Thesis (M.A.) -- University of Limpopo, 2008. / The Black youth struggled against the apartheid regime as the title indicates because as Blacks the policy made them to suffer. They were oppressed in the country of their birth. Before the militant youth involvement in the liberation struggle in the 1970s there were a few Black youths who tried to force the government to relinquish its policy. They were unsuccessful. This was because they were opposed to the government as members of the various Black organisations. They were not united. SASO with its Black Consciousness philosophy brought unity amongst all the Black youth and put them on the vanguard of the struggle. These youth did not just mobilize and unite Blacks (organisation and non organisation members) through public criticism of the apartheid system. They also mounted physical attacks on enemy targets such as police stations etc. South Africa became ungovernable. This resistance compelled the government to release political prisoners and to relinquish power in 1994.

本論文嘗試從法國當代社會學家Pierre Bourdieu 的「文化生產場域」出發，期能為在地的小劇場研究提供一個全新的分析視野。鑑於「收編論」所引發的諸多爭議乃是小劇場當前迫切需要解決的問題，而問題癥結之所在又涉及小劇場的「反體制」定位，因此有必要重新檢視「小劇場運動」的興起與轉型。本文章節的安排如下：第一章為導論，主要在指出一般收編論辯的盲點，以及「場域」分析的適切性，作為本文的起始點。第二章則探討Bourdieu的文化生產場域，並提出本文的中心問題與研究架構。第三章重新檢視「小劇場運動」(1986-1989) 的萌發，以及藝術中介機制如何挪用以型塑神聖的光環，而成為象徵暴力的來源。第四章探討九０年代小劇場可能性空間的轉型，這個轉型主要遭受文化生產場域內部兩個層級化原則的挑戰，以及文化正當性危機。我們並以一個空間圖式分析當前戲劇場域的結構。最後第五章，將回到收編論的主戰場(1994人間劇展)，並以此作為總結。由於媒體介入辦展的特性，因此討論的重心同時擴及劇展的媒體呈現與信念的生產。研究結果指出： (一)小劇場運動與反對力量的結盟，不過是政治發生危機時所產生的一種「誤認」。其間被挪用的利益則是新知青自我表徵的階級習癖、前衛藝術工作者的秀異色彩、以及文化中介者作為挑戰舊有建制的象徵籌碼。小劇場作為另類媒介的期許並未真正落實。 (二)自「反體制」光環中退出的小劇場，在重新汲取文化正當性的同時，反而受制於權力場域的遊戲規則－即本土化的大浪潮與市場取向的專業化迷思，卻少有察覺。 (三)關於收編論的談法僅將焦點限於小劇場與國家機器之間，恐有問錯問題之嫌。政策的開放不代表內在創作環境的自由，小劇場商品化的趨勢以及向中心移動的復權慾望，才是真正的癥結所在。

The purpose of this study is to attain an understanding of my work for the viewer as well as myself. These works on paper are visual documents illustrating my ideas and opinions about media and its desire for control. Through research, critical thinking, experience, and exposure to media (both wanted and unwanted) I have created imagery that I feel is exemplary of our forced relationship with advertising. In order to accomplish this I studied my influences, and the origin of my current work. Reading upon realization of those influences further informed the work. Every conceivable influence was studied and analyzed, and those studies are contained in this thesis. Questions of audience, scale, medium, and history were also taken into account as a measure to make this thesis cohesive. As an audience for advertisers we must constantly be aware of how our sensitivities are being played upon.

Alice Walker’s The Color Purple and Kate Chopin’s The Awakening fundamentally share the universal feminist yearning for personal freedom and independence within an oppressive, patriarchal society. With regards to the texts’ stylistic differences and disparate social contexts, their heroines seek to ideologically oppose social rules and conventions for women without achieving the same results. This difference lies in the fact that Chopin’s text fosters the traditional feminism embraced by the majority culture, while Walker’s text makes use of womanism. The availability and authenticity of feminine space for the generation of women’s culture also determine the extent of changes achieved.

