is to analyze the petroleum workers¿ strike of May/June, 1995, highlighting its relationship to reaffirm the exclusion forms of the working classes in Brazil by State. The research examines evidence on a national basis using a qualitative approach, and is divided into four chapters. In the first we seek to identify elements of the interrelationships between the re-structuring of production, the decline of the Welfare State and the advent of neo-liberalism, with the workers and their organizations. In the second we sketch the politico-economic and social conditions under which the 1995 petroleum workers¿ strike developed. In the third we characterize, in technical and social terms, Petrobras, the petroleum workers, and their trade unions. In the final chapter we present the concept of the strike and its material manifestations in England and Brazil. The data demonstrate the relationship between the petroleum workers¿ strike and the changes that have been championed throughout the world following neo-liberal globalization. They make explicit that the responses of FHC and of the various institutions of the Brazilian State were an expression of the crisis of capital in a peripheral country, and demonstrate unequivocally the lack of a voice of those existing outside of the new societal structure; dissent could not fit within it. The changes orchestrated via the productive restructuring of capital caused a reversal of the process of worker organization and of the achievements which had begun with the labour conflicts at the end of the 1970s, for the petroleum workers contributing to more precarious working conditions, with weakening of rights and poorer industrial relations, especially following the 1995 strike / Doutorado / Doutor em Ciências Sociais

Essa pesquisa foi desenvolvida com o propósito de averiguar alguns dos principais problemas da Educação e do trabalho em Educação, utilizando o método regressivo-progressivo formulado por Henry Lefebvre. Partimos da descrição de dilemas do presente analisando a Escola Estadual Francisco Escobar de Poços de Caldas, pertencente à rede pública de Minas Gerais. Para isso levantamos fontes da Escola e de sua história, além de produzirmos novos documentos, como questionários e entrevistas com os profissionais, e relatos de alunos. Com o movimento regressivo recorremos às greves dos educadores de 1979, muito significativas para a cidade e região, num contexto de efervescência cultural dos movimentos sociais durante a ditadura cívico-militar brasileira. Estudamos a Greve em Poços de Caldas e retomamos o presente, movimento progressivo, que possibilitou uma reflexão dos conflitos e das potencialidades da educação pública em nossos dias, indicando perspectivas relevantes à superação da desafiadora conjuntura em que nos encontramos. Nessa caminhada investigativa valorizamos o estudo do cotidiano apoiados em referências de diversas áreas, contribuintes para a compreensão de questões complexas dos conflitos contemporâneos como trabalho, ocupação do espaço urbano, produção do conhecimento, estruturas de poder e democracia. / This research was conducted in order to investigate some of the major Educational problems and the work in Education, using the regressive-progressive method formulated by Henry Lefebvre. We started from the discussion of Francisco Escobar State Schools present dilemmas in Poços de Caldas city, which belongs to the public system in Minas Gerais State. Therefore, we compiled the school data and its history, in addition, we produced new documents, such as questionnaires and interviews with professionals as well as students reports. With the regressive movement we turned to 1979s educators strike, which was very significant for the city and region in a context of cultural effervescence of social movements during the Brazilian civic-military dictatorship. We studied the strike in Poços de Caldas and returned to the present - progressive movement - what enabled a reflection of conflicts and the potential of public education today, indicating relevant perspectives to overcome the challenging environment in which we find ourselves. In this investigative walk, supported by references from different areas, we treasured the study of the daily routine contributing to the understanding of complex issues of contemporary conflicts such as labor, urban space occupation, knowledge production, power structures and democracy.

A história do século XX teve como grande divisor de águas a Primeira Guerra Mundial. Por mais que o conflito tenha devastado apenas partes do Velho Mundo, este foi seguido do que Eric Hobsbawm chamou de um tipo de colapso verdadeiramente mundial, sentido pelo menos em todos os lugares em que homens e mulheres se envolviam ou faziam uso de transações impessoais de mercado. A militarização da economia e a crise do fim da guerra foram fenômenos mundiais, assim como o acirramento das lutas sociais. A Argentina, como uma das principais economias da América do Sul, não ficou imune à estas perturbações, transformando a cidade de Buenos Aires durante este período em um importante palco de mobilizações operárias. Este trabalho, que tem como principal objeto de investigação a trajetória da Federación Obrera Regional Argentina IXª e sua interação com o Estado, patronais e outras agrupações operárias e de esquerda, pretende realizar uma análise desse período, relacionando os efeitos das flutuações econômicas desencadeadas pela guerra com a ascensão e o refluxo das mobilizações operárias naquela cidade / The history of the twentieth century had as its great watershed the First World War. As the conflict had devastated only some parts of the Old World, it was followed by what Eric Hobsbawm has called \"a kind of truly global collapse, felt at least everywhere where men and women were involved or were using the impersonal transactions of market\". The militarization of the economy and the war crisis were a global phenomenon, as well as the intensification of social struggles. Argentina, as one of the leading economies in South America, was not immune to these disorders, transforming the city of Buenos Aires during this period into an important stage for workers mobilizations. This work, which has as its main object the investigation of the trajectory of the Federación Obrera Regional Argentina IXth and its interaction with the state, employers and other workers and leftist groups, intends to conduct an analysis of this period, in which the effects of the economic fluctuations triggered by war relate to the rise and flow of workers mobilizations in that city

Over the last decade, buying in-game content with real money has become a more common practice among players in order to unlock exclusive content in video games. Prior research has mainly focused on those functional digital items that provide an advantage to the buyer. This thesis aims to determine the underlying factors that influence video game players to purchase purely aesthetic virtual items.Prior studies on the field of video games, gaming business models and purchasing behaviour were reviewed and a theoretical framework focused on behavioural sciences, psychology and customer culture related theories was designed to interpret the results of a quantitative study. The popular FPS (First Person Shooter), Counter Strike Global Offensive was the selected game to carry out the study. A web-based questionnaire was distributed in various specialized online forums, providing a total of 1006 respondents. A linear regression was the selected method to test the formulated model. Results showed a strong influence of emotional and symbolic perceived values in the purchase intention of aesthetic virtual items, while gaming experience and enjoyment had a minor impact.

Counter-Strike has established itself as one of the most popular computer gaming phenomenon the last decade with a major online community and loyal fan base. Within the world of e-sports it has also become one of the most lucrative games to compete in. In order to keep up with the competition it has always been important to use the best hardware available for the task. This thesis is about these tools that gamers use to play - gaming gear - and how pro gamers train to increase their chances of winning. We investigate various factors that might be important in their choice of gaming gear when they play, and how they train to use these artifacts more efficiently to get maximum performance. We have interviewed eight pro gamers about their thoughts on gaming gear, and the results show that aim and the choice of mice are the most important ingredients to a successful round. / Counter-Strike har etablerat sig som ett av det mest populära datorspelsfenomenet det senaste decenniet med en stor onlinecommunity och lojal fanbase. Inom e-sportvärlden har det också blivit bland det mest lukrativa spelet att tävla i. För att kunna hålla jämna steg med konkurrensen har det som spelare alltid vart viktigt att använda bästa möjliga hårdvara. Denna uppsats handlar om dessa verktyg spelare använder – gaming gear – och hur pro gamers tränar för att öka deras vinstchanser. Vi undersöker faktorer som kan vara viktiga för deras val av gaming gear, och hur de tränar för att använda dessa artefakter bättre. Vi har intervjuat åtta pro gamers om deras tankar kring detta, och resultaten visar att aim och deras val av möss är det viktigaste för en lyckad runda.