In the last thirty years, capitalist social relation on the one hand, created a world that is interconnected in the means of economic and political / on the other hand, produced differentiated and fragmented uneven spaces. In this context, social theory has interested in space and spatial differences, and inserted space into analysis of social relations for some time. In this thesis, the current issue of the construction of subnational regional space is explored through a conceptual approach in which space is included in social theory. Methodologically, a non-dualistic social analysis is considered and the notion of space is attempted to incorporate into this analysis. In this extent, David Harvey&rsquo / s historical-geographical approach, Dick Bryan&rsquo / s identification of capital fractions with different spatial forms of circuit of capital within the capital accumulation process and Jamie Gough&rsquo / s considerations of economic and political relations with scalar aspects are used. The thesis evaluated the law on the Regional Development Agencies and arguments on regional development and regional governance as the process of construction of subnational regional space, and examined the struggle for setting up of Regional Development Agencies within Turkish state. In this framework, thesis came to the conclusion that the changes in the scale of social relations is associated with changes in power relations among social agents, developed through class struggle, and articulated by political projects

The aim of this thesis is to examine the practices directed to the flexibilisation of the labor brought together with the means of neoliberal structuring and the trade union crisis appeared as an outcome of these in terms of the Tekel Workers&rsquo / resistance in Ankara. The theoretical frame of this study is created in the content of the discussions that starting from the Marxist approach on trade unions and the critical view within this approach focus on the reasons of the crisis of the trade unions as a result of the applications of the neoliberal ideological structuring that appeared by the crisis of the accumulated capital during the mid-70&rsquo / s. Over this perspective, the analysis concentrates on the one hand employment models&rdquo / being multi-layered and insecure and on the other, the fragmentation of the class and therefore the representation crisis of the trade unions that are the outcomes of the commodification of the labor by the deregulation, privatization and flexibilisation policies applied in the process of neoliberal hegemony. In this context, the resistance of the Tekel workers that continued non-stop for 78 days is argued basing on the assumption that the process which forces the more flexible, insecure working conditions without any attachment to the trade unions via the application of the neoliberal political apparatuses becomes the common platform/destiny of all the parts of society constituted by different identity structures.

This thesis explores the transformation of public spaces, with reference to power relations and the struggle for power. In this regard Tehran has been chosen as the main concern and the case of the study, while in its short history of being the political center of the country, the city has been hosting several uprisings and political tensions that are projected on the body of the city. The agencies of this power struggle will be analyzed sociologically and politically, to comprehend the way public spaces of the city and the conception of space are transformed. The spatial analysis of the case of the study in different periods of its history, in relation to socio-political elements of effect, will cause the study to evolve around a simultaneous concentration on spatial transformation and power relations. With such a framework this thesis will question the role of architecture and urban design in the transformation of space, which is dominated by the power struggle, and its balance. The primary aim here is to understand how public space becomes a political apparatus in using urban public spaces historically, in the struggle over power, and how the ruling power represents its ideology in public spaces and how in response the resisting forces of the society manifest their demand for change in public spaces and appropriate those v spaces to live in. Alongside the theoretical discussions, the case of Tehran will provide a multi dimensional source for these explorations / the discussions will mainly focus on a great public square of Tehran (Azadi Square), and the entrance of Tehran University, as the critical and symbolic nodes of public gatherings in the recent history of this city, to analyze how public spaces which are created by one authority of power might totally change in terms of function and meaning, and be transformed into a new entity with similarities and contradictions with the previous one.

<p>The objective of this thesis is to analyse whether Sri Lanka could have avoided the civil war, if changes in the constitution, from 1948 to 1978, offered a political structure guaranteeing the minority rights. Furthermore, the thesis intends to study if the Swiss and Lebanese political models could offer any guidelines for the Sri Lankan conflict.</p><p>The stated purpose of the thesis is studied by analysing official documents, literatures and articles. The finding of the study is that Sri Lanka might have prevented the civil war if the constitutional arrangements had guaranteed the minority rights.</p><p>The Sri Lankan conflict is a unique case, which probably requires its own resolution model. The Swiss and Lebanese models may be applicable in the Sri Lankan case to some extent. However, a possible solution that could prevent the current political and ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka, by avoiding another fatal civil war, is to establish power-sharing political arrangements, under a federal state. Whether or not Sri Lanka can achieve a sustainable peace is a question of political willingness.</p>

Bakgrund: Diabetes typ 2 är en kronisk sjukdom som ökar kraftigt i världen. Behandlingen grundar sig i livsstilsrelaterade åtgärder som ofta innebär en förändring av kost- och motionsvanor. Egenvård vid kronisk sjukdom beskrivs som en process som påverkas av olika faktorer. Sjuksköterskan har en viktig uppgift i att stödja personen i denna process utifrån varje individs behov och erfarenheter. För att kunna ge adekvat stöd är det betydelsefullt att få en ökad förståelse av upplevelsen av egenvård vid diabetes typ 2. Syfte: Syftet var att beskriva upplevelsen av egenvård hos personer med diabetes typ 2. Metod: En litteraturöversikt genomfördes baserat på tio kvalitativa artiklar hämtade från databaserna CINAHL och PubMed. Artiklarna analyserades och de likheter som identifierades lyftes fram och bildade nya teman. Resultat: Det övergripandet temat som representerar hela resultatet är upplevelsen av en inre kamp. Temat beskriver hur egenvården upplevs som en ständig kamp där sjukdomens krav vägs mot vad som är betydelsefullt i livet. Subtemat, upplevelsen av att integrera egenvården i vardagen berör egenvårdsprocessen. Resterande subteman; sociala relationers betydelse för egenvården, informationens och kunskapens betydelse för egenvården och den psykiska och fysiska miljöns betydelse för egenvården beskriver vad som underlättar samt försvårar integration av egenvård i dagliga livet. Diskussion: Författarna diskuterar svårigheter med att integrera nya vanor i livet och vad som påverkar egenvårdsprocessen. Diskussionen berör bland annat autonomi, syn på framtiden och behovet av att skapa kontroll över sin livssituation. Diskussionen knyter även an till Meleis' transitionsteori. / Background: Type 2 diabetes is a chronic disease that is increasing worldwide. The treatment is based on lifestyle-related measures that often mean a change in diet and exercise habits. Self-management in chronic illness is described as a process that is influenced by various factors. Nurses have a key role in supporting the person in this process based on each individual's needs and experiences. In order to provide adequate support, it is important to get a better understanding of the experience of self-management in type 2 diabetes. Aim: The aim was to describe the experience of self-management among people with type 2 diabetes. Methods: A literature review based on ten scientific articles. All articles were qualitative and found in the databases CINAHL and PubMed. The articles were analyzed and the similarities were highlighted and created new themes. Results: The overall theme representing the result is the experience of an inner struggle. The theme describes how self-management is experienced as a constant struggle between the disease demands and what is valuable in life. The sub-theme, the experience of integrating self-management in daily life, affects the self-management process. The remaining sub-themes describe the barriers to and facilitators of integrating self-management in daily life. Discussions: The authors discuss the difficulty of integrating new habits in life and what influences the process. The discussion includes autonomy, view of the future and the need to gain control. The discussion also relates to Meleis' Transition Theory.

The Swedish preschool-model interlaces care, nurturing and learning and is organised to solve twin functions; providing children a playbased learning-environment and enabling parents to combine parenthood with work. The model was developed within the social sector then incorporated into the educational system 1998. This shift and the model´s “unique characteristics” praised by OECD formed the point of departure for this study. The aim of the thesis is to describe and analyse the discussions and negotiations shaping the Swedish preschool-model during 1968-1998. The research questions address: discursive themes; actors involved; governmental intentions; claims about the preschool´s task, pedagogical content and the preschool´s institutional identity and relationship to the institutions: social service, school and family. The study utilized abductive textual analysis inspired by discourse analysis and narrative approaches. Main text sources are: official reports, bills, steering documents, the preschool teachers´ periodical 1968 -1998 and a media debate. The results illuminate preschool-teachers´ struggle for a pedagogical identity and the construction of the educareconcept as a flexible and pragmatic solution to several societal interests and values. Governmental intentions concerning equality, emancipation and democratization have had great influence on the process in combination with a recurring theme about a revised preschool pedagogy with a strengthened focus on children´s learning. Political efforts to foster a preschool for all in a future are identified and described as one of the main discursive themes. Different standpoints about earlier school start are analyzed.  The overall result is that the framework and core features of the model laid down by the National Commission on Child care still has a great impact on the launched syllabus (Lpfö) in the end of the period as on the curriculum in a broader sense.