South Africa emerges from a history where, workers, and in particular African workers, were excluded from enjoying labour rights and particularly the right to strike, without consequences. Participation in industrial action was treated as a delict or even a criminal offence by employers and the state. A history where participation in a strike was treated as breach of contract and therefore the employer could dismiss striking employees at will. The first democratic elections in South Africa introduced a Constitutional democracy. The Constitution introduced the Bill of Rights in terms whereof the right of every employee to form and join trade unions and to participate in its activities and programmes and to strike was entrenched. Section 27 of the Constitution provides that national legislation shall be enacted to give effect to its purpose and to regulate labour matters, hence the Labour Relations Act of 1995. This study will show that the Labour Relations Act of 1995 marked a major change in South Africa’s statutory industrial relations system. Following the transition to the new political dispensation and a democratic system, the LRA encapsulated the new government’s aims to reconstruct and democratise the economy and society. It ushered in a new order where employers and workers had the opportunity to move away from the adversarialism that had characterised their relations in the past. It promoted more orderly collective bargaining and greater co-operation at workplace and industry levels, and provided an expeditious dispute resolution system. This study also takes a closer view of the provisions of international instruments and institutions such the International Labour Organisation and it, further, does a comparative analysis of the provisions of strike law in other jurisdictions like the United States of America, Canada and the United Kingdom. This study shows further that, while South Africa has democratised the workplace and done away with legislation, policies and practices that discriminated against the majority of the workers and deprived them of the rights that were otherwise enjoyed by their white counterparts to form and join unions and to participate in the activities of the unions, including participating in a strike and while it has made provisions for a protected strike under the LRA and while South Africa has tried to level the playing field and brought some equilibrium in the power between workers and employers, the very same right to participate in a strike and to compel employers to accede to their demands is taken away by the provision in the LRA that allows employers to lock them out and replace them with temporary workers.

The essay explores the events and background of the 1960 lockout at the Miike colleries of the Mitsui Mining Co. in Kyushu, Japan. The dispute, one of the longest and most violent in postwar labour history, occurred at the same time as the anti-U.S.-Japan security treaty struggle and the two events capped 15 years of social turbulence after the war. At issue in the Miike case was the designated dismissal of 1200 miners. In analyzing the events at Miike the author challenges current assumptions about the so-called three pillars of Japanese labour-management relations (lifetime employment, enterprise unions, and seniority-based wages). Couterposed are four factors—capitalist rationalism, worker egalitarianism, enterprise corporatism, and liberal democracy—the combination of which lend Japanese labour-management relations their specific character in any given instance. The essay also explores the particular role of the Japan Federation of Employers Organizations (Nikkeiren) in other labour disputes in the 1950s as well as at Miike. The economic background to the Miike strike is also analyzed, in particular, the political aspects of the rationalization of the coal industry. The final chapter deals with relief measures for unemployed coal miners and coal companies during the 1960s. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

The aim of this thesis is a detailed analysis of marketing plan for line extension of Lucky Strike on Czech tobacco market. The theoretical part will be focused on the analysis of a brand, proccess of strategic brand management and marketing planning. The practical part is dedicated to positioning and marketing plan of Lucky Strike.

abstract: The ongoing Red for Ed movement in Arizona sparks an interesting discussion on its place as a social movement. This thesis examines the movement in close detail, particularly in regard to how it fits within the social movement literature’s insider/outsider framework. While partisanship is clearly important for understanding movement successes and failures, this study goes beyond party to explore through the case of Arizona how teacher movements are constrained by 1) teacher associations that operate as outsiders to state politics and 2) school districts that isolate the problem priorities (funding; teacher pay) from gaining large-scale public reaction that can be leveraged to change state policy. In short, I show how teacher movements face significant institutional barriers that localize their messaging and prevent insider access from state politics. / Dissertation/Thesis / Masters Thesis Social Justice and Human Rights 2020

京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(理学) / 甲第22113号 / 理博第4540号 / 新制||理||1652(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院理学研究科地球惑星科学専攻 / (主査)教授 福田 洋一, 教授 岩田 知孝, 准教授 深畑 幸俊 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Science / Kyoto University / DFAM